LIBRARY 

OF    THE 

Theological    Seminary, 

PRINCETON,     N.    J. 


Case 
Shelf 


BR  165  .M52  1853 
Miall,  James  Goodeve 
Memorials  of  early 


j]ooh-  Christianity 


^^^Vl 


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BOSTON: 
aOULD     AND     LINCOLN 

59    •WASHINGTON    STREET. 

1853. 


stereotyped  by 

HOB  ART    &    R0BBIN8, 

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BOSTON. 


PREFACE. 


The  present  volume  is  an  attempt  to  convey,  in  a 
form  which  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  general 
reader,  the  important  facts  of  early  ecclesiastical 
history,  together  with  such  illustrations  as  modern 
literature  may  supply.  The  author  offers  it  as  a 
humble,  and,  he  fears,  imperfect  effort  to  communi- 
cate valuable  knowledge,  and  to  deepen  the  found- 
ations of  Christian  faith  and  practice.  It  is  his 
unhesitating  belief,  that,  as  Christianity  is  a  system 
of  divine  origin,  it  can  only  be  truly  understood  by 
approaching  its  source.  But  the  history  of  Christ's 
church,  so  far  as  it  has  not  been  recorded  by 
inspired  pens,  is  open  to  all  the  aids  which  learning 
and  criticism  can  furnish,  and  which  on  this  subject 


VIII  PREFACE. 

have  not  been  applied  in  vain.  The  author  rejoices 
to  believe  that  the  forms  in  which  personal  religion 
was  exhibited  by  the  Albigenses,  the  Reformers, 
the  Puritans,  and  the  Nonconformists,  were  sub- 
stantially identical ;  and  that  their  leading  doctrines 
were  coincident  with  those  of  the  early  Christians 
in  their  best  periods.  Nevertheless,  instead  of 
holding  that  modern  ecclesiastical  writings  have 
merely  tended  to  obscure  important  truths,  it  is  his 
conviction  that  German  errors  have  received  no 
more  fatal  blow  than  from  some  of  the  criticism  of 
existing  times ;  especially  from  that  which  is  fur- 
nished by  the  acquisition  of  the  long-lost  work  of 
Hippolytus ;  that  resuscitation  having  dashed  to 
the  ground  the  cherished  hypothesis  of  Strauss  and 
his  followers,  —  that  the  Gospel  of  John  was  writ- 
ten in  the  second  century,  and  was,  therefore,  a 
conjectural  and  imaginative  rather  than  a  real 
history. 

To  maintain  neutrality  between  conflicting  senti 
ments  on  important  points  has  been  no  part  of  the 


PREFACE.  IX 

writer's  object.  But  the  present  work  is  not  in- 
tended to  be  polemical.  If  on  some  minor  questions 
the  author  has  not  been  careful  to  utter  a  formal 
''deliverance,"  he  hopes.it  will  neither  be  regarded 
as  arising  from  indifference  to  truth  or  from  a 
morbid  dread  of  controversy,  but  rather  from  a 
conviction  that  many  questions  otherwise  important 
appear  small  when  we  stand  within  view  of  the 
''common  salvation."  Entertaining  a  deep  con- 
viction that  Romanism  is  a  traitorous  exponent  of 
the  principles  and  doctrines  of  the  Cross  of  Christ, 
and  that  Tractarianism  holds  to  Popery  the  precise 
relation  which  the  third  century  did  to  the  sixth, — 
that  is,  that  the  former  is  the  bud  of  which  the 
latter  is  the  blossom, —  the  author  has  not  hesitated 
to  avail  himself  of  all  the  illustrations  of  this  topic 
which  lay  in  his  way,  and  which,  indeed,  the  pages 
of  ecclesiastical  history  furnish  in  superabundance. 

He  begs  to  express  Ms  thanks  to  his  Excellency 
the  Chevalier  Bunsen,  who  permitted  him,  with 
graceful  courtesy,  to  transfer  the  engraving  which 


X  PREFACE. 

appears  in  page  258,  and  whose  valuable  work  on 
''Hippolytus  and  his  Times"  entitles  him  to  the 
thanks  of  the  Christian  public,  though  they  may 
occasionally  dissent  from  his  opinions. 

In  conclusion,  the  author  commends  his  volume 
to  the  indulgence  of  his  readers  and  to  the  blessing 
of  God. 

Bradford,  April  18^/i,  1853. 


D  0  It  t  ^  It  t  s . 


INTRODUCTION. 

PAGE 

Jerusalem  and  the  Pentecost 15 


CHAPTER    I. 
Damascus  and  Paul 43 

CHAPTER    II. 
Rome  and  its  Early  Christianity 79 

CHAPTER    III. 

Jerusalem — Its  Christian  Church  and  the  Destruction  op 

the  City 106 

CHAPTER    IV. 
Ephesus  and  John 128 

CHAPTER    V. 
Corinth  and  the  Corinthian  Christians 144 


XII  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    VI. 

PAGE 

Antioch  and  laNATius 152 

CHAPTER    VII. 
Justin  (Maktyr)  and  his  Times 172 

CHAPTER    VIII. 
Smyrna  and  Poltcarp 198 

. CHAPTER    IX. 
Lyons  and  Iren^us 212 

CHAPTER    X. 
Carthage  and  Tertullian 229 

CHAPTER    XI. 
Hippolytus  and  the  Early  Roman  Church 258 

CHAPTER    XII. 
Alexandria  :   Clemens  and  Origen .      278 

CHAPTER    XIII. 
Carthage  and  Cyprian •.   .   .   .      297 

CHAPTER    XIV.      . 
Cappadocia  and  Gregory  Thaumaturqus 342 


fist   0f  |Ut)!stati0ns. 


PAGS 
THE  MAETYRDOM  OP  IGNATIUS Frontispiece. 

ILLUSTRATED   TITLE-PAGE 3 

JERUSALEM — GENERAL  VIEW , 15 

ST.    STEPHEN'S   GATE,    JERUSALEM 38 

DAMASCUS 43 

ATHENS 67 

THE  FORUM  AT  ROME •  79 

COIN  OF   NERO 104 

ARCH   OF  TITUS 128 

EPHESUS 128 

CORINTH 144 

ANTIOCH 152 

FLAVIAN   AMPHITHEATRE,    OR  COLISEUM 168 

CATACOMBS 193 

SMYRNA 198 

LYONS 212 

COIN   OF  MARCUS   AURELIUS 220 

CARTHAGE 229 

COIN  OF   SEVERUS       257 

STATUE    OF   HIPPOLYTUS     258 

ALEXANDRIA 278 

COIN   OF   DIANA • 283 

ALEXANDRIA 295 

TYRE 356 

CONSTANTINE   THE    GREAT 363 

2 


^^1 


^^^^ 


^r%-<^S^pj 


JERUSALEM — ( 


fEBAL    VIEW. 


INTRODUCTION. 


JERUSALEM    AND    THE    PENTECOST. 

The  artist's  pencil  has  often  sketched,  and  the  author's  pen 
more  frequently  described,  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  so  wonder- 
fully associated  with  memories  of  the  past  and  hopes  of  the 
future.  Long  before  its  walls  had  actually  arisen,  the  foretold 
glories  of  that  metropolis  directed  the  faith  of  wandering  pa- 
triarchs, assuring  them  of  a  home,  into  which,  though  they 
might  not  live  to  witness  it,  their  posterity  should  be  ultimately 
gathered.  In  subsequent  times,  the  achievements  of  empire, 
the  inspirations  of  genius,  the  instructions  of  a  religion  super- 
naturally  made  known,  and  the  visible  emblems  of  a  manifested 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

Deity,  shone  around  a  spot  hereafter  to  be  rendered  memorable 
by  a  world-wide  history.  Previously  to  the  advent  of  Christ 
the  name  of  Jerusalem  had  become  interlaced  with  the  move- 
ments of  all  the  greater  empires.  Babylon  had  desolated  it ; 
Persia  had  restored  it ;  Alexander  the  Great  had  received  its 
submission  and  done  homage  to  the  sanctity  of  its  religion ; 
Egypt,  its  early  enemy,  had  become  its  ruler ;  Antiochus  had 
robbed  it,  insulted  it,  and  deluged  its  streets  with  blood ; 
Pompey  had  thrown  down  its  walls ;  Crassus  had  removed  the 
treasures  which  his  predecessor  had  respected;  and  it  had  at 
length  fallen,  a  tributary  to  the  Roman  empire,  into  the  hands 
of  Herod,  who  filled  it  with  the  blood  of  his  subjects  and  of  * 
his  own  family.  After  his  death,  the  Jews  became  still  more 
abjectly  the  slaves  of  the  Roman  government,  till  at  length 
Tiberius,  then  emperor,  appointed  Pontius  Pilate  the  governor 
of  Judea ;  —  Antipas,  at  the  same  time,  holding  the  tributary 
kingship  of  Galilee  and  Persea,  under  the  will  of  his  father 
Herod. 

The  geographical  situation  of  Jerusalem  corresponds  with  its 
singular  history.  At  the  time  of  which  we  write,  it  was  still 
the  centre  of  the  known  world,  though  Rome  was  rapidly  ex- 
,tending  its  dominions  on  the  European  side.  The  position 
accorded  with  the  historical  character  of  a  metropolis  the  reli- 
gion of  which  had  been  so  long  the  former  and  civilizer  of 
nations.  Its  situation  was  adapted  to  its  eminence ;  surrounded 
on  three  sides  by  deep  natural  fosses,  as  if  nature  had  dug  them 
out  from  the  surrounding  eminences,  and  thrown  the  debris  up 
into  the  hills  which  formed  an  exterior  bulwark,  the  city  pre- 
sented in  times  of  early  warfare  a  picture  of  security,  and  an 
emblem  of  the  protection  promised  by  God  to  his  faithful  fol- 
lowers. "  As  the  mountains  are  round  about  Jerusalem,  so  is 
the  Lord  round  about  his  people."  Natural  outlines  are  the 
truest  memorials  of  antiquity ;  and  Jerusalem  preserved  these 
amidst  the  terrible  desolations  of  its  varied,  history.  But  the 
traveller,  whose   enthusiastic   expectations   have   been   excited 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS   EMPEROR.  17 

alike  by  the  representations  of  poetry  and  prophecy,  usually 
looks  upon  Jerusalem  with  disappointment ;  and  the  eye  which 
ranges  over  the  flat  roofs  of  the  modern  metropolis,  or  extends 
its  gaze  to  the  stony  and  arid  heights  around,  where  a  few  dull 
olive-trees  scarcely  relieve  the  scene,  remembers  with  a  sigh 
the  "glorious  things  "  which  were  once  spoken  of  this  "  city  of 
God."  Yet  Jerusalem  affords  a  proof,  stronger  even  than  the 
■walls  of  Nineveh,  or  the  calcined  bricks  of  Babylon,  of  the 
indelible  truth  of  scriptural  prophecy,  and  of  the  manner  in 
which  that  prophecy  is  usually  fulfilled ;  not  alv:ays  by  direct 
interventions  of  divine  power,  but  by  permitting  the  sins  of 
men,  unchecked  by  the  energies  of  the  Spirit^  to  work  out  their 
natural  consequences. 

At  the  period  when  the  life  of  the  Lord  Jesus  was  drawing 
to  its  close,  Jerusalem  was  a  much  more  considerable  city  than 
it  now  is.  Its  walls  both  on  the  north  and  south  embraced 
considerable  areas  now  excluded  from  their  protection.  These 
walls  were  triple  except  when  impassable  valleys  rendered  this 
repeated  protection  unnecessary.  Within  their  enclosure  rose 
two  conspicuous  eminences,  the  one  characterized  by  the  palace 
recently  erected  by  Herod  the  Great,  the  other  by  the  Temple, 
refitted  and  almost  rebuilt  by  the  same  monarch.  The  palace 
was  connected  with  three  marble  towers,  one  bearing  the  name 
of  Hippicus,  Herod's  brother  ;  another  that  of  Phasaelus,  his 
friend ;  and  a  third  that  of  Mariamne.  his  beloved  but  cruelly- 
murdered  wife.  Josephus  minutely  describes  the  magnificence 
of  this  royal  edifice,  and  represents  it  as  surrounded  by  groves 
and  artificial  canals ;  not,  perhaps,  rivalling  Versailles,  but 
remarkable  for  the  time  at  which  they  were  laid  out.  On  the 
other  hill,  the  stately  Temple,  so  often  referred  to  in  sacred 
history,  occupied  a  site  levelled  by  Solomon  at  an  enormous  ex- 
pense. It  was  constructed  of  huge  stones,  artificially  prepared; 
its  spacious  cloisters  were  floored  with  the  richest  ornamental 
marbles ;  and  the  sanctuary,  which  stood  in  the  midst  of  the 
pile  of  buildings,  was  so  covered  over  with  gold,  as  that  in  the 
2* 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

light  of  the  rising  sun  it  flashed  with  a  fiery  splendor.  Within 
were  treasures  of  incalculable  value  ;  for  though  it  had  been 
often  despoiled,  the  religion  or  the  superstition  of  its  worshippers 
was  continually  heaping  new  oflFerings  upon  its  shrine.  Nothing 
which  the  Temple  at  this  time  contained  —  for  the  days  of  its 
greatest  eminence  had  passed  forever  —  was  more  remarkable 
than  the  celebrated  golden  vine,  with  branches  (if  Josephus  do 
not  exaggerate  their  size)  as  large  as  a  man.  This  vine  was  said 
continually  to  grow  larger  from  the  presents  made  to  it ;  one 
worshipper  giving  a  branch,  another  a  leaf,  another  a  bunch  of 
grapes,  all  of  the  same  metal.  Closely  adjoining  to  the  Temple 
was  another  work  of  Herod's,  the  tower  of  Antonia,  named  after 
Mark  Antony.  This  was  the  citadel  of  the  Temple ;  it  was 
surrounded  by  four  smaller  towers,  and  it  possessed  all  the  ap- 
paratus of  a  sumptuous  palace.  Besides  these  erections,  these 
two  hills  were  connected  by  a  lofty  bridge  built  across  the  inter- 
vening valley.  The  circuit  of  the  city  was,  according  to  Jose- 
phus, about  four  miles.  It  is  useless  to  conjecture,  from  the 
careless  and  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  Jewish  historian,  who 
wrote  his  statistics  from  memory,  what  might  be,  at  that  time, 
the  number  of  its  inhabitants. 

Turning  from  the  city  itself,  a  passing  glance  may  be  taken 
at  the  character  of  its  inhabitants.  The  changes  to  which  Judea 
had  been  so  long  subject  would  have  obliterated  the  national 
features  of  any  other  people  under  heaven.  But  the  Jewish 
character  was  like-the  Greek  fire,  unquenchable ;  and  though  at 
this  time  it  exhibited  few  specimens  of  that  noble  and  dis- 
tinguished excellence  which  marked  many  periods  of  its  past 
history,  its  general  complexion  was  not  very  dijQferent  from  what, 
a  few  exceptions  apart,  it  had  always  been.  Shrewd,  selfish  and 
impulsive,  forward  to  teach,  and  obstinately  slow  to  learn ;  arro- 
gating God's  favor  to  himself  as  his  moral  birth-right ;  proud  of 
his  ancestry,  because  it  flattered  his  own  egotism  ;  religious, 
because  religion  gave  him  superiority  over  others ;  ignorant 
of  the  true  meaning  of  almost  all  of  which  he  boasted ;  super- 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS   EMPEROR.  19 

cilious,  impatient,  severe ;  alternately  submissive  to  political 
thraldom,  and  rashly  defying  all  consequences  in  the  effort  to 
shake  it  off,  —  the  Jew  of  the  Christian  era  reproduced  the 
character  which  had  marked  the  nation  in  the  times  of  the 
Judges,  of  Moses,  of  Rehoboam,  and  of  the  later  monarchs. 
Nor  was  it  wonderful  that  they  who  believed  themselves  to  have 
received  "the  prophetical  office  for  all  mankind "=^  should  have 
always  expected  a  special  intervention  for  their  rescue,  what- 
ever the  calamities  which  might  befall  them,  or  whatever  the  sins 
which  might  have  provoked  the  divine  displeasure.  They  had 
accordingly  neither  eyes  to  see  nor  ears  to  hear  the  signals  of 
their  coming  ruin.  Prophets  had  remonstrated.  The  Baptist 
had  denounced.  Jesus,  authenticated  as  the  Messiah  by  proph- 
ecy, miracles  and  morals,  had  taught  the  purification  of  the 
heart  which  alone  could  have  enabled  them  to  see  Grod.  In 
vain !  The  Jew  admired  the  miracle  only  because  it  fed  his 
political  hopes.  But  his  inmost  heart  shrunk  from  the  truth 
which  the  miracle  attested,  and  they  who  had  at  first  hung  upon 
the  words  of  Jesus  with  eagerness  saw  him  perish  at  last 
without  an  effort  for  his  rescue. 

As  the  immediate  intercourse  between  God  and  the  Jews  had 
ceased,  the  Jewish  church  became  divided  into  sects.  The  lead- 
ing bodies  were  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees.  These  bodies 
severally  represented  the  classes  of  opinion  to  which  the  cor- 
rupted church  is  ever  prone,  its  superstition  and  its  rationalism ; 
both  extremes  equidistant  from  a  humble  and  purified  heart. 
The  one  sought  righteousness  in  the  naked  moralities  of  an  ex- 
ternal religion,  the  other  in  the  husks  of  a  piety  from  which  the 
kernel  was  gone ;  neither  in  a  heart  brought  near  to  God  by 
penitence  and  reflection  of  His  moral  image.  Of  these  sects, 
the  Pharisees  were  the  most  learned,  numerous,  and  popular. 
Their  name,  "the  separated,"  distinguished  them  from  "the 
people  of  the  earth,"  as  all  others  were  contemptuously  desig- 

*  Philo. 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

nated.  They  were  the  instructors  of  the  people.  They  held 
the  doctrine  of  predestination  without  denying  man's  liberty. 
They  regarded  the  dogmas  transmitted  to  them  from  their  fath- 
ers with  the  utmost  reverence ;  and  taught  that  only  through 
those  ancient  traditions  could  the  law  be  comprehended  aright, 
though  those  traditions  ^  compromised  its  dignity  and  neutral- 
ized its  moralities.  Yet  amidst  their  errors  some  truth  re- 
mained. They  believed  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  in  the 
future  rewards  of  the  righteous,  and  in  the  everlasting  misery 
of  the  impenitent.t  Some  have  imagined  that  the  Pharisaic 
opinion  on  the  resurrection  was  an  approach  to  the  Pythagorean 
doctrine  of  metempsychosis.  But  this  allegation  does  not  appear 
to  be  supported  by  sufficient  evidence.  Origen  expressly  declares 
that  they  held  the  true  doctrine.l  Josephus  speaks  also  of  the 
purity  of  their  lives.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  speak- 
ing of  the  Pharisees  he  was  speaking  of  the  sect  to  which  he 
himself  belonged ;  and,  without  adverting  to  the  disputed  text 
in  the  eighth  chapter  of  John,  the  general  tone  of  the  Scrip- 
ture narrative  warrants  a  very  different  conclusion.  There 
were  probably  among  the  Pharisees  men  who,  like  Saul,  were 
conscientious  though  mistaken;  and  many  more  who  gratified 
pride,  covetousness,  and  the  fiercer  passions,  by  means  of  the 
superiority  accorded  to  them  by  the  veneration  of  the  people. 
From  this  body  the  modern  Jews  have  descended. 

The  Sadducees  professed  to  adhere  to  the  venerable  Judaism 
of  their  fkthers,  free  from  all  post-Babylonish  glosses.  Assert- 
ing the  superiority  of  the  five  books  of  Moses,  they  treated 
with  comparative  disregard  the  other  sacred  writings.  They 
maintained  the  freedom  of  the  will,  and  boldly  denied  the  doc- 

*  These  absurdities  were  afterwards  collected,  and  now  constitute  the 
Talmuds,  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  dating  from  A.  d.  300  ;  the  Babylonish 
Talmud,  from  the  sixth  century.  The  term  "  Talmud  "  comprehends  the 
Mishna,  the  text  ;   and  the  Gemara,  the  commentary. 

t  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  xviii.  c.  1.     Hippolyti  H^res  :  §  28. 

X  Origen  on  Matt.  14  :  1,  2. 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  21 

trine  of  predestination.  They  rejected  also  the  belief  of  the 
soul's  immortality,  declaring  that  angels  (whom  the  Pharisees 
almost  worshipped)  were  to  be  regarded  as  a  mere  figure  ^  (the 
Straussian  doctrine  would  use  the  Greek  word  "  myth "),  and 
not  as  corresponding  with  any  existing  realities.  Accordingly, 
they  measured  God's  favor  to  individuals  with  the  amount  of 
temporal  advantages  they  might  happen  to  possess.  But  they 
had  little  bond  of  union  among  themselves,  and  could  scarcely  . 
be  said  to  constitute  a  distinct  body;  whilst  the  habits  of  sneer-  4 
ing  sarcasm  in  which,  according  to  the  wont  of  sceptics,  they 
were  accustomed  to  indulge,  rendered  them  notorious  for  the 
harsh  judgments  they  formed  of  those  who  differed  from  their 
own  dogmas.  So  negative  a  creed  as  Sadduceeism  could  not 
produce  much  effect  on  the  popular  mind,  and  the  system  was, 
accordingly,  mainly  con^ned  to  men  of  wealth  addicted  to  human 
pleasures. 

Though  these  two  sects  were  the  leading  ones  into  which  the 
Jews  were  divided,  it  is  right  that  we  should  make  mention 
of  another,  which,  though  little  regarded  at  the  time  of  our  Lord, 
had,  in  the  subsequent  periods  of  the  church,  no  small  influence 
over  the  temper  of  early  Christianity.  These  were  the  Essaeans, 
or  Essenes,  more  rigorous  in  their  discipline  than  even  the  Phar- 
isees themselves,  and  holding  doctrines  in  part  resembling  the 
Platonists,  and  in  part  approximating  to  the  mysticism  of  the 
Orientals.  They  dwelt  in  communities  distant  from  human 
habitations,  principally  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea ; 
most  of  them  abjured  marriage  ;  they  united,  like  the  monks  of 
a  later  age,  labor  with  devotion ;  they  permitted  no  slavery ; 
held  a  communism  of  goods ;  refused  oaths ;  avoided  all  con- 
tact with  the  uncircumcised,  and  would  partake  of  no  food 
unless  prepared  by  members  of  their  own  sect.  Against  the 
Pharisees,  they  maintained  the  doctrine  of  an  absolute  decree  ; 
against   the  Sadducees,  they  asserted  that  of  a  future  state. 

*  rQO'rTO?.oYovnsror.     See  Origen  on  Matt.  14  :   1,  2. 


22  INTRODUCTION. 

Their  great  virtues  won  for  them  general  respect^  though  they 
had  no  social  sympathies.  A  sect  not  altogether  unlike  them, 
commemorated  by  Philo  under  the  name  of  Therapeutae,  are 
related  to  have  lived  at  a  later  period  near  Alexandria,  beyond 
the  Lake  Maria  (Marseotis),  of  whom  the  following  account  is 
given :  "But  laying  down  temperance  first  as  a  kind  of  founda- 
tion in  their  minds,  upon  this  they  build  the  other  virtues.  For 
none  of  them  is  to  bring  food  or  drink  before  the  setting  of  the 
sun,  since  they  judge  that  philosophical  exercises  should  be 
prosecuted  in  the  light,  but  the  necessities  of  the  body  in  the 
dark ;  whence  they  assign  the  one  to  the  day  and  the  other  to  a 
small  portion  of  the  night.  But  some  of  them  do  not  remem- 
ber their  food  for  three  days  when  influenced  by  an  uncommon 
desire  of  knowledge.  .  .  .  While  one  sings  gracefully  with  a 
certain  measure,  the  others,  listening  in  silence,  join  in  singing 
the  final  clauses  of  the  h3rmns ;  also  on  the  above-mentioned 
days  [the  vigils  of  the  great  festivals]  they  lie  on  straw  spread 
on  the  ground,  and  abstain  altogether  from  wine,  and  taste  no 
flesh."  ^ 

It  was  in  this  city  of  Jerusalem,  as  it  existed  twenty-nine 
years  after  the  birth  of  Christ,  that  the  history  of  the  Christian 
church  began.  The  Pentecost,  one  of  the  three  great  annual 
festivals  of  the  Jewish  nation,  had  summoned  the  male  adults, 
Jews  and  proselytes,  to  the  sacred  metropolis.  The  picture 
presented  by  Jerusalem  at  such  a  season  must  have  been  alto- 
gether unique.  The  flat-roofed  buildings  of  the  modern  city 
probably  present  a  sufficiently  accurate  notion  of  the  general 
style  of  erection  then  common  ;  and  the  encircling  hills  are,  save 
in  the  present  absence  of  relieving  vegetation,  what  they  have 
ever  been.  But  the  spoiler's  hand  had  not  then  swept  from 
Jerusalem  all  its  magnificent  public  buildings,  and  the  Jew  was 
not  then,  as  now.  an  alien  and  an  outcast  in  his  own  city.  In 
that  metropolis  might  then  be  seen  the  Pharisee,  his  mortar- 

♦Busebius,  c.  xviii.     (Bagster.) 


A    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  23 

shaped  hat  pressed  deeply  on  his  brow,  so  as  to  confine  his  view 
to  the  ground  at  his  feet;  his  phylacteries  bound  on  his  left  arm 
or  on  his  forehead,  his  fringes  conspicuous  on  his  garments,  his 
sharp  spikes  dangling  at  his  side,  scarcely  lifting  his  feet  from 
his  path,  as,  apparently  absorbed  in  meditation,  he  passed  slowly 
along  ;  watching  with  jealous  care  lest  he  should  receive  defile- 
ment from  some  accidental  source  ;  or  performing  his  devotions 
in  a  public  spot,  as  tenaciously  as  a  modern  Mahometan,  but 
with  infinitely  more  of  spiritual  vain-glory.  Occasionally  the 
aversion  which  agitated  the  mass  around  would  indicate  the 
presence  of  some  collector  of  the  imperial  tribute  (usually  a 
Roman,  though  the  inferior  posts  were  not  seldom  held  by 
Jews),  whose  very  presence  was  suggestive  of  hateful  national 
subjection.  The  hum  of  many  difi"ering  languages  in  the  crowded 
streets  would  correspond  with  the  various  nations  of  those  who 
came  "  to  worship  at  the  feast,"  and  indicate  the  Hellenist,  the 
Greek,  the  Persian,  the  Mesopotamian,  the  Asian,  the  Egyptian, 
the  Roman,  the  Cretan,  the  Arabian,  or  even  the  Ethiopian. 
Camels  bearing  on  their  backs  the  piled  luggage  of  newly- 
arrived  travellers,  or  the  horses  of  the  desert  less  heavily  but 
more  gracefully  caparisoned,  would  dispute  the  passage  or  block 
up  the  crowded  avenues  ;  the  lowing  of  beasts  brought  together 
for  sacrifice  would  in  many  quarters  be  loudly  heard  ;  the  mer- 
chants of  various  kinds  who  found  employment  in  the  Temple 
service  would  be  hurrying  about  in  quest  of  gain.  The  polished 
arms  of  the  Roman  soldier,  or  the  emblematic  device  which 
formed  his  standard,  the  graceful  robe  of  the  imperial  citizen, 
or  the  homely  pallium  of  the  philosopher,  would  occasionally 
diversify  the  scene.  The  Temple  itself,  its  porticoes  and  clois- 
ters crowded  with  visitors,  for  whom  a  large  and  sacred  hospi- 
tality was  everywhere  demanded,  would  present  continually  to 
the  eye  the  white  turban  and  the  embroidered  and  girdled  vests 
of  the  priests  officiating  in  the  order  of  their  course,  attended 
by  the  Nethinim,  who  carried  the  implements  required  in  the 
public  service.     Such  was  the  picture  often  presented  by  Jeru- 


24  INTRODtJCTION. 

salem  at  the  Pentecost ;  a  period  when  the  unusual  concourse  of 
Jews  in  that  city  prompted  them  on  more  than  one  occasion  to 
attempt  the  removal  of  their  hated  yoke ;  an  endeavor  which 
usually  ended  in  deluges  of  blood. 

Seven  weeks  before  this  time,  a  somewhat  similar  festival,  the 
feast  of  the  Passover,  had  witnessed  the  death  of  Jesus  of 
Nazareth.  That  subject  was  too  recent  and  too  important  not 
greatly  to  occupy  the  Jews  at  this  Pentecost.  The  student  of 
our  Lord's  life  and  death  is  already  familiar  with  the  facts  of 
that  remarkable  period.  It  is  unnecessary  that  we  should  here 
narrate  them.  Full  of  faith  and  joy,  arising  from  confidence  in 
their  divine  religion,  so  remarkably  confirmed  by  the  facts  of 
the  resurrection,  the  disciples  of  Jesus  had  remained  together 
during  the  ten  days  which  elapsed  between  the  ascension  and 
the  day  of  Pentecost,  sometimes  occupying  an  upper  room,  in 
which  their  Christian  business  was  conducted,  and  in  which 
probably  Matthias  was  chosen  (temporarily,  as  it  proved,  till  the 
conversion  of  Paul)  in  the  place  of  Judas,  and  sometimes  in 
the  Temple,  where  their  devotions,  both  personal  and  social, 
were  usually  performed. 

The  Pentecost  had  come.  As  if  the  disciples  had  a  presenti- 
ment that  this  might  be  the  day  on  which  the  promised  Spirit 
should  be  given,  they  all,  under  an  instinctive  impulse,  kept 
together  in  one  place.^  As  the  Passover  commemorated  the 
presentation  of  the  first  fruits  of  harvest  (according  to  the 
beautiful  formula  contained  in  Deut.  xxvi.)  and  as  it  was  also 
a  memorial  of  the  giving  of  the  law  from  the  Mount,  it  was 
natural  that  at  this  season  they  should  expect  the  promise  of  the 
Paraclete  to  be  realized ;  itself  the  pledge  of  a  gospel  gather- 
ing, and  the  communication  of  a  higher  law  to  the  church. 
They  had  probably  united  already  in  the  Temple  devotions  of 
the  first  hour  of  prayer,  and  had  afterwards  gone  into  one  of 

*  o^o-9iiiadov,  Acts  2:1. 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMi^EKOR.  25 

the  many  cluimbers  in  its  vicinity .=^  They  were  praying.  As 
they  prayed,  a  profound  feeling  of  solemnity  and  devotion  filled 
every  mind ;  each  one  among  them  felt  that  he  stood  not  far 
from  the  kingdom  of  God.  Suddenly,  a  peculiar  supernatural 
sound,  swelling  into  a  blast,  resembling  a  rushing  powerful  wind, 
like  to  that  which  in  the  beginning  moved  upon  the  face  of  the 
waters,  filled  the  place,  and  recalled  to  their  minds  the  significant 
action  by  which  Jesus  had  prepared  them  for  this  visitation, 
when,  breathing  on  them,  he  said,  "  Receive  ye  the  Holy 
Ghost!"  At  the  same  time,  a  lambent  flame,  presenting  the 
appearance  of  many  tongues  united,  hovered  over  the  head  of 
each  disciple,  perhaps  in  allusion  to  the  tradition  of  the  Jews, 
that  their  Rabbis  were  surrounded  by  fire  as  they  delivered 
their  doctrines  to  the  people ;  or,  with  a  reference  to  the  heathen 
notion,  that  a  flame  above  the  head  was  the  emblem  of  divine 
influence.  The  disciples  were  at  the  same  time  conscious  of  a 
distinct  but  inexplicable  operation,  which  deepened  their  devo- 
tion, strengthened  their  confidence,  increased  their  zeal,  and 
filled  them  with  unutterable  love  for  their  risen  Master  and  his 
cause.  When  the  first  awful  feeling  of  astonishment  had  sub- 
sided, and  the  disciples  attempted  to  express  their  emotions  to 
each  other,  they  found,  to  their  own  astonishment,  that  they 
were  uttering  their  sentiments  in  language  till  then  perfectly 
unfamiliar.  They  spoke  with  other  tongues.  The  great  promise 
of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  fulfilled.  The  Spirit  was 
upon  them  now ! 

The  excitement  caused  by  the  apostles'  consciousness  of  the 
new  miracle  infected  those  around,  and  a  large  crowd  of  Jews 
and  proselytes  soon  gathered  about  the  spot.  To  the  astonish- 
ment of  every  by-stander,  to  whom  the  previous  ignorance  of 

*  A  private  house  may  have  possibly  beeu  the  scene.  But  in  that  case  it 
is  difficult  to  account  for  the  rapid  transmission  of  the  news  of  the  subse- 
C[uent  miracle,  unless,  as  some  do,  we  suppose  an  earthquake  to  have 
awakened  general  attention.  Of  that,  however,  nothing  is  said.  It  is 
evident  that  a  large  concourse  could  not  have  been  far  distant. 
3 


26  INTRODUCTION. 

these  noted  Galileans  must  have  been  perfectly  familiar,  many 
heard  the  apostles  speak  their  own  native  languages  with  per- 
fect ease.  To  them  the  phenomenon  was  most  extraordinary. 
But  others,  who  had  not  recognized  their  own  tongue,  and  who 
were  astonished  at  the  Babel  of  differing  sounds,  pronounced  the 
babbling  to  be  merely  the  effect  of  intoxication.  At  this  crisis 
Peter  stood  up  in  the  midst  of  the  large  and  excited  multitude, 
led  by  a  divine  impulse,  to  give  explanation  of  the  fact,  and  to 
announce  the  advent  of  the  new  gospel  kingdom.  Beseeching 
his  hearers  not  to  impute  drunkenness  to  the  disciples,  especially 
at  that  unusual  hour,  he  proceeded  to  explain  that  the  wonder 
they  had  witnessed  was  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  already 
promised  by  the  prophet  Joel,  and  that  the  day  of  the  salvation 
of  the  world  was  come.  He  briefly  recited  the  main  features  of 
the  life  of  Jesus,  and  the  fact  of  his  crucifixion  by  the  Jews  at 
the  last  feast,  and  then  announced,  to  their  astonishment,  that 
this  Jesus,  whose  religion  was  erroneously  supposed  to  have 
been  erased  by  his  bloody  death,  was  indeed  risen  from  the 
dead,  and  that  every  disciple  there  assembled  was  prepared,  by 
many  differing  but  distinct  proofs,  to  bear  witness  to  the  fact. 
The  effect  was  sudden  —  electric.  The  announcement,  tallying 
with  so  many  coincidences  of  moral  and  actual  probability,  was 
deepened  by  the  earnest  and  unfaltering  tones  of  confidence  and 
truth  in  which  the  speaker  addressed  them,  and  being  applied  to 
the  judgment  and  conscience  by  the  agency  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
was  resistless.  The  hearers  believed  the  fact  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, inferred  hence  the  dignity  of  Jesus  as  the  Messiah,  and,  by 
a  rapid  process  of  thought  and  conviction,  saw  their  own  guilt 
in  refusing  his  claims  and  outraging  his  person,  and  the  preva- 
lent cry  was,  "  What  must  we  do  ?  "  —  How  shall  we  escape  the 
consequences  of  sins  of  such  atrocity  ? 

In  reply,  Peter  preached  to  them  the  gospel  of  his  new  mis- 
sion ;  exhorted  them  to  repent  of  their  sins,  and  to  receive  by 
faith  the  atonement  of  the  glorified  Jesus,  submitting  to  baptism 
in  his  name ;  assuring  them  that  thus  their  transgression  would 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  27 

be  forgiven,  and  tlie  Holy  Spirit  would  descend  on  tkem,  on 
their  posterity,  and  on  the  heathen  world  at  large.  The  crisis 
was  one  in  which,  as  in  all  times  of  great  reformation,  effects 
are  produced  suddenly  —  almost  instantaneously.  Before  so 
vehement  an  onslaught  of  truth  applied  to  the  mind  by  the 
Spirit  of  Grod,  prejudices  and  habits  of  sin  at  once  gave  way ; 
the  mind  was  unguarded ;  the  spiritual  siege  was  won.  By 
addresses,  repeated  thus  at  intervals,  and  seconded,  as  they 
probably  were,  by  appeals  from  the  other  disciples,  the  hearers 
believed ;  and  the  close  of  that  day  witnessed  the  astonishing 
result  of  three  thousand  new  converts  baptized  and  pledged  to 
the  party  of  the  crucified  Nazarene. 

Such  were  the  occurrences  which  led  to  the  first  formation  of 
the  Christian  church,  consisting  as  it  now  did  (including  the 
disciples  of  our  Lord's  personal  ministry)  of  about  three  thou- 
sand five  hundred  persons.  The  religion  recognized  by  these 
members  of  the  new  society  was  at  once  simple  and  comprehen- 
sive. That  men's  ignorance  of  God  and  rejection  of  his  claims 
placed  them  in  a  position  of  guilt  and  ruin ;  that  the  renewal  of 
the  heart  was  therefore  indispensable  to  the  possession  of  his 
kingdom  ;  that  Jesus,  the  true  Messiah,  had  voluntarily  died  to 
effect  an  atonement ;  that  faith  in  him  was  the  acceptance  of 
that  atonement,  and  the  beginning  of  a  new  life,  to  be  developed 
by  the  influence  of  his  regenerating  Spirit ;  these  were  the 
prominent  doctrines  exhibited,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  on  that 
day  of  the  Pentecost,  and  these  the  substantial  elements  of  the 
future  Christianity.  Regarding  themselves  still  as  Jews,  to 
whom  had  been  revealed  the  true  spirit  of  the  system  already 
taught  by  Moses  and  the  prophets,  the  earliest  believers  did  not 
separate  themselves  from  the  forms  of  the  Temple  service.  Yet 
they  constituted  an  interior  community,  in  which  no  member, 
lost  his  individuality,  whilst  all  hung  upon  the  apostles  as  their 
spiritual  leaders,  and  awaited  with  earnestness  the  teachings  of 
the  Spirit  through  their  lips.  They  cultivated  the  frankest 
friendship  with  each  other  ;  unbosoming  each  to  each  the  secret 


28  INTRODUCTION. 

processes  of  their  inward  and  spiritual  life ;  they  mingled  to- 
gether perpetually  in  social  intercourse,  eating  together,  acting 
together,  praying  together,  and  thus  they  constituted  a  brother- 
hood not  so  much  swayed  by  exterior  and  specific  laws  as  by 
a  life-giving  and  sympathetic  holiness.  The  uprightness  and 
charity  of  their  lives  won  for  them  the  respect  of  all  observers, 
prepossessing  their  minds  in  favor  of  the  new  religion.  As  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  church  was  formed  kept  strangers 
in  the  city,  and  as  those  who  united  themselves  to  th«  Christian 
society  sacrificed,  by  their  profession  of  so  hateful  a  faith,  their 
name,  their  connections,  and  their  worldly  prospects,  a  liberal 
hospitality  was  peculiarly  needed.  The  early  church  was  accord- 
ingly distinguished  by  a  large  generosity,  which  was  in  fact  only 
the  imperfect  reflection  of  the  love  of  that  Master  who  had  given 
himself  for  them.  It  is  not  necessary  that  we  should  suppose 
any  law  to  exist  requiring  community  of  goods.  Peter's  remon- 
strance with  Ananias  and  Sapphira  proves  the  contrary.  This 
is  corroborated  also  by  the  emphatic  relation  of  the  donation  of 
Barnabas,  and  the  mention,  in  Acts  12  :  12,  of  a  house  belonging 
to  "  Mary  the  mother  of  Mark."  But  in  the  code  of  Christian 
morality  the  generous  is  always  identical  with  the  true,  and  self 
sacrifice  and  beneficence  were  the  most  distinguished  features  of 
their  ]\faster.  The  wealthy  voluntarily  shared  their  possessions 
with  the  poor,  and  the  amount  of  need  was  the  measure  of 
benevolence.  Such  is  Christianity  as  represented  by  the  author 
of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus,  the  writer  being  in  all  probability 
one  of  the  apostolical  age : 

"  For  Christians  are  neither  in  country,  nor  language,  nor 
manners,  distinguished  from  other  men.  For  they  neither  in- 
habit cities  of  their  own,  nor  use  any  peculiar  dialect,  nor  lead 
a  distinctive  life.  Nor  was  their  discipline  devised  for  them  by 
any  inventiveness  or  forethought  of  intermeddling  men,  nor  are 
they  guided,  like  some  others,  by  human  dogmas.  But,  being 
inhabitants  of  cities,  whether  Greek  or  barbarian,  as  the  lot  of 
each  may  be,  and  following  the  customs  of  the  inhabitants,  both 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  29 

in  dress  and  food  and  modes  of  life,  they  exhibit  a  strange  and 
confessedly  singular  bearing  in  their  polity.  For  they  inhabit 
their  own  father-lands,  yet  as  strangers  in  them.  They  have  all 
things  in  common  as  citizens,  yet  they  suffer  all  things  as 
strangers.  Every  foreign  land  is  their  country,  and  every 
country  a  foreign  land.  They  marry,  like  all  others ;  they 
beget  children  ;  but  they  do  not  destroy  them  when  begotten. 
They  have  a  common  table,  but  not  a  common  (bed).  They  are 
in  the  flesh,  but  they  do  not  live  after  the  flesh.  They  live  upon 
earth,  but  their  citizenship  is  in  heaven.  They  obey  the  laws, 
and  by  their  lives  exceed  all  laws.  They  love  all  and  are 
followed  by  all.  They  are  not  understood,  and  yet  are  con- 
demned. They  are  killed,  and  yet  made  alive ;  they  are  poor, 
yet  make  many  rich ;  they  are  in  need  of  all  things,  yet  they 
abound  in  all  things."^  The  risen  Saviour  had  breathed  into 
his  disciples  the  quickening  powers  of  a  divine  life,  and  con- 
verted persons,  flocking  to  them  day  by  day,  continually  increased 
the  numbers  of  their  community. 

Since  the  time  at  which  our  Lord  first  commissioned  his  dis- 
ciples to  preach  his  coming  kingdom,  his  messengers  had  been 
invested  with  miraculous  powers.  But,  as  this  spiritual  energy 
had  always  been  in  proportion  to  the  faith  of  the  performer,  it 
is  not  wonderful  that  the  early  attempts  of  the  disciples,  when 
as  yet  their  faith  was  weak,  had  been  frequently  imperfect,  and 
sometimes  utter  failures.  By  the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  however, 
they  became  thoroughly  accomplished  in  all  the  thaumaturgy 
which  their  new  position  demanded.  Gifts-  of  healing,  of  preach- 
ing, of  speaking  foreign  languages,  of  insight  into  gospel  mys- 

*Ad  Diognetum  Epistola.  This  elegant  letter  is  found  in  most  editions 
of  Justin  (Martyr).  It  is,  however,  among  the  works  attributed  to  him  on 
insufficient  authority.  In  the  same  class  are  the  "  Oration  to  the  Greeks," 
the  "Exhortation"  to  the  same  people,  and  the  treatise  on  "  Monarchy." 
Hefele  places  the  fragment  among  the  writings  of  the  apostolical  fathers.  It 
has  been  conjectured,  however,  that  the  last  part,  section  10,  does  not  belong 
rightfully  to  the  other  portions  of  the  epistle. 

3^ 


30  INTRODUCTION. 

teries,  of  government  of  the  churcli,  of.  revelation  of  truth 
hitherto  unknown,  were  distributed  amongst  the  disciples  in 
differing  measures  and  varying  combinations ;  qualifying  them 
thus  to  proclaim,  defend,  and  cherish  the  truth,  and  also  to 
afford  mutual  comfort  and  sustenance  to  each  other.  Nor  were 
these  powers  confined  to  our  Lord's  original  disciples,  for  at  the 
time  of  the  descent  of  the  Spirit  special  gifts  descended  also 
upon  the  new  converts,  making  them,  though  each  in  his  own 
measure,  equal  in  privilege  with  the  mass  of  those  to  whom  they 
had  become  united.  Still  a  special  distinction  was  conferred  on 
the  twelve,  and,  after  the  first  constitution  of  the  church,  the 
charismata  were  conveyed  by  the  apostles  to  the  believing 
brethren.  Adopting  the  formula  of  consecrating  to  particular 
offices  by  the  laying  on  of  hands,  which  marked  the  designation 
of  ancient  kings  and  priests,  the  converts  were  installed  thus 
"  kings  and  priests  to  God,"  and  simultaneously  with  this  act 
the  Holy  Spirit's  special  gifts  were  conveyed. 

The  church  thus  formed  manifested  its  divine  origin  by  a 
miracle  performed  on  its  behalf,  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  at  the 
"  Beautiful  gate  "  of  the  Temple,  where  a  man  born  lame  was 
restored  to  perfect  strength  by  the  agency  of  Peter  and  John. 
On  this  occasion  Peter  addressed  the  assembled  and  wondering 
people  in  language  not  very  dissimilar  from  that  he  had  hitherto 
employed  with  the  greatest  effect.  About  fifteen  hundred  con- 
verts appear  to  have  been  united  to  the  church  in  consequence 
of  this  miracle  and  address. 

Up  to  this  time  the  Jewish  rulers  had,  since  the  crucifixion  of 
Christ,  maintained  a  strict  and  guarded  silence.  Conscious  of 
the  weakness  of  their  statement  that  the  disciples  had  stolen  the 
body  of  Jesus,  and  that  it  was  an  argument  which  could  not 
fail  to  rebound  on  themselves,  since  they  had  neither  instituted 
an  examination  into  this  alleged  occurrence,  nor  taken  measures 
for  punishing  such  reprehensible  negligence  as  that  of  soldiers 
sleeping  at  their  post,  they  were  obviously  unwilling  to  submit 
the  question  to  public  scrutiny,  and  they  probably  hoped  that 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS   EMPEROR.  ^  31 

time  and  patience  would  subdue  the  effervescence  of  this  new 
religion.  But,  when  they  witnessed  the  excitement  which  fol- 
lowed this  miracle,^  they  were  thrown  off  their  guard,  and, 
enraged  at  what  had  taken,  place,  they  determined  to  crush  this 
popular  enthusiasm.  Accordingly,  they  apprehended  the  apos- 
tles, and  brought  them  next  morning  before  the  Sanhedrim. 

This  body,  the  supreme  council  of  the  Jews,  to  whom  was 
specially  intrusted  the  care  of  the  Jewish  religion,  was  com- 
posed of  the  most  distinguished  among  the  priests  (including 
usually  the  High  Priest),  the  most  eminent  men  for  wisdom 
among  the  people  (called  in  scripture  Elders),  and  the  doctors 
of  the  law  (or  Scribes),  and  of  this  council  the  High  Priest  was 
ordinarily  president.  They  sat  usually  in  one  of  the  chambers 
of  the  Temple,  though  in  cases  of  emergency  they  occupied  the 
house  of  the  High  Priest;  and  could  pronounce  sentences,  though 
the  Roman  government  alone  could  execute  the  severer  ones. 
It  was  by  this  council  our  Lord  had  been  tried  in  the  morning 
of  the  day  on  which  he  died ;  and  the  same  assembly  which  had 
delivered  him  over  into  the  hands  of  Pilate  as  an  adjudged 
blasphemer  was  now  assembled,  probably  on  the  first  great  occa- 
sion since  that  sentence,  to  pronounce  on  the  guilt  of  those  who 
preached  religion  in  his  name. 

Brought  thus  before  the  semi-circular  tribunal  of  the  Sanhe- 
drim, and  placed  in  the  midst  of  what  every  Jew  would  regard 
as  a  formidable  array  of  wisdom,  authority  and  power,  these 
two  fishermen  of  Galilee,  Peter  and  John,  were  interrogated 
respecting  the  recent  miracle.  The  design  of  their  judges  was 
to  entrap  them  into  the  confession  that  they  had  employed  some 

*  The  Jewish  representations  of  these  transactions  are  sufficiently  un- 
scrupulous. Jesus  is  accused  in  the  Talmud  of  persuading  men  to  idolatry 
clandestinely  ;  he  is  declared  to  have  suffered  death  at  Leid,  and  not  at 
Jerusalem  ;  it  is  declared  that  witnesses  in  his  favor  were  invited,  but  that 
none  appeared,  and,  moreover,  that  he  was  executed  first  by  stoning,  then  by 
hanging  —  the  usual  death  of  blasphemers.  See  Lardner's  works,  vol.  iii. 
p.  557.     Ed.  1815, 


32  '  INTRODUCTION. 

name  which  might  fix  on  them  the  charge  of  using  magical 
incantations,  —  an  accusation  heretofore  levelled  against  their 
Master  himself;  or,  failing  in  that,  to  intimidate  them  from  the 
prosecution  of  their  errand.  To  their  surprise  and  consterna- 
tion, when  the  question  was  asked,  *'  By  what  name  or  by 
what  power  have  ye  done  this?"  Peter  replied,  with  an 
undaunted  bravery,  which  was  the  first-fruit  of  the  Spirit  of 
God ;  asserting  the  resurrection  from  the  dead  of  Him  whom 
this  council  had  crucified,  and  declaring  His  to  be  the  potent 
name,  and  His  the  all-subduing  authority,  by  which  the  miracle 
had  been  performed  ;  not  failing  to  assert,  at  the  same  time,  the 
doctrine  of  salvation  through,  and  only  through,  His  name. 

The  boldness  of  Peter  and  John  astonished  the  Sanhedrim, 
who,  looking  more  narrowly  at  them,  recognized  them  as  having 
been  disciples  of  Jesus.  They  quailed  internally  at  the  discov- 
ery ;  especially  as  they  were  thus  placed  in  the  dilemma  of 
being  obliged,  on  the  one  hand,  to  admit  the  divine  power  of 
this  so-called  Pretender,  or  to  admit,  on  the  other,  that  a  noto- 
rious impostor  had  performed  a  single  miracle.  Entangled  thus, 
they  retired  for  consultation  ;  and,  after  some  parley  with  each 
other,^  they  resolved  to  liberate  the  apostles,  with  threats  of 
violence  if  they  persisted  in  their  course.  But  the  threat  was 
powerless.  Peter  and  John  (though  the  former  had  before 
denied  his  Master  in  the  palace  of  the  presiding  High  Priest) 
avowed,  to  the  consternation  of  the  Sanhedrim,  their  intention 
to  pursue  the  course  they  had  begun.  They  were  dismissed. 
When  they  reached  the  assembled  disciples,  the  whole  company, 
joining  in  prayer,  mutually  fortified  themselves  against  the 
storm  which  was  evidently  soon  about  to  rise. 

*  If  it  be  a  question,  how  Luke  could  record  the  secret  conference  of 
the  Sanhedrim  as  a  positive  fact,  it  may  be  observed  that  it  was  very  pos- 
sible for  the  information  to  be  communicated  to  him,  by  Paul,  who  was 
afterwards  the  companion  of  his  journeys,  and  who,  as  at  this  time  in 
the  confidence  of  the  Sanhedrim,  may  be  supposed  to*  have  known  what 
took  place  in  their  councils. 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  ,         33 

The  progress  of  Christ's  kingdom  is  never  uniform.  The 
present  excitement  in  favor  of  the  new  religion  was  liable  to 
self-deception,  and  to  false  profession.  These  natural  conse- 
quences were  speedily  apparent.  Two  of  the  company  of  the 
disciples  (disciples  in  name,  not  in  truth),  having  professed  to 
relinquish  their  property  to  the  common  fund  of  the  church, 
though  they  had  been  compelled  to  no  such  relinquishment,  were 
ascertained  to  have  kept  back  a  portion  of  it  for  their  own  use. 
The  crime  was  in  their  falsehood,  and  in  their  hypocritically 
gi'atifying  by  untruth  a  despicable  love  of  undeserved  applause. 
They  were  miraculously  struck  dead;  their  doom  affording  an 
illustration  of  the  supernatural  discernment  of  the  leading 
apostles,  and  a  solemn  and  fearful  warning  to  those  who  would 
promote  their  own  selfish  purposes  imder  the  guise  of  the  most 
upright  of  all  religions. 

The  church  continued  daily  to  increase,  though  the  recent 
fearful  occurrence  warned  off  the  worldly  and  unholy.  The 
miraculous  powers  of  the  apostles  became  every  day  more  noto- 
rious. Believers  multiplied.  The  fame  of  the  new  religion 
spread  into  the  surrounding  towns ;  and  it  was  deemed  a  point 
of  solicitude  to  come  even  within  the  shadow  of  Peter  —  the 
leading  apostle  of  the  new  religion.  Meantime  the  elements 
of  opposition  ta  this  new  gospel  were  darkly  and  sullenly  accu- 
mulating. The  world  was  gathering  materials  wherewith  to 
make  war  upon  the  church. 

The  first  open  persecution  arose  from  the  Sadducees.  The 
bold  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  made  by  the 
apostles  had  in  it  that  which,  notwithstanding  much  that  was 
offensive,  did  not  wholly  displease  the  party  of  the  Pharisees, 
and  the  hostility  of  that  sect  became,  in  consequence,  somewhat 
reduced.  But  the  Sadducees,  always  stern  in  their  denunciation 
of  crimes  supposed  to  be  against  the  law,  became  proportionally 
irritated,  and  by  their  influence  the  apostles  were  again  impris- 
oned. On  this  occasion  they  were  set  free  by  a  miraculous 
interposition,    to  the  no  small  astonishment  and  confusion  of 


34  INTRODUCTION. 

those  who  began  to  discover  that  fetters  would  not  hold  them. 
Yet,  as  the  apostles,  though  free,  did  not  remove  from  Jeru- 
salem, they  were  soon  again  apprehended,  and  brought  before 
the  Sanhedrim  ;  who,  after  reminding  the  apostles  of  their  diso- 
bedience to  their  former  injunction,  expressed  themselves  as 
being  doubly  annoyed,  because  the  tendency  of  the  disciples' 
movement  was  to  instigate  a  popular  feeling  against  them  as  the 
crucifiers  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  death  of  Peter  and  John 
would  in  all  probability  have  followed,  but  for  the  interposition 
of  Gramaliel,  a  doctor  of  the  Sanhedrim,  a  strict  Pharisee,  and 
the  instructor  of  the  distinguished  Paul,  who,  with  a  worldly 
wisdom  probably  learned  in  the  Gentile  schools  of  philosophy, 
counselled  the  Sadducees  to  abstain  from  this  rash  design ;  since, 
if  this  new  religion  were  divine,  they  would  be  guilty  of  the 
greatest  criminality  in  opposing  it,  and,  if  false,  would  by  perse- 
cution only  add  notoriety  to  a  system  which  would  otherwise  fall 
by  its  own  weight.  His  prudent  counsels  prevailed  ;  and,  after 
being  scourged,  the  apostles  were  dismissed  with  a  new  repri- 
mand ;  only  to  renew  their  beloved  work  with  greater  energy 
and  success. 

The  Christian  church  now  began  to  assume  the  form  of  an 
organized  community:  not,  however,  that  human  organization 
was  at  any  early  time  a  very  distinguished  feature  of  its  pOwer; 
for,  though  it  presented  to  the  world  an  individualized  form  of 
administration,  its  greatest  energy  was  derived  from  the  living 
spirituality  which  distinguished  its  members,  and  from  the  Spirit 
of  the  Master  which  lived,  breathed,  and  acted  in  them.  That 
there  were  apostolic  directions  and  injunctions  cannot  be  denied  ; 
that  there  was  gradually  evolved  before  the  new  members  of  the 
common  faith  a  model  of  church  polity,  in  every  respect  adapted 
to  the  conditions  of  the  human  mind,  and  calculated  in  the  best 
manner  to  exemplify  the  loving  power  beaming  forth  from  the 
cross,  is  distinctly  evident.  But  this  platform  was  exhibited 
rather  by  acts  than  by  commands ;  the  gospel  sought  to  attract 
rather  than  to  denounce ;  and  its  force  was  in  the  loving  ten- 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  35 

derness  wliicli  breatlied  throughout  it.  The  principle  on  which 
the  church  was  constituted  was  the  confession  of  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah  of  God,  and  as  the  Saviour  of  the  world ;  a  confession 
involving  the  acknowledgment  of  his  supreme  and  sole  authority 
as  King  of  his  church,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  the  obe- 
dience of  the  heart,  and  therefore  of  the  life,  to  his  commands. 
Of  the  recognition  of  these  truths  baptism  became  the  symbol. 
The  church  continued  to  meet  in  the  Temple  ;  private  assemblies, 
which  were  perhaps  not  few,  being  subsidiary  to  this  greater 
gathering.  The  apostles  necessarily  possessed  a  large  directive 
and  administrative  power,  as  representing  the  Divine  Head  from 
whom  their  powers  were  derived,  and  who  taught  his  church 
through  their  agency.  Everywhere  was  loving  combination  ; 
everywhere,  a  prevalent  spirit  of  prayer ;  everywhere,  an  un- 
quenchable zeal  to  spread  the  doctrines  of  a  religion  so  new  and 
momentous.  As  no  voluntary  community  can  in  a  sinful  world 
be  certainly  secured  by  any  human  safeguard  against  the  intru- 
sion of  the  unauthorized  and  profane,  so  neither  was  this  prim- 
itive society  certainly  free  from  some  admixture :  but  such 
persons  formed  an  almost  unappreciable  minority.  A  distinctive 
feature  of  the  church  in  Jerusalem  was  a  family  community  at 
meals,  which  took  the  form  of  feasts  of  love,  usually  terminated 
by  a  religious  celebration,  —  the  observance  of  the  rite  insti- 
tuted by  the  Lord  after  the  last  passover  feast.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished of  those  present  took  the  lead  in  the  thanksgivings 
and  ministrations  accompanying  this  service,  and  such  men 
gradually  grew  into  a  company  of  Elders  —  according  to  the 
term  well  known  among  the  Jews  to  designate  men  of  superior 
wisdom  and  piety.  The  language  of  Luke'^^  api^ropriately  de- 
scribes their  exercises.  "They  were  adhering  steadfastly  to 
the  instruction  of  the  apostles,  and  to  breaking  of  bread  and 
prayers."t     They  needed  no  elaborate  apparatus  to  give  dig- 

*  Acts  2  :  42. 

fin  the  celebrated  letter  from  Pliny  to  Trajan  (infra  p.  146),  (one  of  the 
few  documents  besides  the  New  Testament  which  throws  light  on  the  prac- 


86  INTRODUCTIO:^. 

nity  to  their  profession.  "  Tlic  kingdom  of  God"  was  "  within" 
them. 

But,  as  the  number  of  the  believers  increased,  a  difficulty 
arose  respecting  the  distribution  of  the  common  fund  of  the 
church  among  the  poorer  members.  It  is  probable  that  this 
office  had  been  hitherto  intrusted  to  the  Hebrew  Jews;  the 
complaint  now  was,  that  it  was  distributed  with  some  partiality, 
and  that  the  Hellenistic  widows  had  been  neglected  in  the  divi- 
sion of  the  alms.  The  evil  called  for  a  remedy.  The  desire 
was,  probably,  that  the  apostles  themselves,  in  whose  integrity 
great  confidence  was  reposed,  should  undertake  the  duty.  This, 
however,  they  positively  refused  to  do  ;  but  they  exhorted  the 
church  to  choose  from  among  themselves  certain  men  to  whom^ 
the  distribution  might  be  assigned,  and  whose  character  and 
wisdom  should  render  them  competent  to  undertake  the  office  of 
supplying  the  necessitous.  Pleased  with  this  arrangement,  seven 
men  were  selected,  some  of  whom  were  probably  Jews,  some 
Greeks,^  and  one  a  proselyte  of  Antioch.  It  is  likely  that  all 
these  men  were  evangelists  t  and  baptizers,  and  they  constituted 
the  first  deacons.%  Thus,  in  the  simplest  yet  most  effective 
manner,  provision  was  made  for  the  working  of  the  church,  and 

tice  of  the  primitive  believers),  that  governor  asserts  that  the  Christians 
"  bound  themselves  by  an  oath  (sacramento  se  obstringebant)  not  to  com- 
mit any  wickedness."  Does  this  sacrament  refer  to  the  Lord's  Supper  1  In 
all  probability,  it  does  not.  Such  an  appellation  of  the  institution  was  not 
yet  invented.  Mosheim  believes  it  rather  to  refer  to  the  prayers  by  which 
the  Jews  bound  themselves  to  holiness,  and  that  it  also  alludes  to  the 
exhortations  of  their  teachers  not  to  violate  that  profession.  The  same 
letter  bears  witness  to  their  singing  hymns  to  Christ,  as  God,  by  turns,  that 
is  antiphonally  (invicem),  and  to  their  worshipping  on  a  stated  day,  which 
was  doubtless  the  first  day  of  the  week.  —  See  Mosheim  de  Rebus  ante 
Constant,  p.  146  et  seq. 

*  The  names  were  all  Hellenistic,  but  no  certain  inference  can  be  derived 
fi'om  this  circumstance. 

t  Acts  21  :  8. 

4:  Cyprian  (Letter  lxiv.)  speaks  of  these  men  as'"  deacons,  chosen  by 
the  apostles  as  servants  of  the  bishops  and  the  church." 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEltOR.  37 

the  extension  of  the  truth.  So  great  was  the  success  of  the 
gospel  at  this  time,  that  even  a  great  number  of  the  Jewish 
priests  avowed  the  doctrines  of  the  Nazarene. 

Among  the  seven  men  recently  set  apart  to  the  diaconal  work, 
Stej^hen  was  peculiarly  distinguished.  Being  a  Hellenist  (that 
is,  one  of  Hebrew  origin,  though  his  language  was  Greek), 
he  preached  frequently  in  the  Hellenistic  synagogues,  till  he 
drew  on  himself  the  enmity  of  the  class  to  which  he  belonged, 
who  preferred  against  him  the  accusation  that  he  blasphemed 
God  and  his  servant  Moses.  Doubtless,  like  Paul  at  an  after 
period,  he  preached  Christ  with  much  less  reference  to  the  cere- 
monials of  the  ancient  law  than  even  some  of  the  apostles 
themselves,  whose  views  were  limited  by  their  Jewish  preju- 
dices ;  and  the  charge  probably  arose  from  Stephen's  protest 
against  cramping,  by  appeals  to  Moses,  the  form  and  develop- 
ment of  the  infant  gospel.  Brought  before  the  Sanhedrim, 
Stephen  nobly  defended  his  position  and  the  truth  itself  In  an 
epitome  of  the  whole  Jewish  history,  he  showed  that  the  Jews 
had,  in  every  age,  set  themselves  in  array  against  God's  truth  ; 
and,  as  though  he  had  already  a  presentiment  of  his  approaching 
death,  he  was  mainly  desirous  to  lift  up  a  testimony  which 
should  ring  in  the  ears  of  the  rulers  when  he  should  be  no 
more.  Accordingly^  he  addressed  their  consciences  in  such 
tones  of  energy  and  power,  as  to  render  them  perfectly  infuri- 
ated ;  their  madness  being  in  no  respect  disarmed  by  the  seraphic 
serenity  which  sat  upon  the  countenance  of  the  speaker.  At 
the  conclusion  of  his  address,  which  bristled  with  points  of  truth- 
loving  pungency,  he,  looking  upwards  to  heaven,  declared  aloud, 
in  the  hearing,  be  it  remembered,  of  the  very  council  which  had 
condemned  Jesus  to  death,  "  I  see  the  heavens  opened,  and 
Jesus  standing  at  the  right  hand  of  God."  Exasperated  by  this 
to  the  utmost,  the  rulers  stopped  their  ears,  that  they  might  not. 
listen  to  him  more,  and  rushed  upon  him  by  a  common  impulse ; 
then,  without  a  formal  sentence,  and  outstripping  the  powers 
assigned  to  them  by  the  Roman  law,  they  dragged  him  throilgh 
4 


38 


liNTKODUCTION. 


the  gate  of  the  city,  and  stoned  him  at  once  ;  the  men  who 
called  themselves  his  judges  being  his  actual  executioners. 

During  this  terrific  scene,  the  sufferer  exhibited  the  meekness 
and  majesty  of  his  divine  religion  in  his  unrepining  submission 
to  his  sentence ;  whilst,  like  his  Lord,  he  employed  his  last 
breath  in  praying  for  his  murderers.  Such  was  the  earliest 
instance  of  what  the  church  afterwards  learned  to  call  "  the 
baptism  of  blood,"  These  first-fruits  of  death  were  afterwards 
to  be  succeeded  by  large  harvests  of  suffering. 

The  traveller,  who  in  the  present  day  visits  the  city  of  Jeru- 
salem, may  yet  see  the  gate  through  which  "a  credible  tradition 
tells  him  that  this  first  martyr  was  led  forth  to  die.  The  scene 
is  immediately  adjacent  to  the  area  of  the  Temple  (now  the 


ST.    STEPHEN'S   GATE,    JERUSALEM. 

Mosque  of  Omar),  and  a  pathway  leads  from  the  place  to  the 
garden  of  Gethsemane  :  so  that  the  blood  of  Stephen  was  shed 
not  very  far  from  the  spot  where  his  Master  had  poured  forth 
his  own  in  the  hour  of  his  agony. 

The  death  of  Stephen  was  followed  by  a  hot  persecution  of 
the  believers  in  Jerusalem,  who  were  everywhere  seized  with 
violence.     Among  those  specially  notorious  as  their  pursuers 


A    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROR.  39 

was  Saul,  a  Hellenistic  JeAV  and  a  disciple  of  Gamaliel.  His 
unspotted  character  and  distinguished  talents  appear  to  have 
already  gained  for  him  some  popularity  with  his  party.  This 
young  man,  who  had  witnessed,  and  even  taken  part  in,  the 
death  of  Stephen,  attacked  the  followers  of  Christ  with  a  mad 
fury  perhaps  exceeding  that  of  any  of  his  associates.  The 
body  of  believers,  acting  upon  the  instructions  of  their  leaders, 
avoided  the  storm  by  escape  from  Jerusalem.  Only  the  apostles 
remained  in  seclusion  and  secrecy.  This  dispersion  was  of  the 
utmost  value  to  Christianity,  for  the  scattered  believers  carried 
with  them  precious  seeds  of  truth,  which  they  began  to  scatter 
in  other  lands.  Samaria  at  this  time  received  the  truth  from 
Philip,  a  fellow-deacon  of  the  martyr  Stephen. 

The  position  of  the  Samaritans  was  favorable  to  Christianity 
on  account  of  their  very  distance  from  the  Jewish  truth.  As 
the  surgeon  finds  it  easier  to  reduce  an  entire  fracture  than  to 
cure  an  ill-set  limb,  so  the  prejudice  of  those  who  held  the 
truth  in  external  formalism  was  a  greater  barrier  to  advance 
than  the  unbelief  of  those  who  scarcely  knew  the  meaning  of 
the  word.  Scorned  and  detested  by  the  Jews,  because  their 
religion  was  an  ill-assorted  and  ungodly  union  of  Judaism  with 
idolatry,  —  rejecters  of  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  setting  up 
a  temple  and  worship  for  themselves,  in  opposition  to  the  di- 
vinely-instituted apparatus  at  Jerusalem  (now  destroyed),  —  the 
Samaritans  were  happily  destitute  of  that  overweening  self- 
esteem  which  despised  all  teachmg,  and  would  admit  no  innova- 
tion. As  they  were  already  believers  in  the  resurrection,  and 
had  not  been  pampered  by  the  false  expectations  of  a  temporal 
Messiah,  the  doctrines  of  Christ  were  welcome  truths.  We  are 
not  informed  of  the  precise  city  in  which  Philip  preached  ; 
probably  in  Sychar,  where  the  ministry  of  Christ  himself  had 
been  formerly  so  successful,  and  where  the  doctrines,  which  his 
death  had  perfected,  aided  by  the  accompaniment  of  miracles, 
won  many  hearts.      The  outcast  Samaritans   heard  with   the 


40  INTRODUCTION. 

utmost  joy  the  voice  which  assured  them  of  reconciliation  with 
their  Father  in  heaven. 

Among  those  who  listened  to  Philip  was  one  whose  name  and 
opinions  afterwards  exercised  the  most  disastrous  influence  on 
the  early  church.  This  was  Simon,  a  magician,  as  he  professed 
himself,  but  one  of  no  commonplace  kind.  Those  who  conceive 
of  him  as  some  itinerant  mountebank  do  great  injustice  to  his 
importance.  He  was  born,  we  are  told  by  Epiphanius,  in  Gittas, 
a  Samaritan  village.  He  taught  a  system  of  religion  which 
combined  the  philosophies  of  the  Pythagorean,  Platonic,  and 
Jewish  schools,  with  some  horrible  dogmas  of  his  own  invention. 
The  following  account  of  him,  from  a  new  source,  possesses  much 
interest : 

"This  Simon,  being  an  experienced  magician,  and  having 
deluded  many  persons  after  the  fashion  of  Phrasymedes,  having 
been  a  worker  of  evil  by  means  of  demons,  attempted  to  make 
himself  a  god,  being  a  juggler  full  of  folly,  whom  the  apostles 
put  to  shame  in  the  Acts.  One,  not  much  wiser  or  more  rea- 
sonable than  himself,  was  Apsethiis,  the  Libyan,  who,  panting  for 
distinction,  endeavored  in  Libya  to  be  called  a  god  ;  respecting 
whom  it  seems  appropriate  to  relate  a  story,  not  dissimilar  from 
this  desire  of  Simon,  the  foolish,  being  in  truth  one  worthy  of 
his  undertaking.  This  Apsethus  desired  to  be  a  god,  and  as, 
though  very  inventive,  he  altogether  failed  of  his  object,  he 
wished  to  be  at  least  thought  one ;  and  supposed  that  in  a  longer 
time  he  should  become  really  divine.  The  foolish  Libyans  sacri- 
ficed to  him,  believing  him  to  be  certified  by  a  divine  voice 
from  heaven.  For  he  having  gathered  into  a  cage  a  great  num- 
ber of  parrots  (for  there  are  many  parrots  in  Libya,  and  they 
distinctly  mimic  the  human  voice),  shut  them  up,  and,  after  some 
industry,  taught  the  parrots  to  say,  'Apsethus  is  a  god.'  And 
when  the  birds  had  practised  this  for  a  long  time,  and  had 
learned  to  say  what  he  thought  necessary  to  be  said  that  Apse- 
thus might  be  regarded  as  a  god,  then,  opening  the  cage,  he  set 
the  parrots  at  liberty :  and  after  the  birds  had  flown  away,  a 


A.    D.    31-33,    TIBERIUS    EMPEROE.  41 

voice  was  heard  over  all  Libj^a,  and  the  news  came  even  to  the 
land  of  Greece.  And  thus  the  Libyans,  being  amazed  at  this 
utterance  of  the  birds,  ignorantly  accomplished  the  villany  of 
Apsethus,  holding  Apsethus  to  be  a  god.  But  a  certain  Greek, 
subtily  perceiving  the  trick  of  the  so-called  god,  by  means  of 
these  parrots,  not  only  disgraced  him,  but  reduced  to  nothing 
this  vagabond  and  vulgar  man.  For  the  Greek,  having  shut  up 
many  of  the  parrots,  taught  them  anew  to  say,  '  Apsethus  hav- 
ing shut  us  up  compelled  us  to  say  Apsethus  is  a  god  ;'  and  the 
Libyans,  hearing  this  recantation  of  the  parrots,  came  in  a  body 
and  burnt  Apsethus  alive." 

The  writer  proceeds  to  make  a  comparison  between  Simon 
and  this  Apsethus,  relating  that  Simon's  doctrine  was  founded 
on  Moses'  declaration  that  God  was  "a  consuming  fire."  Simon, 
following  Heraclitus,  declared  that  fire  was  the  original  principle 
of  all  things ;  availing  himself  of  this  dogma  to  represent  him- 
self as  the  Great  Power,  or  Mind ;  whilst  his  companion,  a  courte- 
san of  Tyre,  of  whom  we  shall  speak  hereafter,  assumed  the 
dignity  of  the  Great  Thought.  We  shall  have  further  occasion 
to  refer  to  this  man  and  his  doctrines.  At  this  time,  however, 
arrested  by  the  gospel,  which  Philip  was  preaching,  he  avowed 
himself  a  believer,  and  received  baptism  as  a  convert  to  the 
faith  of  Christ.^ 

The  news  of  the  conversion  of  the  Samaritans  brought  the 
two  leading  apostles,  Peter  and  John,  from  Jerusalem,  to  visit 
the  young  believers.  They  prayed  with  them,  and  laid  their 
hands  on  them,  imparting  thus  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
This  action  aroused  Simon,  whose  wicked  and  corrupt  heart  had 
grown  callous  after  his  first  impressions,  if  they  had  ever  been 
sincere.  He  perceived  of  what  advantage  to  his  interests  would 
be  the  possession  of  such  a  power  of  communicating  the  charis- 
mata as  that  held  by  the  apostles ;  and  regarding  the  exercise 

*  OPirENOYE  ffiIJ020<f>0YMENA,  Oxford,  1851.  We  shall  have 
occasion  afterwards  to  observe  that  this  work  properly  deserves  the  title 

innoJrTOr  npo2  AnJ:^JE  tae  aipeseie. 

4* 


42  INTRODUCTION. 

as  if  it  had  been  bome  incantation,  unknown  to  himself,  but  of 
singular  efficacy,  he  desired  to  purchase  the  secret.  "Thy 
money  perish  with  thee  !  "  was  the  indignant  rebuke  of  the  holy 
Peter,  who  saw,  with  an  eagle  glance,  the  baseness  and  utter 
depravity  of  the  miscreant.  Abashed  and  confounded  at  the 
vehement  language  in  which  the  apostle  denounced  his  sins, 
Simon  appears  for  an  instant  terrified  and  humble ;  he  entreated 
Peter's  prayers,  and  promised  reformation.  But  the  innate  unho- 
liness  of  the  man  triumphed  over  his  temporary  convictions.  In 
the  end  he  proved  himself  to  be  the  vilest  instrument  of  false- 
hood and  unrighteousness. 

The  preaching  of  Philip  was  attended  by  another  demonstra- 
tion of  divine  power,  in  the  case  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch,  whose 
conversion  is  so  graphically  related  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  who,  after  worshipping  as  a  Jew  at  Jerusalem,  returned  to 
his  court  a  baj^tized  Christian,  to  proclaim  the  new  truth  he 
had  received  to  those  distant  inhabitants.  Philip  afterwards 
preached  the  gospel  in  many  cities,  as  far  as  the  Jewish  Cesarea. 


-.^^N 


DAMASCUS. 


CHAPTER   I. 


DAMASCUS     AND     PAUL. 


No  existing  city  of  the  East  can  vie  in  antiquity  or  beauty 
with  Damascus.  Situated  in  the  midst  of  an  extensive  area  of 
cultivated  territory,  where  the  lofty  ridges  of  the  Anti-Libanus 
mountains  melt  away  into  the  level  plain  beneath,  and  sur- 
rounded by  abundant  streams  rising  in  those  mountains  and 
flowing  onwards  to  the  great  lake  of  Bahr-el-Merdj  (the  Lake 
of  the  Meadow)  into  which  they  discharge  their  waters,  —  for 
only  one  river  in  the  district  rolls  a  permanent  stream  into  the 
sea,  —  Damascus  has  long  been  celebrated  for  the  beauty  of  its 
environs,  and  it  well  deserves  the  fame  it  has  received  at  sue- 


44  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

cessive  periods.  To  eyes  accustomed  to  the  sight  of  arid  rocks 
and  shapeless  deserts,  where  relief  from  the  burning  sun  is 
unattainable,  the  contrast  presented  by  a  scene  as  plentifully 
irrigated  as  the  most  favored  spots  in  temperate  zones,  whilst 
the  rich  vegetation  is  promoted  by  the  ardent  heat  of  an  Ori- 
ental climate,  is  scarcely  conceivable  by  Occidentals.  The  Turks 
relate  that  Mahomet,  when  looking  on  the  city  from  the  top 
of  a  hill,  refused  to  advance  within  its  walls,  declaring  that 
there  was  only  one  Paradise  reserved  for  mankind,  and  that  he 
would  not  receive  his  in  this  world.  But  this  story  is  apocry- 
phal, or  rather  a  mere  fable.  Damascus  has  been  designated, 
in  Eastern  phraseology,  "  a  pearl  surrounded  by  emeralds,"  the 
metaphor  having  been  suggested  by  the.  extreme  whiteness  of  its 
walls,  in  contrast  to  the  rich  brightness  of  the  surrounding 
verdure. 

The  following  is  a  description  of  a  recent  traveller : 
"  We  passed  the  small  village  of  Dumar,  crossed  the  Barrada 
(Pharpar  ?)  by  the  Djissr  Dumar,  a  bridge  of  two  arches,  and 
then  took  leave  of  the  valley,  and  passed  through  a  desert 
region  over  sterile  -white  chalk  mountains,  unenlivened  by  a 
green  leaf  or  a  trace  of  vegetation.  After  ascending  the  hills 
for  some  time,  we  descended  to  a  narrow,  winding,  rocky  path, 
dazzled  with  the  glare  of  the  sun,  and  oppressed  by  heat ;  and, 
by  direction  of  our  dragoman,  leaving  my  horse  and  climbing  up 
the  rocks  to  a  small  cupola  supported  on  columns,  the  tomb  of  a 
santon  or  a  sheikh,  one  of  the  most  magnificent  prospects  in  the 
world  suddenly  burst  upon  my  sight.  Like  the  first  view  of 
Constantinople,  it  is  unique,  and  will  bear  comparison  with  no 
other  that  I  have  seen.  Conceive  our  sensations, after  journe}- 
ing  in  this  country  through  thirsty,  dusty  plains,  across  v/hite 
sterile  mountains,  diversified  only  with  ruined  villages  and  col- 
lections of  miserable  mud  huts,  suddenly  to  find  ourselves 
standing  on  a  lofty  ledge  of  rocks,  and  looking  down  from  an 
elevation  of  one  thousand  feet  upon  a  vast  plain,  bordered  in  the 
distance  by  blue  mountains,  and  occupied  by  a  rich,  luxuriant 


A.    D.    36,    TIUERIUS    EMPEROR.  45 

forest,  of  the  walnut,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate,  -the  plum,  the 
apricot,  the  citron,  the  locust,  the  pear  and  the  apple,  forming 
a  waving  grove  more  than  fifty  miles  in  circuit ;  not  such  a 
wood  as  one  sees  in  France,  England  or  Germany,  but  possess- 
ing a  vast  variety  of  tint,  a  peculiar  density  and  luxuriance  of 
foliage,  and  a  wildly  picturesque  form,  from  the  branches  of  the 
loftier  trees  throwing  themselves  up  above  a  rich  underwood  of 
pomegranates,  citron  and  oranges,  with  their  yellow,  green  and 
brown  leaves ;  and  then  conceive  our  sensations,  to  see  grandly 
rising  in  the  distance,  above  this  vast  superficies  of  luxuriant 
foliage,  the  swelling  leaden  domes,  the  gilded  crescents  and  the 
marble  minarets  of  Damascus,  while,  in  the  centre  of  all, 
winding  towards  the  city,  ran  the  main  stream  of  the  river 
Barrada."  ^ 

This  celebrated  city  has  a  hoary  antiquity,  before  which  local- 
ities otherwise  venerable  become  modernized.  It  was  founded, 
according  to  Josephus,  by  Uz,  the  son  of  Amram,  and  the  grand- 
son of  Shem.t  That  it  existed  as  a  city  in  the  days  of  Abra- 
ham is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  steward  of  that  patriarch 
derived  his  patronymic  from  it.  It  was  subsequently  seized 
by  David,  as  an  act  of  retaliation  for  the  war  brought  by  its 
monarch  on  the  Jewish  king,  and  from  that  time  its  name 
frequently  appears  as  the  acknowledged  metropolis  of  Syria. 
Naaman  boasted  of  its  rivers  as  "  better  than  all  the  waters  of 
Israel "  (thus  far  with  truth),  and  the  Abana  and  Pharpar  of 
which  he  spoke  still  irrigate  the  plain,  though  under  changed 
names.  Having  no  natural  defences,  Damascus  has  yielded  to 
the  storms  of  successive  revolutions,  and  though  often  much 
injured  by  their  violence,  has  escaped  the  destruction  provoked 
by  the  resistance  of  more  powerful  cities.  The  Turks  have  pro- 
nounced it  holy,  and  it  has  derived  great  commercial  advantages 
from  being  one  of  the  stations  at  which  pilgrims  rest  on  the  road 

*  Addison's  Damascus  and  Palmyra,  1838. 

f  Gen.  10  :  23  ;  Joseph.  Antiq.  1  §  6.  The  name  by  which  it  is  now 
known  is  believed  by  the  Latin  Christians  t'>  represent  the  latter  name. 


46  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

to  Mecca.  It  is  now  the  most  prosperous  city  in  Syria,  and 
the  traveller  who  visits  it,  not  without  danger  from  the  jealousy 
of  its  inhabitants,  unfailingly  o£Fers  his  tribute  of  admiration  to 
the  beauty  of  its  environs,  and  to  the  plentiful  streams  dis- 
tributed in  innumerable  channels  around  the  city  or  through  its 
streets. 

When  the  early  Christians  were  driven  from  Jerusalem  by 
the  persecution  which  followed  the  death  of  Stephen,  many  of 
them  took  refuge  in  Damascus.  They  naturally  hoped  that  at 
the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  they  should  be 
safe  from  the  hostility  which  assailed  the  new  religion.  In  this 
calculation,  however,  they  were  mistaken.  The  Sanhedrim 
claimed  authority  over  Jews  and  their  synagogues,  even  in 
countries  which  were  remote ;  and  it  is  possible  that  Damascus 
was  at  this  time  subject  to  Roman  power.  The  active  zeal  of 
the  young  Saul,  a  Pharisee,  by  descent  a  Benjamite,  though 
actually  a  native  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,^  led  him  to  project  an 
enterprise  to  Damascus,  under  the  sanction  of  the  High  Priest, 
with  a  view  to  compel  the  return  of  the  fugitives.  Guided  by 
the  impulses  of  an  honest  but  unenlightened  zeal  for  the  pre- 
eminence of  the  religion  of  Moses,  and  little  disposed  to  inquire 
into  the  merits  of  the  system  against  which  all  his  native  prej- 
udices were  arrayed,  Saul  prepared  to  repeat  at  Damascus  the 
outrages  he  had  already  effected  at  Jerusalem.  But  Omnipo- 
tence stood  ready  to  arrest  his  course.  When  near  the  city 
(the  traditional  spot  is  still  shov/n),  surrounded  by  the  men  who 
formed  his  convoy,  a  fiery  flash,  "  above  the  brightness  of  the 
sun,"  struck  him  to  the  ground,  and  a  loud  and  awful  voice 
addressed  him  by  name,  inquiring,  "  Why  persecutest  thou 
me  ?  "     Saul  knew  the  voice  to  be  that  of  the  glorified  Saviour 

*  Tarsus  was  at  this  time  eminent  for  its  schools  of  philosophy,  and  Avas 
esteemed  worthy  of  being  ranked  with  Athens  and  Alexandria.  In  what 
way  Paul  obtained  the  rights  of  a  Roman  citizefi  is  somewhat  uncertain  ; 
for,  though  Tarsus  was  declared  free  by  Augustus,  it  did  not  become  a 
Roman  colony  till  some  time  afterwards. 


A.  D.    30,    CALIGULA    EMPEROK.  47 

himself,  who  commanded  him  to  go  into  the  city,  where  he 
would  receive  further  instructions.  Dazzled  with  the  light, 
which  had  blinded  him,  in  consternation  at  his  position,  his 
conscience  terrified,  and  his  reason  convinced  of  his  folly,  Saul 
arose  from  the  earth  a  trembling  and  altered  man.  Thus  he 
was  led  into  the  city,  where  he  passed  three  days  in  blindness 
and  without  food,  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  alarm  and  anxiety, 
yet  constantly  employed  in  beseeching  the  mercy  of  that  Jesus 
whose  religion  he  had  blasphemed  and  persecuted.  At  length 
Ananias,  a  Christian,  was  directed  to  bring  to  the  penitent  a 
message  of  divine  forgiveness,  to  restore  by  miracle  his  sight, 
and  to  convey  to  him  the  Holy  Ghost  by  imposition  of  hands. 
Paul  was,  at  the  same  time,  appointed  an  apostle,  whose  special 
mission  should  be  to  proclaim  the  gospel  to  the  Gentiles.  '  The 
persecutor  was  no  more  ;  the  change  effected  on  Saul's  mind 
was  a  spiritual  transformation  of  his  whole  habits  of  thought 
and  feeling,  and  it  constituted  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
those  miracles  v»^hich  attest  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion. 
Saul  was  introduced  to  the  Christian  body  at  Damascus,  and 
though  so  sudden  a  conversion  induced  them  at  first  to  distrust 
the  sincerity  of  the  new  disciple,  their  suspicions  were  speedily 
dispelled,  and  Paul  began  forthwith  to  make  known  in  the 
synagogues  the  process  through  which  he  had  passed,  and  to 
preach  the  religion  which  until  now  he  had  attempted  to  uproot. 
"  He  confounded  the  Jews  which  dwelt  at  Damascus,  proving 
that  this  person  "  (this  Jesus)  "  is  the  Christ."  ^ 

The  traditions  of  Damascus  still  preserve  the  alleged  localities 
connected  with  this  memorable  transaction.  St.  Paul's  gate, — 
the  house  of  Ananias,  now  converted  into  a  mosque,  —  the 
house  of  Judas,  where  Paul  rested,  —  are  still  shown.  Such 
stories  were  easy  of  manufacture  in  the  superstitious  days 
which  demanded  them.  There  is  more  probability  that  the 
street  which  bore,  in  the  first  century,  the  name  of  "  Straight," 

*  Acts  9  :  22. 


48  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

occupied  the  same  position  with  that  Btill  leading  to  the  castle, 
a  mile  in  length,  bearing  the  same  designation. 

Immediately  after  this  event,  Saul  left  Damascus  for  Arabia, 
where  he  remained  three  years,^  probably  preaching  the  gos- 
pel in  those  new  districts,  and  preparing  himself,  by  meditation 
and  converse  with  God,  for  his.  future  duties.  The  knowledge 
of  the  gospel,  however,  in  which  he  was  afterwards  so  eminent, 
was  gained  by  this  apostle  not  from  study,  but  from  a  super- 
natural intuition,  miraculously  granted  to  him  for  this  purpose. 
At  the  exj)iration  of  the  interval,  having  taken  the  name  of 
Paul,  he  returned  to  Damascus,  now  under  the  government  of 
Aretas,  King  of  Arabia,  and  began  to  preach  in  the  synagogues 
the  doctrines  of  the  crucified  Messiah.  Aretas  was  the  father 
of  Herod's  (the  tetrarch's)  divorced  wife,  and  was  at  this  time 
at  war  with  his  son-in-law.  It  is  not  impossible  that  some 
representation  made  to  Aretas  that  Paul,  as  judged  of  by  his 
past  character,  was  a  spy  of  Herod's,  prompted  an  effort  to 
apprehend  him.  It  is  more  likely,  however,  that  the  cause  of 
this  hostility  was  connected  with  the  Christian  faith.  Damascus 
was  accordingly  garrisoned  by  Aretas  for  this  purpose,!  but 
Paul  escaped,  being  lowered  in  a  basket  from  a  house  on  the 
wall. 

About  this  time  another  occurrence  took  place  which  stood 
in  an  important  relation  to  Paul's  future  ministry  among  the 
Gentiles.  His  conversion  had  stopped  the  progress  of  the 
Christian  persecution.  Availing  himself  of  this  interval,  Peter 
had  visited  the  various  bodies  of  believers  "  in  all  quarters,"  t 
declaring  to  them  the  gospel  of  God,  and  performing  miracles 
corroborative  of  that  gospel  and  of  his  own  apostleship.  In 
the  course  of  his  progress  he  had  visited  at  Joppa  (Jaffa)  a 
disciple  named  Simon.  Whilst  there,  he  had  received  a  mi- 
raculous vision,  remarkably  coinciding  with  an  invitation  sent 
to   him  by  Cornelius,    a   Roman    centurion   then   residing   at 

*  Gal.  1  :  17.  t  2  Cor.  11  :  32,  33.  ±  Acts  9  :  32. 


A.  D.    39,    CALIGULA    EMPEROR.  49 

Cesarea,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  convince  him  that  it  was 
the  divine  intention  to  admit  Gentiles,  equally  with  Jews,  to 
the  privileges  of  the  new  gospel.  Opposed  as  the  course  was 
to  all  the  prejudices  of  his  earnest  Jewish  mind,  Peter  had  been 
thus  led  to  visit  Cornelius,  and  to  declare  truths  entirely  at 
variance  with  his  previous  prepossessions.  When  he  returned 
to  Jerusalem  his  conduct  excited  considerable  surprise  among 
the  apostles.  But  his  declaration  of  the  divine  authority  under 
which  he  had  acted  silenced  all  doubts,  and  compelled  them  to 
admit  that  the  distinction  between  Jew  and  Gentile  was  de- 
signed to  be  no  longer  recognized. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  Paul,  after  an  absence  of 
some  years,  returned  to  Jerusalem,  not  as  he  left  it,  a  proud 
and  boasting  Pharisee,  but  a  converted,  earnest,  indomitable 
apostle.  His  present  object  was  to  see  Peter,  personally  the 
most  distinguished  among  the  disciples  of  the  Lord.  At  Jeru- 
salem, as  at  Damascus,  the  first  feeling  of  the  brethren  was  one 
of  suspicion  as  to  the  genuineness  of  his  conversion,  and  a 
natural  fear  lest  these  new  professions  of  Christianity  might 
only  prove  the  introduction  to  further  outrages.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  the  news  of  a  transformation  so  remarkable  should 
not  have  preceded  Paul's  arrival.  But  the  communications 
with  Damascus  were  at  this  time  suspended,  and  it  is  probable 
that  fear  upon  the  part  of  believers,  and  mortification  on  that 
of  the  Pharisees,  would  cause  a  cautious  suppression,  for  the 
present,  of  the  fact.  Barnabas,  however,  who,  like  Paul,  was  a 
Hellenist,  and  who  is  said  to  have  been  associated  with  him  in 
receiving  the  instructions  of  Gamaliel,  brought  him  to  the 
apostles,  —  that  is,  to  Peter  and  John,  for  Paul  saw  no  others,^ 
—  and  related  to  them  his  remarkable  history.  Paul  remained 
at  this  time  fifteen  days  in  Jerusalem,  principally  employed  in 
addressing  and  arguing  with  the  Hellenistic  Jews  in  their  syna- 
gogues.    Irritated   by  his  opposition   to  the   bondage  of  the 

*  Gal.  1  :  19. 


50  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

Jewish  ceremonial  law,  this  party  formed  a  conspiracy  to  take 
away  his  life.  A  special  revelation  warned  Paul  ^  to  depart 
from  Jerusalem,  and  announced  to  him  that  the  Grentiles  were 
the  objects  of  his  future  mission.  In  obedience  to  this  divine 
message,  Paul  left  the  metropolis,  passing  by  land  through 
Judea  and  Syria,  and  making  himself  known  to  the  churches  in 
the  way  as  a  converted  persecutor,  till  he  reached  his  native 
city,  Tarsus. 

The  storm  of  opposition  to  Christian  truth  was  now  lulled  for 
a  season ;  the  hatred  of  the  Jews  to  the  new  religion  being,  for 
the  time,  forgotten  in  a  new  calamity,  which  threatened  the 
persecutors  themselves.  At  this  period,  Caius,  surnamed  Ca- 
ligula,! was  wearing  the  imperial  purple,  having  succeeded  his 
uncle,  the  debauched  and  capricious  Tiberius,  whom  he  caused 
to  be  smothered  with  pillows,  after  a  reign  of  twenty -two  years. 
His  reign  had  commenced  with  a  great  affectation  of  wisdom 
and  clemency ;  nor  was  it  any  impeachment  of  either  that  he 
sentenced  Herod  the  tetrarch,  together  with  his  wife  Herodias, 
to  perpetual  banishment.1:  But  the  native  traits  of  Caius' 
character  could  not  be  long  concealed,  and  the  remainder  of  his 
course  was  marked  by  an  insane  and  infuriated  rashness  almost 
incredible.  Murder  was  his  delight ;  and  the  ingenuity  of  his 
mind  was  tasked  to  administer  it  with  new  varieties  of  cruelty 
and  torture.  On  one  occasion,  when  at  the  games  of  the  circus 
all  the  malefactors  had  been  despatched,  the  emperor  ordered 
the  spectators  themselves  to  be  thrown  to  the  wild  beasts,  their 
tongues   being   first   cut   out,  that   no  imprecations   might   be 

.      *  Acts  22  :  17—19. 

t  His  sobriquet  was  derived  from  a  military  jest,  formed  on  the  caligce, 
or  shoes,  of  the  common  soldiers,  which  Caius  wore  when  a  youth. 

X  It  was  a  little  earlier  that  Pilate,  the  weak  and  unprincipled  judge 
who  condemned  our  Lord  to  death,  was  displaced  from  his  procuratorship 
by  Vitellius.  Pilate  hastened  to  Rome  to  appeal  to  Tiberius,  but  found 
that  emperor  dead.  Eusebius  declares  that  he  committed  suicide.  A  well- 
known  tradition  has  connected  the  scene  of  his  death  with  one  of  the  Righi 
Mountains,  in  Switzerland. 


A.  D.  39,    CALIGULA    EMPEROR.  51 

uttered.  Victims  were  tortured  to  death  before  his  eyes,  to 
give  zest  to  his  meals ;  and  his  absurd  and  abominable  wish 
was,  that  the  body  of  his  subjects  had  but  one  head,  that  he 
might  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  decapitating  them  all  at  the  same 

moment.^ 


*  The  temper  and  wisdom  of  Caligula  in  his  dealings  with  the  Jews  may 
be  adequately  estimated  from  the  following  narrative.  It  relates  to  the 
deputation  sent  to  Rome  at  the  time  of  the  tumults  of  Alexandria  : 

"  After  long  and  wearisome  attendance,  the  deputies  were  summoned  to 
a  final  audience.  To  judge  so  grave  a  cause,  as  Philo  complains  with  great 
solemnity,  the  emperor  did  not  appear  in  a  public  court,  encircled  by  the 
wisest  of  his  senators  ;  the  embassy  was  received  in  the  apartments  of  two 
contiguous  villas  in  the  neighborhood  of  Rome,  called  after  Lamia  and 
Maecenas.  The  bailiffs  of  these  villas  were  commanded,  at  the  same  time, 
to  have  all  the  rooms  thrown  open  for  the  emperor's  inspection.  The  Jews 
entered,  made  a  profound  obeisance,  and  saluted  Caligula  as  Augustus  and 
emperor  ;  but  the  sarcastic  smile  on  the  face  of  Caius  gave  them  little  hope 
of  success.  '  You  are,  then,'  said  he,  showing  his  teeth  as  he  spoke, 
*  those  enemies  of  the  gods  who  alone  refuse  to  acknowledge  my  divinity, 
but  worship  a  deity  whose  name  you  dare  not  pronounce  ;  '  and  here,  to 
the  horror  of  the  Jews,  he  uttered  the  awful  name.  The  Greek  deputies 
from  Alexandria,  who  were  present,  thought  themselves  certain  of  their 
triumph,  and  began  to  show  their  exultation  by  insulting  gestures  ;  and 
Isidore,  one  of  the  accusers  of  Flaccus,  came  forward  to  aggravate  the  dis- 
obedience of  the  Jews.  He  accused  them  of  being  the  only  nation  who  had 
refused  to  sacrifice  for  the  emperor.  The  Jews,  with  one  voice,  disclaimed 
the  calumny,  and  asserted  that  they  had  three  times  offered  sacrifice  for  the 
welfare  of  the  emperor,  and  indeed  had  been  the  first  to  do  so  on  his  acces- 
sion. *  Be  it  so,'  rejoined  the  emperor  ;  '  ye  have  sacrificed  for  me,  but 
not  <o  me  !  '  The  Jews  stood  aghast  and  trembling.  On  a  sudden,  Caius 
began  to  run  all  over  the  house,  up-stairs  and  down-stairs,  inspecting  the 
men's  and  the  women's  apartments,  finding  fault  and  giving  orders  ;  while 
the  poor  Jews  followed  him  from  room  to  room,  amidst  the  mockery  of  the 
attendants.  After  he  had  given  his  orders,  the  emperor  suddenly  turned 
round  to  them  :  '  Why  is  it  that  you  do  not  eat  pork  %  '  The  whole  court 
burst  into  peals  of  laughter.  The  Jews  temperately  replied  that  diff"erent 
nations  have  diS'erent  usages  ;  some  persons  would  not  eat  lamb.  '  They 
are  right,'  said  the  emperor  ;  '  it  is  an  insipid  meat.'  After  further  trial 
of  their  patience,  he  demanded,  with  his  usual  abruptness,  on  what  they 
grounded  their  right  of  citizenship.  They  began  a  long  and  grave  legal 
argument  ;  but  they  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  Caius  began  to  run  up 


52  DAMASCUS    AND   PAUL. 

With  the  mad  rashness  which  characterized  all  his  proceed- 
ings, Caligula  commissioned  Petronius,  now  the  Grovernor  of 
Syria  in  place  of  Vitellius,  to  set  up  his  imperial  statue,  gilded 
and  of  colossal  size,  in  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  as  "  the  mani- 
fested Jupiter,"  =^  and  to  put  to  death  all  who  offered  resistance. 
The  consternation  of  the  Jews  was  excessive.  Death  was,  in 
their  eyes,  infinitely  preferable  to  such  a  profanation.  Petro- 
nius remonstrated  with  them ;  pleaded  the  express  commands 
he  had  received ;  invited  and  urged  them  to  obey;  He  could 
not  gain,  however,  a  single  point.  Yet,  wiser  than  his  hair- 
brained  master,  he  shrunk  from  the  massacre  which  could  alone 
accomplish  the  imperial  will,  and  refused  to  deluge  the  country 
with  blood.  In  the  issue,  the  decree  was  suspended.  This 
passage  of  the  emperor's  history  accords  so  precisely  with  the 
interval  of  peace  enjoyed  by  the  early  believers  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  that  this  mad  project,  directed  against  the  Jews,  turned 
their  attention  from  the  followers  of  the  new  religion  to  seek 
their  own  safety. 

We  may  avail  ourselves  of  this  pause  in  the  church's  history 
to  present  to  the  reader  a  rapid  view  of  the  character  of  the 
most  distinguished  apostles. 

The  most  prominent  among  them  at  this  time  was  Simon,  son 
of  Jonas,  or  John,  originally  a  fisherman  on  the  lake  of  Galilee, 
to  whom  Jesus  had  given  the  name  Peter  (Rock),  in  allusion  to 
his  natural  firmness  and  to  the  fundamental  part  he  would  sus- 


and  down  the  great  hall,  and  to  order  that  some  blinds,  of  a  kind  of  trans- 
parent stone,  like  glass,  which  admitted  the  light,  and  excluded  the  air  and 
heat,  should  be  put  up  against  the  windows.  As  he  left  the  room,  he  asked 
the  Jews,  with  a  more  courteous  air,  if  they  had  anything  to  say  to 
him  ;  they  began  again  their  harangue,  in  the  middle  of  which  he  started 
away  into  another  chamber,  to  see  some  old  paintings.  The  Jews,  at 
length,  were  glad  to  retreat,  and  felt  happy  to  escape  with  their  lives. 
Caius  gave  them  their  dismissal  in  these  words  :  '  Well,  after  all,  they  do 
not  seem  so  bad  ;  but  rather  a  poor  foolish  people,  who  cannot  believe  that 
I  am  a  god.'  "  • 

*  Buseb.  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  76. 


A.  D.  39,    CALIGULA    EMPEROR.  53 

tain  in  the  new  economy.  The  man  corresponded  to  his  im- 
portant position.  He  was  ardent,  energetic,  bold ;  his  mind 
was  powerful  to  seize  upon  central  facts,  to  appreciate  their 
value,  to  hold  them  with  an  unflinching  grasp.  He  was  the 
first  disciple  who  apprehended  the  grandeur  of  the  transfigura- 
tion ;  the  first  who  recognized  the  divinity  of  his  Lord ;  the 
first  who  saw  the  true  bearings  of  the  resurrection  of  Jesus. 
His  rapid  perceptions,  as  the  rapid  perceptions  of  the  impulsive 
usually  are,  were  alloyed  with  not  a  little  rashness  and  liability 
to  error ;  and  this  tendency  was  most  signally  manifested  when, 
seeing  Jesus  led  before  the  Jewish  tribunal,  and  apparently 
unable  to  extricate  himself,  Peter  imagined  his  claims  to  be 
ended,  and  denied  him  to  be  his  Master.  But  when  his  mind 
had  grasped  the  important  facts  of  the  resurrection,  Peter  was 
himself  once  more,  and,  under  the  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
his  character  became  incredibly  advanced  and  purified.  From 
the  day  of  Pentecost  he  became  emphatically  "  a  Rock :  "  the 
prominent  speaker ;  the  fearless  champion ;  the  daring  accuser 
of  his  Lord's  murderers ;  the  quick  detector  of  sin ;  the  warm 
encourager  of  the  faintrhearted ;  and  his  addresses  possessed  a 
directness  and  fervor  which  swept  away  the  objections  of  his 
auditors  before  him.  That  he  possessed  a  superiority  over  the 
rest  of  his  brethren  is  evident ;  but  it  was  a  superiority  of  char- 
acter and  zeal,  and  not  of  office ;  the  keys,  though  first  promised 
to  him,  having  been  afterwards  consigned  to  the  other  apostles 
as  well  as  to  himself  Peter  was  great  in  initiatory  movements ; 
for  that  work  he  was  selected.  Others  might  surpass  him  in 
succeeding  movements,  as  the  pages  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
make  clearly  manifest. 

Next  to  Peter  stands  JohUy  a  native  also  of  Gralilee,  son  of 
Zebedee  and  Salome.  He  probably  possessed  some  wealth,  for 
which  reason  Jesus,  in  dying,  had  committed  his  mother  to  his 
especial  care ;  to  him  his  Lord  felt  an  especial  attachment,  as  to 
the  readiest  and  most  admiring  appreciator  of  his  own  heaven- 
born  doctrines.  John's  profound  veneration  for  the  words  of 
5* 


54  DAMASCUS   AND   PAUL. 

Jesus,  whilst  others  attached  more  importance  to  his  works,  — 
his  instinctive  tenacity  of  great  principles,  and  the  depth  and 
warmth  of  his  love  for  his  Master,  are  distinguished  features  in 
his  delightful  character.  Though  powerful  as  a  preacher,  he 
was  inferior  to  Peter ;  but,  as  a  teacher  of  truth,  he  was  Peter's 
superior.  The  two  formed  a  pair.  John  was  to  Peter  what 
Melancthon  was,  in  an  after  age,  to  Luther,  —  the  expounder 
of  his  doctrine,  the  moderator  of  his  zeal,  the  corrector  of  his 
errors. 

James,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  was  the  brother  of  John,  and  one 
of  his  Lord's  most  favored  disciples.  Like  John,  he  was  an 
eminent  preacher,  but  like  him  also  had  been  liable  to  false 
impressions  in  favor  of  Christ's  personal  kingdom  ;  whilst  both 
of  them  had,  during  the  life  of  Jesus,  been  peculiarly  ambitious 
of  a  distinguished  place  among  his  temporal  followers. 

Of  the  others  we  can  only  briefly  speak.  Andrew,  the  brother 
of  Simon,  and  Philip,  were  both  natives  of  Bethsaida,  and  here- 
tofore disciples  of  John  the  Baptist.  The  latter  appears  to 
have  been  remarkable  for  his  timidity,  and  extremely  prone  to 
raise  difficulties  where  spiritual  views  were  demanded.=^  Bar- 
tholomew (Bar  Tolmai,  the  son  of  Ptolemy)  was,  perhaps,  the 
surname  of  Nathanael,  who  was  introduced  to  Jesus  by  Philip, 
and  at  whose  house,  at  Cana,  it  is  possible  the  miracle  of  the 
marriage-feast  was  performed.  Matthew,  son  of  Alpheus,  held, 
before  his  institution  to  the  apostleship,  the  post  of  inferior  col- 
lector of  the  customs  at  Capernaum.  Clemens  Alexandrinus 
mentions  him  as  an  ascetic,  and  an  abstainer  from  animal  food. 
Soon  after  our  Lord's  death,  he  appears  to  have  written  his 
gospel,  in  Jerusalem.  Whether  it  were  originally  composed  in 
Hebrew  or  in  Greek,  is  a  point  which  has  been  much  contested. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  former  was  the  truth,  and  that  the 
translation  was  made  at  an  early  period  by  Matthew  himself,  t 

♦  John  6  :  1—7. 

t  Matthew's  gospel  is  unquestionably  the  earliest  specimen  of  inspired 
Christian  writing.     The  story  of  Agbarus,  King  of  Edessa,  of  the  letter  he 


A.  D.  39,  CALIGULA    EMPEROR.  55 

James,  Matthew's  brother,  called  James  the  Less,  either  be- 
cause of  his  inferior  stature,  or  his  less  distinguished  eminence, 
was  brother  to  Matthew,  was  a  son  of  Mary  (Salome),  and  was 
a  relation  (usually  called  brother)  of  our  Lord.  Such  was 
probably  also  Simon,  called  Zelotes,  to  distinguish  him  from 
Peter.  Matthias,  elected  in  the  place  of  Judas,  is  little  men- 
tioned. It  is,  indeed,  clearly  evident  that  the  vacant  place  of 
Judas  was  really  filled  by  Paul ;  and  Matthias  was,  it  would 
appear,  only  an  appointment  ad  interim.  A  vague  tradition 
records  that  Matthias  was  a  preacher  of  the  faith  in  Cappadocia, 
and  that  he  was  martyred  in  Colchis."^ 

The  characters  of  Barnabas  and  Paul   will  be  best  appre- 

wrote  to  Christ  to  cure  him  of  his  distemper,  and  of  the  answer  returned  by 
our  Lord,  is  worthy  of  no  credence.  It  is,  indeed,  recorded  by  Eusebius, 
who  produces  as  his  authority  the  archives  of  the  church  at  Edessa.  That 
such  documents  existed  in  Eusebius'  day  may  be  admitted  ;  how  they  came 
there,  is  the  question.     The  whole  story  is  self-contradictory. 

*  The  following  senseless  allusion  to  the  disciples  of  Christianity  ia 
extracted  by  Lardner  from  the  Babylonian  Talmud  : 

"  The  Rabbins  have  taught  that  there  were  five  disciples  of  Jesus,  Mat- 
thai,  Nakai,  Nezer,  Boni,  and  Toda.  When  Matthai  was  brought  forth  (to 
be  condemned  to  death)  he  said  to  the  judge,  '  Shall  Matthai  be  slain  1 
But  it  is  written.  When  shall  I  come  [Matai]  and  appear  before  God  ?  ' 
(Psalm  42  :  2.)  But  they  answered,  '  Yes,  Matthai  shall  be  slain  :  for  it 
is  written.  When  [Matai]  shall  he  die,  and  his  name  perish  ?  '  (Psalm  41  :  5.) 
When  Nakai  was  brought  out,  he  said,  '  Shall  Nakai  be  slain  1  But  it  is 
written.  Thou  shalt  not  kill  the  innocent  [Nakai]  a7id  the  just.'  (Ex.  23  :  7.) 
But  they  said,  '  Yes,  Nakai  shall  be  slain  ;  for  it  is  written.  In  the  secret 
places  does  he  murder  the  innocent  [Naki].'  (Psalm  10  :  8.)  When  they 
brought  forth  Nezer,  he  said  to  them, '  And  shall  Nezer  be  slain  %  But  it  is 
written,  A  branch  [Nezer]  «A«//  grow  oiU  of  his  roots.'  (Is.  11  :  1.)  But  they 
answered,  '  Yes,  Nezer  shall  be  slain.  For  it  is  written,  Thou  art  cast  out 
of  thy  grave  as  an  abominable  branch.'  (Is.  14  :  19.)  When  they  brought 
out  Boni,  he  said,  '  And  shall  Boni  be  slain  1  But  it  is  written,  Israel  ia 
my  son  [Beni],  even  my  first-born.'  (Ex.  4  :  22.)  But  they  said,  'Yes, 
Boni  shall  be  slain.  It  is  written.  Behold  I  will  slay  thy  son  [Bincka],  thy 
first-born.'  (Ex.  4  :  23.)  When  they  brought  out  Toda,  he  said  to  them, 
'And  shall  Toda  be  slain  1  It  is  written,  A  psalm  <o  pmi'se  [Lethoda].' 
(Psalm  100.)  But  they  answered, '  Yes,  Toda  shall  be  slain.  For  it  is  writ- 
ten, Whoso  frfftreth  praise  [Toda]  ghrifieth  me.''  " 


56  DAMASCUS   AND    PAUL. 

hended  from  the  course  of  the  narrative  which  describes  their 
labors. 

The  church  of  Christ  had  continued  to  increase.  Those 
whom  the  late  persecution  scattered  had  sown  in  many  quarters 
the  seeds  of  divine  truth.  Phoenicia,  a  district  on  the  north  of 
Galilee,  Cyprus,  and  Antioch.  the  celebrated  city  of  Syria,  had, 
among  other  spots,  received  the  new  revelation  with  welcome. 
When  intelligence  of  the  latter  event  reached  the  church  at 
Jerusalem,  they  commissioned  Barnabas  to  visit  that  metrop- 
olis. Barnabas  (who  is  called  by  Luke  an  apostle^)  was  a 
native  of  the  island  of  Cyprus,  by  birth  a  Levite,  and  bore  the 
name  of  "  The  Son  of  Consolation,"  because,  according  to 
Chrysostom,  of  the  peculiar  talent  he  possessed  in  comforting 
the  aflSicted.  He  had  been  early  distinguished  for  the  sacrifices 
he  had  made  in  the  cause  of  Christ,  having  sold  his  land  that 
he  might  contribute  the  proceeds  to  the  common  fund  of  the 
church  at  Jerusalem.!  He  witnessed  with  great  joy  the  pro- 
gress of  the  truth  in  Antioch,  whilst  he  directed  his  preaching 
to  the  confirmation  of  the  young  converts.  His  acquaintance 
with  Paul,  and  with  the  un-Jewish  character  of  his  opinions, 
taught  him  that  the  new  apostle  would  be  especially  useful  in 
promoting  the  progress  of  the  gospel  in  that  Gentile  quarter. 
He  therefore  went  to  Tarsus,  where  Paul  was  then  residing,  and 
brought  him  thence  to  Antioch,  where,  during  the  space  of  a 
year,  they  pursued  their  joint  labors  with  great  success.  The 
disciples  of  Antioch  were  the  first  who  were  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Christians  ;  an  appellation  which,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, was  probably  one  of  derision,  —  for  the  Antiochians  were 
celebrated  for  their  humor,  — but  which,  like  the  term  "  Meth- 
odist "  in  modern  days,  was  appropriated  by  the  designated 
class  as  an  honor.     Happy  they  who  are  worthy  to  bear  it ! 

Whilst  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  at  Antioch,  a  Christian 
teacher  came  thither  from   Jerusalem,  who,   endowed  with  a 

*  Acts  14  :  13.  t  Acts*4  :  36,  37. 


A.  D.  39,    CALIGULA    EMPEROR.  57 

prophetic  spirit,  predicted  an  approaching  famine,  the  weight 
of  which  would  fall  on  the  territory  of  Judea.  The  event  took 
place  shortly  after. 

The  monstrous  vices  and  recklessness  of  Caligula  having,  by 
the  end  of  four  years,  rendered  the  continuance  of  his  reign 
intolerable,  that  emperor  was  assassinated  by  a  secret  league ; 
whilst  the  senate  raised  the  weak  and  woman-led  Claudius, 
uncle  of  Caius,  to  the  vacant  imperial  throne.  "  In  his  reign," 
says  Eusebius,  "there  was  a  famine  that  prevailed  over  the 
whole  world ;  an  event,  indeed,  which  has  been  handed  down 
by  historians  far  removed  from  our  sentiments ;  and  by  which 
the  prediction  of  the  prophet  Agabus,  recorded  in  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  respecting  the  impending  famine  over  the  whole 
earth,  received  its  fulfilment."  ^  It  was  during  its  continuance 
that  Helena,  Queen  of  Adiabene  (a  district  of  Assyria),  spent 
large  sums  in  alleviating  the  sufferings  of  the  Jews,  procuring 
grain  from  Egypt,  and  distributing  it  among  the  perishing.t  At 
this  crisis,  the  believers  in  Antioch,  taught  by  that  divine  re- 
ligion which  is  essential  love,  contributed  considerable  sums  for 
the  relief  of  their  afflicted  brethren,  sending  Barnabas  and  Paul 
to  Jerusalem  to  convey  and  administer  their  bounty.  The  mes- 
sengers were  well  chosen,  being  Barnabas,  who  had  resigned  his 
possessions  to  the  mother  church,  and  was  already  acceptable  to 
them,  and  Paul,  who,  perhaps,  needed  an  errand  like  the  pres- 
ent to  increase  his  popularity  with  the  more  tenacious  Judaistic 
Christians. 

The  visit  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Jerusalem  coincided  with 
another  remarkable  circumstance  in  early  ecclesiastical  history. 
Herod  Agrippa,  the  grandson  of  Herod  the  Grreat,  now  pos- 
sessed, under  the  title  of  King,  nearly  all  the  territory  hereto- 
fore held  by  his  grandfather.  His  history  had  been  remarkable. 
He  was  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  and  grandson  of  Mariamne,  wife 


*  Eccl.  Hist,  book  ii.  ch.  vii. 
t  Eccl.  Hist,  book  ii.  c.  xii. 


58 


DAMASCUS    AND   PAUL. 


of  Herod  the  Great,  so  cruelly  put  to  death  by  order  of  her 
husband.  His  earlier  days  had  been  spent  in  Rome,  where  he 
had  lived  under  the  protection  of  Antonia,  the  friend  of  Bere- 
nice, Agrippa's  mother,  and  who  was  also  related  by  marriage 
to  Tiberius.  The  splendor  in  which  Agrippa  lived  had  plunged 
him  in  great  pecuniary  straits.  He  was  banished  by  Tiberius 
to  his  native  country,  and  took  up  his  residence  for  some  time 
in  Idumaea,  where  his  destitution  was  so  great  as  to  suggest  to 
him  the  thought  of  dying  by  his  own  hands.  At  length,  through 
the  intervention  of  his  sister,  Herodias,  the  unlawful^  wife  of 
Herod  Antipas,  he  obtained  the  post  of  Governor  of  Tiberias, 
till,  mortified  by  some  observations  dropped  at  a  banquet  by 
Herod  Antipas,  he  retired  to  Antioch,  which  place  he  was  again 
compelled  to  leave  in  disgrace,  and,  after  some  adventures,  re- 
turned to  Rome,  to  be  once  more  reinstated  in  the  favor  of 
Tiberius.  Yet  the  death  of  that  emperor  found  Agrippa  in 
prison,  for  treasonable  words  uttered  in  the  presence  of  Caligula. 
Caius,  on  his  accession,  released  him,  and  appointed  him  king 
of  the  territories  formerly  held  by  Agrippa's  deposed  uncle, 
Philip.  Agrippa  is  said  to  have  forwarded  strong  remon- 
strances to  the  imperial  court  against  that  edict  which  Petronius 
had  been  commanded  to  execute.  On  the  accession  of  Claudius, 
he  became  invested  with  the  government  of  Judea  and  Samaria 
in  addition  to  his  previous  dignities,  and,  desiring  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  Jews,  began,  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign,  a 
persecution  of  the  Christians,  whom  he  affected  to  regard  as 
enemies  of  the  ancient  Jewish  faith.  His  first  victim  was 
James,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  who,  with  Peter  and  John,  had 
been  the  witness  of  some  of  the  most  remarkable  transactions 
of  the  Lord.  The  ojQ&cer  by  whom  this  apostle  was  led  before 
the  civil  tribunal  was  so  afi"ected  by  the  pious  fortitude  of  his 
prisoner,  as  to  confess  himself  a  Christian,  and  actually  sufiered 


*  Unlawful,  not  because  she  was  Antipas'  sister-in-layv,  but  because  her 
husband  was  still  living. 


A.    D.    44,  CLAUDIUS    EMPEROR.  59 

death  at  the  same  moment  with  James.  As  the  two  proceeded 
to  execution,  the  converted  pagan  besought  forgiveness  of  the 
apostle,  who,  kissing  him,  exclaimed,  "  Peace  be  to  thee ! "  and 
both  were  executed  at  the  same  time.=^ 

Delighted  with  the  popularity  which  this  act  of  barbarity 
gained  him  among  the  Jews,  Agrippa  next  proceeded,  during 
the  same  feast  of  the  Passover,  to  capture  Simon  Peter, 
intending  to  keep  him  in  prison  until  some  great  festival  should 
present  a  public  opportunity  for  his  execution.  But  no  man 
dies  before  his  time ;  and  God  had  yet  work  for  this  distin- 
guished apostle  to  do.  Peter  was  accordingly  saved  by  a  mi- 
raculous intervention.  The  dreadful  death  of  Agrippa  occurred 
immediately  after  this  remarkable  release.  He  had  appointed  a 
feast  at  Cesarea,  in  honor  of  the  reigning  emperor.  The  festival 
was  attended  by  the  principal  officers  and  nobility  of  his  king- 
doms. On  the  second  day  of  the  feast  the  monarch  appeared 
clothed  in  a  robe  of  silver,  at  an  hour  when  the  early  morning 
sun  might  shine  dazzlingly  upon  it,  giving  him  thus  an  appear- 
ance of  the  most  resplendent  glory.  His  flatterers  set  up  the 
shout  "  A  present  god! "  and  hastened  to  solicit  mercy  from  his 
divinity.  The  king  received  the  applause  with  complacency. 
But,  as  he  turned  his  eyes  upwards,  he  saw  an  owl  sitting  over 
his  head,  and  remembered  that  it  had  been  foretold  to  him  that 
when  he  should  again  see  that  bird  —  which  had  once  been  to 
him  an  omen  of  good  fortune  —  he  would  die  within  five  days. 
He  was  seized  with  sickness,  and  was  borne  into  his  palace  tor- 
mented with  the  most  excruciating  internal  agonies.  After 
lingering  in  anguish  for  five  days,  in  the  midst  of  the  mourning 
and  lamentation  of  his  subjects,  the  wretched  king  expired.! 
His  awful  death  restored  peace  to  the  church. 

After  a  short  residence  in  Jerusalem,  Paul  and  Barnabas, 
now  accompanied  by  John  Mark,  nephew  of  Barnabas,  returned 


*  Clemens  Alex,  apud  Euseb.  book  ii.  c.  ix. 

f  Acts  12  :  20-25,  compared  with  Joseph.  Antiq.  xix.  oh.  viii. 


60  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

to  Antioch,  and  there  began  the  first  great  movement  taken  by 
the  church  to  realize  the  promises  of  salvation  to  the  Gentiles, 
and  to  demonstrate  the  adaptation  of  Paul  to  the  great  work  of 
conveying  to  them  the  news  of  the  gospel  salvation.  After  a 
season  of  fasting  and  prayer,  these  two  devoted  men  were 
specially  designated  by  the  Spirit  to  the  great  undertaking  of 
evangelizing  the  heathen. 

Sixteen  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Pentecostal  miracle ; 
twelve  since  the  conversion  of  Paul  himself.  The  gospel  had, 
in  the  mean  time,  taken  strong  hold  on  the  minds  of  a  consider- 
able body  of  the  Jews,  and  a  powerful  fulcrum  had  been  already 
obtained  from  which  to  act  upon  the  Grentile  community.  As 
Jerusalem  had  been  the  central  point  from  which  the  descend- 
ants of  Abraham  had  been  instructed  in  Christianity,  and  Peter 
had  been  the  leading  apostle  to  convey  to  them  its  doctrines,  so 
now  Antioch,  already  regarded  by  the  Roman  empire  as  the 
metropolis  of  the  Eastern  kingdoms,  was  to  be  the  station 
whence,  under  the  personal  inspection  of  an  apostle  superior  to 
even  Peter  himself,  the  streams  of  healing  influence  should  flow 
out  into  the  Gentile  world. 

Embarking  from  Seleucia,  a  seaport  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Orontes,  these  disciples,  accompanied  by  John  Mark,  set  sail 
for  Cyprus,  —  then  called,  from  the  prolific  richness  of  its  pro- 
ducts, Macaria,  or  "the  blessed."  They  landed  at  Salamis, 
where  they  probably  found  Jewish  Christians,  and  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  Paphos,  at  the  opposite  extremity  of  the  island,  where 
stood  the  celebrated  temple  —  afterwards  destroyed  by  an  earth- 
quake —  dedicated  to  Venus,  spreading  licentiousness  and  dis- 
soluteness among  the  inhabitants.  Here  the  proconsul  Sergius 
Paulus  listened  to  the  gospel,  though  earnestly  dissuaded  from 
doing  so  by  Elymas,  a  Jewish  sorcerer,  who,  as  a  punishment, 
was  smitten  with  a  temporary  blindness  by  Paul's  miraculous 
power.  The  marvel  astonished  the  proconsul,  and  greatly 
tended  to  hasten  his  ultimate  conversion  to  Christianity. 

From  this  place  the  apostles  sailed  up  the  Cestrus  to  Perga, 


A.    D.    44,    CLAUDIUS    EMPEROR.  61 

on  the  south  side  of  Asia  Minor.  At  this  point  John  Mark  left 
the  apostles.  What  were  his  reasons  we  are  not  informed,  but 
his  motives  were  probably  not  creditable  to  his  Christian  pro- 
fession,—  at  least,  not  in  accordance  with  the  apostolic  work  to 
which  he  had  devoted  himself.  Barnabas  and  Paul  afterwards 
came  to  Antioch  in  Pisidia  (the  lesser  Antioch),  where  Paul 
entering  the  synagogue  preached  to  the  Jews.  His  earnest 
addresses,  however,  roused  the  enmity  of  the  Hebrew  popula- 
tion, and  led  Paul  to  declare  that,  though  according  to  the 
order  of  the  divine  appointment  he  and  his  coadjutor  had  first 
proclaimed  the  gospel  to  the  favored  people,  yet,  since  the  Jews 
treated  it  with  defiance  and  disdain,  it  would  henceforward 
become  their  duty  to  proclaim  it  to  the  desjDised  heathen  with- 
out scruple.  Rendered  still  more  hostile  by  this  announcement, 
Paul  and  Barnabas,  after  they  had  spent  some  time  in  preaching 
through  the  district,  were  expelled  from  the  territory,  "  shaking 
ofi"  the  dust  of  their  feet,"  as  commanded  by  their  Lord,  against 
such  refusers  of  mercy,  and  advanced  to  Iconium.  Here  the 
usual  success  and  the  usual  opposition  attended  them,  the  latter 
compelling  them  to  fly  to  Lystra.  The  miraculous  cure  of  a 
lame  man  in  this  city  induced  the  ignorant  multitude  to  suppose 
the  apostles  to  be  the  deities  with  whose  names  they  were  most 
familiar,  and  they  prepared  to  ofi"er  them  sacrifice;  an  act 
which  aroused  the  indignant  horror  of  the  apostles.  Such  idol- 
atry was,  however,  extremely  transient ;  and  when  some  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Iconium,  having  come  to  Lystra,  endeavored  to 
prejudice  the  minds  of  the  Lycaonians  against  them,  they 
speedily  succeeded  in  spreading  the  belief  that  Paul  was  an 
impostor,  and  they  stoned  him  till  they  left  him  for  dead.  He 
was  restored,  however,  —  probably  by  a  miracle,  —  and  was 
enabled  to  reach  Derbe,  where  he  and  Barnabas  preached  with 
success ;  and,  undaunted  by  former  persecutions, .  afterwards 
returned  to  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia,  endeavoring  to  establish  the 
minds  of  the  disciples  in  the  faith  they  had  so  recently  received. 
After  this  the  apostles  returned  again  to  Antioch,  where,  sum- 
6 


62  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

moning  the  church,  they  related — to  their  joy — -the  progress 
they  had  made  in  this  great  enterprise.  Such  were  the  first 
fruits  of  a  way  of  salvation  proclaimed  to  the  Gentiles ;  and 
such  the  earnest  perseverance  of  the  primitive  church  in  dis- 
pensing its  life-giving  truths. 

The  gospel  began  thus  to  .assert  its  claims  to  be  a  religion 
for  the  world.  Its  tidings,  borne  away  by  converts  in  all 
directions,  together  with  the  direct  labors  of  the  apostles  and 
disciples  themselves,  had  already  made  such  an  impression,  by 
the  agency  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  as  to  lead  the  more  hopeful  to 
believe  that  it  would  speedily  become  the  religion  of  the  whole 
earth.  Periods  of  external  prosperity  are  usually,  however, 
times  of  danger ;  and  sources  of  concern  now  opened  them- 
selves before  Paul  and  Barnabas,  inducing  considerable  anxiety 
lest  so  much  good  should  be  destroyed.  There  arose  in  the 
church  of  Antioch  a  contention  among  the  disciples  themselves, 
the  materials  of  which  had  been  long  underlying  the  infant 
Christianity,  and  which  at  this  time  burst  forth  into  a  portent- 
ous flame. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive  how  the  notions  of  temporal  pre- 
eminence, which  formed  part  of  the  education  of  every  Jew, 
would  (such  is  the  imperfection  of  the  best  systems)  become 
transferred  to  Christianity  itself.  This  national  longing  after 
external  distinctions  was  continually  developing  itself  among 
our  Lord's  own  disciples,  and  even  in  his  own  presence.  The 
rebukes  of  Jesus  cut  away  the  foliage  of  the  ambition,  but  did 
not  succeed  in  destroying  the  root.  Time,  therefore,  produced 
an  after-growth.  The  distinctions  between  the  circumcised  and 
the  uncircumcised,  sanctified  by  the  practice  of  ages,  could  not 
be  forgotten;  and  the  contempt  with  which  the  Jew  almost 
instinctively  regarded  the  Gentile  could  not  admit  the  idea  of 
participation  in  the  same  common  benefits.  Such  was  the  feel- 
ing which  strongly  asserted  itself  at  this  prosperous  period.  The 
close  intercourse  existing  between  the  principal  bodies  of  Chris- 
tians in  Judea  and    in  Syria  brought  frequently  to  Antioch 


A.    D.    44-50,    CLAUDIUS   EMPEROR.  63 

members  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem.  These  did  not  hesitate 
to  assert  that  Gentiles  ought  not  to  be  recognized  as  in  a  condi- 
tion of  salvation,  until  they  had  submitted  to  the  Mosaic  cir- 
cumcision. Such  a  doctrine  could  not  fail  to  be  unpalatable  to 
those  -who,  with  far  other  views,  had  sacrificed  all  in  preaching 
the  truth  to  the  Gentiles ;  and  it  was  especially  distasteful  to 
Paul,  who  had  been  divinely  taught  the  contrary,  and  had  per- 
sonally learned  the  religion  of  Jesus  by  a  process  which  had 
utterly  prostrated  his  Jewish  pride  and  boasted  distinctions. 
And  the  view  thus  disseminated  was  not  only  unpalatable,  but 
a  perversion  of  the  very,  nature  and  design  of  the  gospel ;  it 
denied  God's  spirituality,  it  derogated  from  the  claims  of  Chris- 
tianity as  a  system  of  universal  love,  and  it  fed  the  worldly 
pride  and  passions  of  the  human  heart.  The  subject  was  vehe- 
mently agitated  at  Antioch,  and  threatened  to  be  so  over  all  the 
church.  That  the  disastrous  consequences  of  its  continuance 
and  spread  might  be  averted,  it  was  determined  again  to  send 
Paul  and  Barnabas  as  a  deputation  to  the  church  at  Jerusalem. 
They  departed  accordingly,  taking  Titus  with  them,  declaring 
on  their  way  through  Phenice  and  Samaria  the  novel  yet  glori- 
ous news  of  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles,  and  inspiring  grate- 
ful joy  by  the  intelligence.  Arrived  at  Jerusalem,  they  were 
received  by  the  whole  body  of  the  church,^  with  the  apostles 
(or  at  least  those  of  them  who  were  then  at  Jerusalem)  and  pres- 
byters, before  whom  they  repeated  the  statement,  reciting  at  the 
same  time  the  obstructions  thrown  in  their  way  by  the  Pharisaic 
party.t  Strong  disputations  followed ;  and  it  was  resolved  that 
the  whole  subject  should  be  debated  in  an  assembly,  at  which 
all  parties  concerned  should  appear  by  representatives.!  On 
this  occasion,  though  in  opposition  to  his  own  prejudices,  Peter 
avowed  his  convictions  derived  from  the  case  of  Cornelius,  and 
protested  against  the  imposition  of  old  Pharisaical  and  ritual 

*  Gal.  2  :  1. 

t  This  rendering  accords  best  with  the  whole  construction.  Acts  15  :  i,  5. 

X  Acts  15  :  12,  13. 


64  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

observances  on  Gentile  Christians.  Paul  and  Barnabas  next 
spoke,  and  set  fortb  the  facts  of  the  case,  corroborating  their 
views  by  citations  from  the  Jewish  scriptures.  After  this, 
James,  who  appears  to  have  acted  as  president,  and  who,  as  a 
strict  Jew,  was  in  a  position  to  become  the  moderator,  showed, 
by  entirely  Jewish  argument,  that  the  tone  of  Hebrew  prophecy 
relative  to  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles  confirmed  the  statements 
of  Peter,  and  proposed  that  they  should  place  no  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  these  believing  heathens,  but  should  only  exhort,  as 
a  matter  of  wise  and  prudent  precaution,  that  all  new  converts 
should  occupy  the  position  to  which  the  proselytes  of  the  gate 
were  pledged  —  that  they  should  abstain  from  fornication,  from 
strangled  animals,  and  from  blood,  all  which  practices,  though 
not  of  the  same  order  of  moral  importance,  were  necessary  to 
show  their  abhorrence  of  heathenism.  This  measure  of  accom- 
modation met  the  views  of  the  assembly,  and  appears  after- 
wards to  have  been  adopted  by  the  whole  church  at  Jerusalem, 
in  whose  name  a  letter  was  drawn  up,  and  sent  by  a  deputation 
from  their  body,  who  accompanied  Paul  and  Barnabas  on  their 
return.  The  deputation  consisted  of  Barsabas  and  Silas.  Thus, 
by  open  discussion  and  moderate  action,  a  formidable  distraction 
was  prevented,  and  the  church  of  Antioch  rejoiced  at  the  happy 
issue  of  so  threatening  a  deliberation.  But  when  Christianity 
existed  in  the  vigor  of  a  life-inspiring  Spirit,  free  debate  could 
not  endanger  its  real  unity. 

Some  references  made  in  the  course  of  this  discussion  would 
seem  to  justify  the  impression  that,  even  amongst  the  most  emi- 
nent of  the  apostles  themselves,  the  apostleship  of  Paul  was 
still  regarded  with  some  suspicion.  There  is  a  decision  about 
1  Cor.  9 :  1,2,  and  Gal.  2 :  6,  7,  which  seems  referable  to  some 
such  insinuation. 

The  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  which  burned  in 
the  minds  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  prompted  them,  after  some 
time  spent  in  the  more  quiet  labors  connected  with  the  church 
at  Antioch,  to  undertake  another  and  more  extensive  missionary 


A.    D.    52,    CLAUDIUS    EMPEROR.  65 

journey.  But  some  embarrassments  attended  their  first  entrance 
on  this  renewed  work.  Barnabas,  who  cannot  be  exculpated 
from  the  charge  of  nepotism  in  the  transaction,  was  desirous 
that  John  Mark,  his  nephew,  whom  he  had  brought  back  with 
him  from  Jerusalem,  should  be  his  companion  in  this  journey, 
w^iilst  Paul,  whose  inflexible  principle  was  apparent  in  all  his 
movements,  thought  that  a  man  who  had  left  them  so  unwar- 
rantably upon  a  previous  occasion  was  not  well  fitted  for  so 
self-denying  an  undertaking.  The  result  was  a  dispute  between 
these  devoted  servants,  which  ended  in  their  choosing  distinct 
spheres  of  action,  Barnabas  departing  in  one  direction  with 
his  nephew  John  Mark,  whilst  Paul,  with  Silas,  journeyed  in 
another.  The  difierence  was  afterwards  healed.  In  pursuance  of 
his  nobly  ambitious  plans  never  to  interfere  with  another  man's 
sphere  of  labor,  but  rather  to  strike  out  new  paths  for  him- 
self, Paul,  having  visited  the  churches  of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  and 
taken  Timothy,  a  very  young  Christian,  as  a  companion  of  his 
journey,  proceeded  to  Phrygia,  and  thence  to  Galatia  and 
Mysia,  intending  to  go  into  Bithynia,  from  which  place,  how- 
ever, he  was  divinely  withheld,  God  having  destined  him  to  a 
much  greater  work.  During  this  journey,  the  apostle  labored 
with  his  own  hands  for  his  subsistence  ;  a  noble  proof  of  that 
disinterestedness  in  the  cause  of  his  Master  which  would  not 
allow  him  to  demand  his  spiritual  rights,  though  he  maintained 
them,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  to  be  just.  Whilst  at  Troas, 
Paul  was  joined  by  Luke  the  physician,  whose  medical  skill 
appears  to  have  proved  of  service  in  forwarding  the  great  apos- 
tolical design.  A  supernatural  vision  beheld  by  Paul  at  Troas, 
representing  a  Macedonian  imploring  spiritual  aid,  appeared  to 
him  a  sufficient  intimation  that  God  called  him  to  take  an  imme- 
diate journey  to  that  country.  He  accordingly  crossed  the  sea, 
that  he  might  personally  introduce  the  gospel  into  Europe.  The 
first  place  he  visited  was  Philippi,  which,  unless  otherwise  in- 
formed, one  would  scarcely  suspect  to  have  been  so  recently  the 
theatre  of  conflicts  involving  the  destinies  of  the  world,  so  little 
6* 


66  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

notice  do  the  sacred  writers  take  of  anything  except  the  essen- 
tials of  their  work.  The  Jews  in  Philippi  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  sufficiently  numerous  to  possess  a  synagogue,  but  at 
their  customary  place  of  prayer  (which  was  by  a  river-side) 
Paul  addressed  them  on  their  Sabbath.  His  ministration  and 
miracles  were  so  effective,  that  many  believed  the  gospel,  and 
when  Paul  and  Silas  were  imprisoned  by  the  Duumvirs,  under 
the  charge  of  introducing  strange  customs  into  a  Roman  city, 
even  the  jailer  himself  became  a  convert  to  the  faith,  and  re- 
ceived baptism  at  the  hands  of  the  apostles ;  and  after  Paul 
had  left  the  city,  the  Christians  performed  the  rare  act  of  for- 
warding to  him  sums  of  money  for  his  support,  sending  aid  to 
him  twice  at  Thessalonica,  once  to  Corinth,  and,  at  a  later 
period,  relieving  his  necessities  when  he  was  a  prisoner  at 
Rome. 

The  next  station  visited  by  the  apostle  was  Thessalonica,  one 
of  the  principal  cities  of  Macedonia,  named  after  Thessalonice, 
wife  of  Cassander.  Here  he  found  many  Jews  (as,  indeed,  there 
are  in  this  modern  day),  some  of  whom  thankfully  received  his 
message.  But  others,  enraged  at  the  doctrines  which  he  taught, 
promoted  a  tumult,  and,  to  avoid  the  consequences,  Paul  and 
Silas  left  the  city  for  Berea,  where,  after  he  declared  his  gos- 
pel, the  Thessalonian  Jews  pursued  him,  compelling  him  to 
advance  to  Athens,  whilst  Silas  and  Timothy  were  left  behind. 

Nothing  can  be  more  interesting  than  to  contemplate  the 
apostle,  with  his  new  gospel,  arriving  at  this  celebrated  city, 
which,  whether  we  regard  its  learning,  its  political  importance,  or 
its  relation  to  the  whole  intelligent  world,  was  at  that  time  not  far 
sunk  below  the  pinnacle  of  its  fame.  This  capital  of  Attica  had 
now  been  existent  sixteen  hundred  years,  and  derived  its  name 
from  its  dedication  to  Athene  (Minerva),  who  was  regarded  as 
its  presiding  deity.  It  was  divided  into  two  parts :  the  lower 
city,  built  upon  a  spacious  plain,  communicating  by  a  long  forti- 
fication with  the  Piraeus,  its  port ;  and  the  Acropolis,  or  upper 
city,  built  upon  a  rocky  hill,  where  its  maghificent  buildings 


A.    D.    52,    CLAUDIUS    EMPEROR.  67 

stood  proudly  preeminent,  having,  as  the  most  conspicuous 
among  them,  the  vast  Parthenon,  constructed  and  decorated,  at 
an  enormous  expense,  by  the  first  statuaries  and  artists  which 
Grreece  could  furnish  in  the  age  of  Pericles,  and  near  to  it  the 
gigantic  statue  of  the  tutelary  goddess,  to  whom  the  Parthenon 
was   dedicated.     Though  Athens    did   not   exhibit   the  varied 


splendor  of  Rome,  it  far  surpassed  that  city  in  taste  and  ele- 
gance, and  the  names  which  are  associated  with  it  must  ever, 
whilst  the  page  of  history  possesses  any  interest,  awaken  the 
most  electrifying  associations.  The  groves  in  which  the  Acad- 
emics surrounded  their  master  —  the  scene  of  the  battle  of 
Salamis  —  and  the  spot  from  which  Xerxes  witnessed  the  con- 
flict so  disastrous  to  his  fortunes  —  the  temple  of  Theseus,  one 
of  the  most  perfect  of  Grecian  edifices  —  the  Stadium  —  the 
Lantern  of  Demosthenes  —  the  choragic  monument  of  Lysi- 
crates  —  and,  in   the   district   of  which  Athens   is  the   capital, 


68  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

Marathon,  the  battle-field  of  Grecian  liberty,  and  Eleusis,  re- 
nowned for  its  well-known  mysteries  —  constitute  to  this  day 
objects  of  admiration  to  every  intelligent  traveller. 

Yet  even  in  the  age  of  Athens'  greatest  glory,  Plato  repre- 
sents Socrates  characterizing  the  Athenians  as  a  lazy,  cowardly, 
talkative,  and  money-loving  people.  Their  advance  in  literature 
and  the  sciences  was  conjoined  with  public  ingratitude  and 
private  selfishness.  Their  "  Attic  wit  "  degenerated  into  unre- 
strained coarseness ;  and  the  philosophy  which  always,  discoursed 
respecting  the  claims  of  God  and  the  relations  of  moral  virtue 
left  men  little  disposed  to  reverence  the  one,  or  to  practise  the 
other.  Athens  was,  in  fact,  a  splendid  monumental  structure, 
which  covered  from  sight  rottenness,  decay  and  death. 

Accordingly,  when  Paul  stood  in  the  midst  of  this  renowned 
city,  and  beheld  around  him  noble  monuments  of  architecture, 
everywhere  devoted  to  the  grossest  idolatry,  it  is  not  wonderful 
that  "  his  spirit  was  stirred  within  him."  Pausanias  had  him- 
self said,  "  there  was  no  place  where  so  many  idols  were  to  be 
seen  ;"  and  Petronius,  a  contemporary  with  Paul,  represents  one 
of  his  characters  as  saying,  "  Oar  region  is  so  full  of  present 
deities,  that  you  can  more  readily  find  in  it  a  god  than  a  man." 
Paul  not  only  entered  the  Jewish  synagogues,  but  attended  the 
place  of  public  resort,  the  Agora,  which,  like  the  Roman  Forum, 
was  the  centre  of  attraction  both  to  the  strangers  at  Athens  and 
also  to  the  natives,  who  always  delighted  to  hear  the  passing 
news  of  the  moment.  In  this  place  he  principally  encountered 
two  sects  of  philosophers  —  the  Epicureans,  who,  whatever  were 
the  doctrines  held  by  their  founder,  maintained  that  the  gratifi- 
cation of  the  senses  was  the  chief  good ;  and  the  Stoics,  estab- 
lished by  Zeno  about  eighty  years  previous  to  the  apostle's  day, 
who  derived  their  name  from  the  Stoa,  a  portico  at  Athens,  and 
who  declared  that  all  human  actions  were  under  the  control  of 
an  irresistible  fate.  Both  sects,  however,  agreed  in  this,  that 
they  represented  the  Supreme  Divinity  as  being  far  removed 
from  human  sympathies,  and  conceived  of  hirii  rather  as  the 


A.    D.    52,    CLAUDIUS    EMPEROE.  69 

abstract  reason  of  the  universe,  than  as  a  being  whom  the  human 
mind  might  love,  and  the  human  will  genially  obey.  Yet,  whilst 
these  men  entertained  a  supreme  contempt  for  Jewish  doctrines 
in  general,  and  especially  for  the  new  form  of  doctrine  of  which 
they  understood  the  apostle  to  be  a  teacher,  their  innate  love  of 
novelty  rendered  them  extremely  curious  to  learn  what  were  the 
peculiar  dogmas  which  it  was  the  business  of  Paul  to  announce. 
They  therefore  led  him  to  the  top  of  Mars'  Hill,  an  eminence 
immediately  beneath  the  Acropolis,  !o  the  place  where  the  Areop- 
agus held  its  sittings,  and  demanded  from  him  an  exposition  of 
his  new  system.  Paul  commenced  his  address  by  bearing  testi- 
mony to  the  religious  sentiment  everywhere  apparent  in  the 
minds  of  the  Athenians,  and  declared  himself  to  have  been 
greatly  impressed  by  the  fact  that  among  the  altars  which  he 
had  beheld  he  had  found  one  dedicated  "  to  an  unknown  God,"^ 
a  fact  sufficiently  corroborated  by  ancient  classical  authors. 
Availing  himself  of  this  introduction,  he  announced  to  them 
that  the  Being  whom  they  worshipped,  though  in  ignorance  of 
his  nature,  was  the  God  whom  he  came  to  set  forth  and  describe. 
He  thus  ingeniously  evaded  the  law  which  made  it  the  highest 
offence  to  introduce  a  new  divinity,  and  captured  at  once  the 
attention  of  his  hearers.  Expatiating  upon  the  greatness  of 
this  Supreme  Ruler,  according  to  the  popular  notions  formed  of 
him,  he  insinuated  the  absurdity  of  imagining  that  such  a 
being  could  be  shut  up  in  temples,  or  could  require  the  admin- 
istration of  men's  hands.  Then,  availing  himself  of  the  poetical 
sentiment  that  men  are  the  offspring  of  God,  he  showed  how 
incompatible  such  a  view  was  with  the  material  notions  every- 
where apparent  around  him,  and  with  the  belief  that  the  Divin- 
ity could  be  modelled  or  graven  by  the  art  of  man.  Having 
thus  insinuated  to  their  minds  the  criminality  into  which  their 
ignorance  had  led  them,  he  proceeded  at  once  to  the  open  declar- 
ation  of  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  repentance,  enforced 

*See  Ncander's  Planting  of  Christianity  (Bohn),  vol.  i.  p.  187. 


70  DAMASCUS   AND    PAUL. 

by  the  fact  that  a  day  of  judgment  was  inevitable,  and  that  the 
Judge  would  be  He  whose  resurrection  from  the  dead  he  then 
and  there  proclaimed. 

The  first  part  of  this  address  was  heard  with  some  respectful 
attention.  As  Paul  advanced  to  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, some  of  his  hearers,  probably  the  Epicureans,  raised  a 
laugh,  whilst  others  declared  their  wish  to  hear  him  further  on 
the  subject.  But  the  assembly  broke  up  with  a  prevailing  in- 
difference to  the  great  truths  he  taught,  and  very  few  of  his 
polished  and  philosophical  auditors  concerned  themselves  further 
with  this  new  revelation  ;  exhibiting  thus  another  instance  of 
the  fact,  too  familiar,  that  the  learning  and  intelligence  of  men 
are  extremely  distant  from  the  awakened  conscience  and  hum- 
bled mind  requisite  to  a  reception  of  truth.  One  of  the  judges 
of  the  Areopagetic  court,  however,  named  Dionysius,^  attached 
himself  to  the  apostle  and  to  the  faith  he  preached,  together 
with  Damaris  and  a  few  others. 

Paul  appears  to  have  remained  during  some  considerable  time 
at  Athens,  from  which  place  he  sent  Timothy  to  Thessalonica 
the  second  time,  in  order  to  offer  them  the  consolations  and  suc- 
cors of  the  gospel  under  persecutions.!  Leaving  Athens,  he 
proceeded  to  Corinth.  Here  he  found  a  Jew  and  Jewess,  Aquila 
and  Priscilla,  who  had  been  banished  from  Rome  by  a  recent 
decree  of  Claudius.     The  apostle  attached   himself  to  them, 


*  This  Dionysius  has  been  the  subject  of  many  Roman  Catholic  legends. 
Eusebius  relates  concerning  him,  on  the  authority  of  another  Dionysius, 
that  he  was  the  first  bishop  of  the  church  at  Athens,  which  is  credible.  It 
is,  moreover,  related  of  him,  on  insufficient  testimony,  that  he  was  burnt 
alive  at  Athens  for  the  Christian  faith,  under  the  most  cruel  torments. 
Several  works  are  attributed  to  him,  confessed  even  by  the  best  Catholic 
writers  to  bo  spurious,  and  of  a  later  date.  The  Romish  church  believes 
that  the  head  of  this  saint  was  removed  to  the  cathedral  of  Soissons,  and 
his  body  to  that  of  St.  Denis.  Some  writers  have  confounded  this  apostol- 
ical Christian  witli  the  first  Bishop  of  Paris. 

t  See  Neander's  History  of  the  Planting  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  p.  195, 
for  the  reasons  which  justify  this  supposition. 


A.  D.  54,  CLAUDIUS    EMPEROR.  71 

pursuing  his  trade  of  teut-maker  with  Aquila,  who  had  followed 
the  same  occupation,  and  employing  his  Sabbaths  in  discourses 
concerning  the  gospel  of  Christ.  Among  his  converts  we  find 
the  names  of  Epenetus,  Stephanas,  Crispus,  and  Gains.  Whilst 
Paul  was  at  Corinth,  Silas  and  Timotheus  returned  to  him,  and, 
in  consequence  of  the  news  they  brought  him,  he  wrote  his  first 
epistle  to  the  church  at  Thessalonica  —  the  earliest,  probably, 
of  the  apostolical  letters.  The  want  of  success  which  the  apos- 
tle experienced  at  Athens  appears  to  have  greatly  depressed  his 
spirits,  and  to  have  led  him  to  the  deep  conviction  of  the  obsta- 
cles which  human  wisdom  presented  to  the  reception  of  the  faith 
of  Christ.  He  tells  the  Corinthians  that  he  came  to  them  in 
the  simple  confidence  that  spiritual  aid  alone  could  render  his 
ministrations  availing.  Rejected  at  Corinth,  as  usual,  by  the 
Jews,  he  changed  his  residence,  and,  after  having  been  strength- 
ened by  divine  visitation,  preached  with  much  success  to  the 
Gentiles,  though  his  converts  were  mainly  poor  and  humble. 
These  were  formed  by  the  apostle  into  a  regular  society.  After 
Paul  had  resided  a  year  and  a  half  at  Corinth,  the  appointment 
of  Gallio,  brother  of  Seneca  the  philosopher,  to  the  proconsul- 
ship  of  Achaia,  stimulated  the  Jews  to  bring  Paul  before  his 
tribunal,  charged  with  the  crime  of  setting  up  an  illegal  wor- 
ship. The  proceeding  threatened  serious  consequences,  which, 
however,  were  averted  by  the  mildness  and  caution  with  which 
the  Roman  officer  acted  in  this  emergency.  He  declared  that 
if  Paul's  ofi"ence  had  been  that  he  violated  the  rights  of  the 
subject  he  would  listen  to  the  preferred  accusation,  but  that  he 
at  once  refused  to  enter  into  the  merits  of  a  dispute  involving 
a  logomachy  in  which  he  felt  no  interest.  Protected  by  such 
a  decision,  the  apostle  continued  to  labor  with  much  success. 

Before  -Paul  left  Corinth,  where  he  appears  to  have  resided^ 
on  the  whole,  two  years,  he  wrote  a  second  epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians.  Then,  taking  leave  of  the  Corinthians,  and  accom- 
panied by  Priscilla  and  Aquila  as  far  as  Ephesus,  he  came  by 
way  of  Cenchrea,  Ephesus,  and  Cesarea  and  Jerusalem,  whither 


72  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

he  was  called,  to  execute  a  Nazarite  vow,  once  more  to  Antioch. 
This  concluded  Paul's  second  missionary  journey,  —  a  journey 
fraught  with  many  most  delightful  and  cheering  indications  of 
the  divine  spirit  and  of  the  power  of  the  truth. 

After  the  apostle's  arrival  at  Antioch,  the  occurrences  took 
place  which  are  related  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  epistle  to 
the  Galatians  (verse  11).  The  decisions  of  the  apostles,  and  of 
the  church  at  Jerusalem,  though  for  the  time  being  they  allayed 
the  threatened  storm,  could  not  allay  every  remain  of  irritated 
feeling  which  influenced  the  Jews  towards  the  Gentiles.  Cer- 
tain members  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem  had  come  down  to 
Antioch,  and  had  exercised  a  deleterious  influence  even  over 
the  mind  of  the  apostle  Peter,  then  a  visitor  in  that  town. 
Liable  as  he  always  had  been  to  be  led  away  by  strong  impulses 
which  made  him  occasionally  forget  himself,  he  exhibited  in  this 
crisis  some  repetition  of  his  former  fickleness.  He  had  heartily 
acknowledged,  since  the  decision  of  the  conference  at  Jerusalem, 
the  Gentiles  as  brethren  partaking  equal  rights  with  the  Jewish 
converts.  Yet  in  the  presence  of  the  brethren  from  Jerusalem 
he  had  pusillanimously  resiled  from  this  position,  and  had  de- 
clined to  eat  with  the  Gentiles.  And  the  hesitation  infected 
Barnabas  himself  The  righteous  indignation  of  Paul  was 
aroused  by  this  time-serving  "  dissimulation,"  as  he  did  not 
fail  to  designate  it,  and,  with  a  boldness  and  warmth  fully  jus- 
tified by  the  occasion,  he  "  reproved  Peter  to  his  face,"  so  little 
notion  had  he  of  the  claim  of  infallibility  and  supremacy  since 
asserted  on  behalf  of  that  apostle  of  the  Lord.  His  remon- 
strances proved  successful  with  the  principal  persons  concerned. 
But  the  leaven  of  the  Jewish  prejudice  long  remained  to  per- 
vert the  minds  of  the  young  converts  from  the  Hebrew  religion.^ 
From  this  time  Judaizing  teachers  became  the  pests  of  the 
church. 

After  remaining  for  some  time  at  Antioch,  Paul  resolved  to 

*  See  Neander'a  Planting  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  p.  213. 


A.  D.  54-58,    NERO    EMPEROR.  73 

visit  the  churches  of  Galatia  and  Phrygia,  thus  commencing  his 
third  great  journey.  In  prosecuting  these  labors  he  came  to 
Ephesus.  Before  his  arrival,  an  Alexandrian  Jew,  named  Apol- 
los,  who,  as  a  rhetorician  well  acquainted  with  the  Jewish 
scriptures,  knew  no  more  of  Christ  than  he  had  learned  from 
John  the  Baptist,  had  come  to  Ephesus.  Aquila  and  Priscilla, 
having  become  acquainted  with  this  man,  instructed  him  in  the 
doctrines  of  the  gospel,  and  then  sent  him  to  Achaia,  where  he 
proved  a  powerful  preacher  of  the  truth,  and,  according  to 
Jerome,  was  chosen  Bishop  of  Corinth.  On  Paul's  arrival  at 
Ephesus  he  found  the  disciples  of  this  man,  who,  though  par- 
tially instructed  by  their  teacher  in  the  doctrines  of  John,  had 
not  yet  learned  the  peculiar  features  of  the  Christian  system. 
By  the  apostle's  preaching  they  made  a  further  advance  in  the 
faith,  and  were  baptized  into  the  profession  of  Christianity. 
During  the  period  of  his  successful  residence  in  Ej^hesus,  Paul 
wrote  his  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  having  learned  from 
Stephanus,  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus,  the  position  of  matters  in 
that  church. 

From  Ephesus,  Paul  proceeded  to  Macedonia,  where  he  wrote 
his  second  letter  to  the  Corinthians,  and  then  visited  Corinth, 
whence  he  addressed  his  epistle  to  the  Romans.  He  returned 
by  way  of  Miletus  to  Jerusalem.  The  occurrences  of  this 
journey  will  be  more  appropriately  noticed  in  some  of  our  suc- 
ceeding chapters. 

It  remains  for  us  to  observe  the  form  of  the  constitution  of 
the  church  at  this  important  —  this  divine  —  period  of  its  his- 
tory. It  is  sufficiently  clear  that  the  synagogue-worship  of  the 
Jews  furnished  the  leading  notion,  according  to  which,  under, 
the  Spirit's  direction,  the  early  church  was  modelled.  For  not 
only  is  that  name  retained  in  the  Christian  epistles,^  but  the 
designation  of  the  church  officers  of  the  primitive  period  is  man- 
ifestly adopted  fi-om  Jewish  customs  long  familiar  to  the  apostles 


*  James  2  :  2.     Heb.  10  :  25. 
7 


74  DAMASCUS    AND    PAUL. 

and  their  converts.  Thus  it  was  possible  for  many  of  them  to 
become  Christians,  though  they  had  not  ceased,  as  to  exterior 
forms,  to  be  Jews. 

"It  appears  highly  probable,  —  I  might  say  morally  cer- 
tain,—  that  wherever  a  Jewish  synagogue  existed  that  was 
brought  —  the  whole  or  chief  part  of  it  —  to  embrace  the 
gospel,  the  apostles  did  not  there  so  much  form  a  Christian 
church  (or  congregation,  ecdesia)  as  make  an  existing  con- 
gregation Christian,  by  introducing  the  Christian  sacrament 
and  worship,  and  establishing  whatever  regulations  were  requi- 
site for  the  newly-appointed  faith  ;  leaving  the  machinery  (if  I 
may  so  speak)  of  government  unchanged ;  the  rulers  of  syna- 
gogues, elders,  and  other  officers  (whether  spiritual  or  ecclesi- 
astical, or  both),  being  already  provided  in  the  existing  institu- 
tions. And  it  is  likely  that  several  of  the  earliest  Christian 
churches  did  originate  in  this  way ;  that  is,  they  were  converted 
synagogues,  which  became  churches  as  soon  as  the  members, 
or  the  main  part  of  the  members,  acknowledged  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah. 

"  The  attempt  to  ejGFect  this  conversion  of  a  Jewish  synagogue 
into  a  Christian  church  seems  always  to  have  been  made,  in  the 
first  instance,  in  every  place  where  there  was  an  opening  for  it. 
Even  after  the  call  of  the  idolatrous  G-entiles,  it  appears  plainly 
to  have  been  the  practice  of  the  apostles  Paul  and  Barnabas, 
when  they  came  to  any  city  in  which  there  was  a  synagogue,  to 
go  thither  first  and  deliver  their  sacred  message  to  the  Jews, 
and  devout  or  proselyte  Gentiles;  according  to  their  own  ex- 
pression (Acts  13  :  17),  to  the  men  of  Israel  and  those  that 
feared  God,  adding  that  '  it  was  necessary  that  the  word  of  God 
should  first  l»e  preached  to  them  ! '  And  when  they  founded  a 
church  in  any  of  those  cities  in  which  (and  such  were,  probably, 
a  very  large  majority)  there  was  no  Jewish  synagogue  that 
received  the  gospel,  it  is  likely  they  would  still  conform  in  a 
great  measure  to  the  same  model."  * 

*  Whatoly's  Kingdom  of  Christ,  pp.  85,  86. 


A.  D.  58,    NERO    EMPEROR.  75 

That  each  Christian  church  was,  in  the  earliest  period  of 
ecclesiastical  history,  individualized  and  unassociated,  except 
by  the  religious  feeling  which  alike  pervaded  all,  is  admitted  by 
the  most  candid  historians.  "  Neither  in  the  New  Testament," 
says  Mosheim,  "  nor  in  any  ancient  document  whatever,  do  we 
find  anything  recorded  from  whence  it  might  be  inferred  that 
any  of  the  minor  churches  were  at  all  dependent  on,  or  looked 
up  for  direction  to,  those  of  greater  magnitude  or  consequence. 
On  the  contrary,  several  things  occur  therein  which  put  it  out 
of  all  doubt  that  every  one  of  them  enjoyed  the  same  rights, 
and  was  considered  as  being  on  a  footing  of  the  most  perfect 
equality  with  the  rest.  Indeed  it  cannot,  I  will  not  say  be 
proved,  but  even  be  made  to  appear  probable,  from  testimony 
human  or  divine,  that  in  this  age  it  was  the  practice  for  several 
churches  to  enter  into  and  maintain  among  themselves  the  sort 
of  association  which  afterwards  came  to  subsist  among  the 
churches  of  almost  every  province.  I  allude  to  their  assem- 
bling by  their  bishops,  at  stated  periods,  for  the  purpose  of 
enacting  general  laws,  and  determining  any  questions  or  con- 
troversies that  might  arise  respecting  divine  matters.  It  is  not 
until  the  second  century  that  any  traces  of  that  sort  of  associa- 
tion from  whence  councils  took  their  origin  are  to  be  perceived ; 
when  we  find  them  occurring  here  and  there,  some  of  them  tol- 
erably clear  and  distinct,  others  again  but  slight  and  faint, 
which  seems  plainly  to  prove  that  the  practice  arose  subse- 
quently to  the  times  of  the  apostles,  and  that  all  that  is  urged 
concerning  the  councils  of  the  first  century,  and  the  divine 
authority  of  councils,  is  sustained  merely  by  the  most  uncertain 
kind  of  support,  namely,  the  practice  and  opinion  of  more  recent 
times."  ^ 

The  whole  body  of  spiritual  believers  constituted,  according 
to  the  notions  of  the  primitive  church,  a  priesthood ;  each  in- 
dividual believer  being  a  priest,  who,  without  the  need  of  con- 

*  De  Rebus  Christ.  Saec.  i.  48. 


76  DAMASCUS    AND   PAUL. 

secrated  places,  or  the  intervention  of  consecrated  persons,  was 
competent  to  "  offer  up  spiritual  sacrifices  acceptable  to  God  by 
Jesus  Christ."  Yet,  as  the  order  and  action  of  the  churches 
imperatively  demanded  some  forms  of  organization,  and  at  least 
a  suggestive  control,  the  power  which  resided  in  each  church 
at  large  was  directed  and  applied  by  those  whose  spiritual  gifts 
and  eminence  specially  qualified  them  for  such  a  distinction. 
Whilst  the  Christian  church  was  in  its  infancy,  extraordinary 
officers  were  raised  up,  and  qualified  by  the  Head  of  the  church, 
not  to  preside  over  any  individual  community,  but  to  impel  and 
to  superintend  the  action  of  the  whole.  These  were  apostles, 
designated  by  the  personal  appointment  of  the  Lord  Jesus  him- 
self, and  who,  in  their  more  solemn  utterances,  were  the  organs 
of  communicating  infallible  truth,  and  who  not  only  possessed  in 
common  with  others  miraculous  gifts,  but  the  power  of  conveying 
those  gifts  to  others.  Subordinate  to  these,  and  largely  sharing 
in  miraculous  charisms,  especially  in  the  gift  of  speaking  with 
tongues,  were  the  evangelists,  who  accompanied  and  aided  the 
apostles  in  their  purely  missionary  operations,  and  were  often 
intrusted  by  them  with  powers  to  constitute  distinct  religious 
societies.  Subsidiary,  also,  to  the  apostles,  were  prophets, 
invested  with  declarative  powers  of  a  supernatural  order,  and 
being  spiritual  interpreters  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  church. 

But,  besides  these  extraordinary  officers,  each  church  possessed 
the  power,  under  the  advice  and  admonition  of  the  apostles,  of 
electing  distinct  officers  for  the  arrangement  of  its  peculiar  con- 
cerns. These  were  presbyters  (as  they  were  designated,  by  the 
application  of  a  term  in  use  by  the  Jewish  synagogues),  or 
bishops  (as  they  were  called  at  a  somewhat  later  period,  by  a 
phrase  familiar  to  Gentile  usages).  The  terms  are  obviously 
interchangeable,  the  former  referring  to  the  character  which 
fitted  them  for  the  office,  the  latter  to  the  relations  of  the  office 
itself. 

"  At  first,  indeed,  and  for  some  time,  churck-governors  were 
only  of  two   ranks,  presbyters   and   deacons.      At  least,  tliis 


A.  D.  58,    NEKO    EMPEROR.  77 

appears  to  have  been  the  case  in  particular  instances,  as  at 
Philippi  and  at  Ephesus ;  and  the  term  bishop  was  confounded 
with  that  of  presbyter."  "^ 

"  If  the  ancient  church  is  no  priest,  or  sacerdotal  church,  the 
canon  law  of  the  Latin  church  (being  simply  the  law  of  an  abso- 
lutely governing  corporation  of  priests,  called  the  hierarchy, 
and  being  based  not  only  upon  mistakes  and  all  sorts  of  metas- 
tatic misunderstandings,  but  upon  forgeries  and  impositions)  must 
fall  to  the  ground  with  any  hierarchical  system  based  upon 
that  foundation.  And  if  so,  what  is  the  philosopher  of  church 
history  to  say  of  churches  in  which  the  Christian  people,  that  is 
to  say,  all  the  non-clerical  members  of  any  congregation,  have, 
as  such,  no  right  to  take  part  in  the  nomination  of  their 
pastors  ?  "  t 

"  The  bishops  and  presbyters ;  —  two  appellations  which,  in 
their  first  origin,  appear  to  have  distinguished  the  same  office, 
and  the  same  order  of  persons."  I 

But,  that  the  church  might  have  its  temporal  affairs  well 
regulated  by  Christian  men  chosen  with  a  view  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  its  more  secular  matters,  another  order  of  officers 
belonged  to  each  individual  society,  called  deacons,  to  whom  was 
specially  intrusted  the  care  of  the  poor,  and,  in  course  of  time, 
by  a  natural  though  not  inevitable  arrangement,  the  ordering 
of  its  general  temporalities.  Both  the  elders  and  the  deacons 
appear  to  have  been  subdivided  into  many  varieties,  as  the 
exigences  of  each  peculiar  body  might  demand;  and  when,  in 
process  of  time,  the  orga^nizations  of  churches  caused  the  ex- 
traordinary offices  to  cease  and  determine,  these  two  remained,  — 
the  only  church  governors  for  whose  permanent  appointment 
inspired  instructions  were  given.  Thus,  by  an  arrangement  at 
once  simple  and  sufficient,  provision  was  made  for  the  unchecked 


*  Milner's  Church  History,  vol.  i.  p.  161. 
t  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  vol.  ii.  p.  109. 
X  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  xiii. 

7^ 


78  DAMASCUS   AND   PAUL. 

yet  orderly  development  of  the  operation  of  the  life-giving 
Spirit ;  whilst  the  intercourse  of  the  church  with  its  Head  was 
constant  and  uninterrupted,  and  the  individuality  of  no  member 
checked  in  its  operation.  "  Such  were  the  principles  on  which 
the  affairs  of  the  churches  were  conducted  for  some  time,  and 
none  can  be  conceived  more  favorable  to  the  progress  of  the 
faith.  The  government  of  a  single  person  protected  each  society 
from  internal  dissensions;  the  electiveness  of  that  governor 
rendered  probable  his  merit;  the  meeting  together  of  the 
deputies  of  the  churches  in  occasional  assemblies  on  equal  terms 
taught  the  scattered  members  of  the  faith  that  they  were  ani- 
mated by  one  soul,  and  informed  and  dignified  by  one  Spirit."  ^ 

*  Waddington's  Church  History,  Part  1,  chap,  ii. 


THE   FORUM   AT   ROME, 


CHAPTER   II. 


ROME   AND    ITS   EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 


The  course  of  our  narrative  requires  that  we  now  transport 
the  reader  to  Rome,  at  this  period  the  magnificent  metropolis 
of  an  empire  which  had  purchased  an  unequalled  power  at  the 
price  of  the  liberties  of  the  whole  civilized  world ;  whilst  its 
dominions  extended  from  the  Western  or  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
over  three  thousand  miles,  to  the  river  Euphrates,  and,  with  its 
base  upon  the  Atlas  Mountains  in  Africa,  formed  an  irregular 
pyramid,  the  apex  of  which  rose  into  Britain  itself.  The  me- 
tropolis had,  by  the  changes  it  had  undergone  during  the  reign 
of  Augustus,  fully  justified  that  emperor's  boast,  that  he  had 
found  Rome  brick,  and  left  it  marble ;  and  though  these  alter- 
ations were  much  surpassed  by  succeeding  ones,  they,  at  that 


80  KOME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CIIUISTIANITY. 

period,  exceeded  all  precedent.  The  circumference  of  the  city 
was  about  thirteen  miles,  and  beyond  the  ancient  walls  which 
Servius  Tullius  had  placed  around  it  there  was  gathering  an 
enormous  mass  of  new  structures,  —  temples,  baths,  aqueducts, 
theatres,  —  in  short,  all  that  belonged  to  a  polite  and  effeminate 
people ;  whilst  still  beyond  these  the  dwellings  of  the  rich  stood 
in  the  midst  of  gardens  situated  between  the  public  roads.  The 
Palatine  Hill,  on  which  Romulus  had  first  built  the  mud  and 
straw  thatched  cottages  he  called  a  city,  and  designated  by  his 
own  name,  was  still  the  centre  of  the  buildings  collected  to- 
gether during  eight  hundred  years,  and  at  the  base  of  its  emi- 
nence stood  the  Forum,  at  that  time  surrounded  by  temples  and 
public  edifices ;  though  they  differed  greatly  from  the  more 
majestic  buildings  of  the  next  age,  some  ruins  of  which  yet 
survive.  On  one  side  of  this  mass  flowed  the  yellow  and 
muddy  Tiber,  dividing  the  Janicular  and  Vatican  Mountains 
from  the  other  eminences  of  Rome,  and  terminating  the  ancient 
city  in  that  direction.  Whatever  the  architectural  honors 
heaped  by  Augustus  upon  Rome,  its  ordinary  houses  were  ex- 
tremely inconvenient,  though  of  inordinate  height ;  its  streets 
were  narrow  and  confined ;  and  though  the  public  roads  in  the 
immediate  adjacency  of  the  city  constituted  one  of  its  wonders, 
the  traveller  was  exposed  to  a  thousand  inconveniences  of 
which  modern  times  are  happily  ignorant.  Yet  the  magnifi- 
cence of  Rome  was  such  as  to  draw  applause  even  from  those 
most  wedded  to  their  own  national  glory.  Strabo,  who  flour- 
ished in  the  reigns  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  and  who, .  as  a 
Greek,  was  acquainted  with  the  best  specimens  of  architecture, 
having,  moreover,  travelled  over  a  large  portion  of  the  Old 
World,  describes  the  appearance  of  the  city  as  surpassingly 
glorious,  exceeding  expectation,  and  distancing  all  human  com- 
petition. 

At  the  period  of  which  we  write,  the  eyes  of  the  civilized 
world  were  turned  towards  this  metropolis,  as  ihe  face  of  the 
Mahometan    wor&hi})per    seeks    his    kebla.      One   mighty  in- 


A.  D.   61,    NERO    EMPEROR.  81 

fluence  spread  itself  over  all  nations,  brooding  over  them  like  a 
gigantic  spectre,  which  took  the  guise  sometimes  of  an  angel  of 
light,  sometimes  of  a  demon  of  darkness.  The  Spartan  liberty 
for  which  Rome  had  been  once  distinguished  had  altogether 
vanished,  except  in  a  few  obsolete  formulas,  such  as  the  names 
of  the  senate  and  the  consulship.  The  emperor  held  all  offices 
in  his  own  person,  and  was,  in  the  language  of  the  times, 
Divine.  A  splendid  despotism  bound  almost  the  whole  world 
in  its  gilded  chains ;  the  only  other  empire  of  any  note  being 
the  Parthian,  beyond  the  Euphrates.  Poetico-political  imag- 
ination never  conceived  of  a  more  distinguished  uniformity. 
The  name  of  Rome  resounded  from  the  pillars  of  Hercules ;  its 
legions  occupied  northern  Gaul;  its  deeds  of  arms  and  glory 
spread  themselves  to  Dacia  and  the  utmost  Thrace;  and  the 
cities  which  successively  arose  in  Asia  Minor  and  the  East 
were  not  only  monuments  of  the  imperial  resources  by  which 
many  of  them  had  been  erected,  but  were  imitations,  on  a 
smaller  scale,  of  the  capital  itself.  The  kings  and  princes,  the 
proconsuls  and  prefects,  the  centurions  and  soldiers,  scattered 
over  that  enormous  empire,  reflected  the  imperial  authority  to 
the  distant  nations.  The  Greek  language  became  increasingly 
general  through  the  more  polished  parts  of  the  empire.  But 
the  power  of  the  impulse  necessary  to  circulate  blood  through 
so  vast  a  system  was  exhaustive.  Rome  difiused  science,  learn- 
ing, arts,  commerce;  it  also  difi"used  venality,  profligacy,  cor- 
ruption, and  the  elements  of  political  and  social  suicide.  It 
performed  the  office  of  a  bully  on  the  largest  scale:  at  its 
caprice  it  could  tread  down ;  when  provoked  it  could  annihilate. 
But  its  very  power  united  all  nations  against  itself,  and  every 
blow  that  it  dealt  upon  its  crouching  foes  brought  it  nearer  to 
its  own  destruction. 

The  moral  state  of  this  overgrown  population  of  a  hundred 
and  twenty  millions  exhibited  a  chaos  of  vices.  When  the 
world  had  been  separated  into  independent  states,  the  struggles 
they  maintained  for  liberty  tended  to  create  and  foster  many  of 


82  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

the  social  virtues.  But  as  Rome  became  the  mistress  of  the 
world,  and  as  the  individualism  of  nations  was  lost,  the  bene- 
ficial results  of  such  a  stimulating  influence  perished.  The 
mind  which  is  ever  thought  for,  and  never  asserts  itself,  soon 
becomes,  whether  in  individuals  or  in  communities,  incapable  of 
all  that  is  powerful  or  good.  Religion,  when  left  to  flow  along 
its  own  natural  channels,  and  at  its  own  proper  rate,  tends  to 
defecate  itself  and  to  become  pure.  Force  it  into  rapidity,  it 
becomes  turbid ;  shut  it  up  from  motion,  it  is  a  stagnant  pool. 
Such  was  the  case  with  Rome ;  and,  in  speaking  of  it,  we  de- 
scribe the  condition  of  the  mass  of  its  empire.  Never  pure  at 
its  source,  the  political  system  grew  worse  as  it  grew  older,  and 
became  the  powerful  instrument  of  corrupting  the  whole  people. 
It  not  only  gave  no  elevated  views  of  the  Divine  character, 
such  as  might  purify  and  exalt  the  moral  feelings,  but  it  deified 
baseness,  fraud,  injustice,  cruelty,  and  lust.  The  observances 
of  the  pagan  temples,  as  related  by  Herodotus,  Aristophanes, 
Josephus,  Strabo,  Athena3us,  and  others,"?^  greatly  contributed 
to  this  moral  desolation.  The  progress  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Epicureans,  though  not  of  Epicurus  himself,  led  directly  to  the 
same  result,  and  are  quoted  by  Montesquieu  as  among  the  prin- 
cipal causes  which  hastened  the  decline  of  the  Roman  power.f 
Among  the  Eastern  nations,  polygamy  was  extensively  prac- 
tised ;  among  the  Western,  divorces  were  frequent,  almost 
regular.  The  marriage  tie  fell  into  contempt,  or  was  used  in 
conjunction  with  vices  the  very  name  of  which  is  infamous. 
Fornication  was  allowed  even  by  the  sages  of  the  people.  The 
notions  of  the  multitude  respecting  religion  were  altogether 
gross  and  sensuous,  whilst  the  priests  were  frequently  atheists, 
and  the  philosophers,  in  the  very  act  of  practising  the  popular 
worship,  despised  and  derided  it  in  their  hearts.  What  other 
results  could,  indeed,  follow  from  the  withering .  ridicule  which 
such  writers  as  Lucian  poured  upon  the  divinities  of  the  highest 

*  The  specifications  may  be  as  well  avoided. 

t  Montesquieu  sur  le  grandeur  des  Romains,  chap.  10. 


A.  D.   61,    NERO    EMPEROR.  83 

repute  ?  The  learned  had  knowledge  in  advance  of  the  people, 
but  they  believed  what  they  did  not  avow,  and  avowed  what 
they  did  not  believe.  With  bitter  reproach,  TertuUian  accused 
the  heathens  of  his  day  with  having  restored  the  impure  practices 
of  the  Bacchanalian  and  other  revels,^  and  with  openly  prac- 
tising that  for  the  mere  suspicion  of  which  Christians  were  so 
barbarously  condemned.  Nor  were  these  idolatrous  forms 
senseless  and  immoral  only,  but  also  cruel.  Even  human  sacri- 
fices were  by  no  means  rare.  Augustus  caused  three  hundred 
men  (some  say  four  hundred)  to  be  put  to  death  at  the  altar  of 
Caesar. t  In  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Latialis,  at  Rome,  a  human 
victim  was  daily  sacrificed. t  Sextus  Pompeius  sacrificed  to 
Neptune  by  drowning  men  in  the  sea."5>  Boys  were  also  put  to 
death  in  the  reign  of  Augustus,  in  connection  with  magical  in- 
cantations. 

No  part  of  the  Roman  system  was  more  abominable  than  its 
treatment  of  slaves.  The  master  possessed  so  absolute  a  power 
over  his  bond-servants,  that  he  might  scourge  them  or  put  them 
to  death  at  pleasure.  When  a  master  was  found  slain  without 
apparent  cause,  all  his  slaves  were  liable  to  crucifixion.  Claudius 
passed  a  law  forbidding  the  putting  to  death  or  the  abandon- 
ment of  diseased  slaves. 

The  degeneracy  of  the  age  is  declared  by  Horace  in  a  thou- 
sand places,  in  none  more  remarkable  than  in  Book  iii.  ode  6  : 

"  Damnosa  quid  non  imminuit  dies  1 
Mtas  parentum  pejor  avis  tulit 
Nos  iiequiores,  mox  daturos 
Progeniem  vitiosiorem." 

"  Moi'e  vicious  than  their  fathers'  age. 
Our  sires  begot  the  present  race 
Of  manners,  impious,  bold  and  base  ; 
And  yet,  with  crimes  to  us  unknown, 
Our  sons  shall  mark  the  coming  of  their  own." — Francis. 

*  Tertull.  Apologet.  vi.  ;  Livy,  xxxix.  8. 

I  Suet.  Oct.  c.  XV.  :j:  Lactantius,  Div.  Inst.  1,  o.  xxi. 

§  Die  Cassius,  quoted  (as  are  the  foregoing)  by  Gieseler,  Introduction. 


84  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

Thus  does  Seneca  express  himself  in  the  age  of  Nero  : 

"  Nee  furtiva  jam  scelera  sunt,  praeter  oculos  eunt  ;  adeoque  in  publicum 
missa  nequitia  est,  et  in  omnium  pectoribus,  evaluit,  ut  iunocentia  non  rara 
sed  nulla  est.  —  De  Ira. 

"Wickedness  is  no  longer  secret  ;  it  .is  before  our  eyes  ;  it  has  become 
so  public,  and  exerts  such  power  over  all  breasts,  that  innocence  is  not 
only  rare,  but  non-existent." 

To  the  same  effect  writes  Juvenal,  a  little  later,  in  the  age  of 
Domitian  : 

"  Nihil  est  ulterius,  quod  nostris  moribus  addet 
Posteritas  *  *  * 

Omne  in  prsecipiti  vitium  stetit."  * 

"  Nothing  is  left,  nothing  for  future  times 
To  add  to  the  full  catalogue  of  crimes  ; 
The  baffled  sons  must  feel  the  same  desires 
And  act  the  same  mad  follies  as  their  sires. 
Vice  has  attained  its  zenith."  —  Gifford. 

The  throne  of  imperial  Rome  was  at  this  time  occupied  by 
one  whose  name  has  passed  into  a  proverb  of  licentiousness  and 
flagitiousness.  During  the  first  years  of  Nero's  reign,  whatever 
the  turpitudes  in  which  he  privately  indulged,  the  wise  counsels 
of  Burrhus  and  Seneca  (who  had  aided  Agrippina  to  place  her 
son  upon  the  throne  in  place  of  the  elder  son  of  Claudius)  pre- 
vented the  outbreak  of  those  enormities  by  which  his  reign  was 
afterwards  disgraced.  At  this  time  there  was  brought  to 
Rome,  as  a  prisoner,  one  little  distinguished  among  those  whom 
the  movements  of  a  great  empire  were  continually  directing 
towards  the  metropolitan  city,  but  hereafter  to  be  distinguished 
by  a  name  and  a  fame  as  imperishable  as  noble  and  holy,  — the 
apostle  Paul. 

Paul's  last  journey  to  Jerusalem  appears  to  have  been  dic-^ 
tated  by  two  objects  :  one  was,  that  he  might  convey  thither  a 
large  contribution  which  had  been  made  among  the  Gentiles  of 
the  East  for  the  poor  Christians  of  the  Holy  City ;  aipid  ^pother, 

*  Juvenal,  Sat.  I. 


A.  D.    61,    NERO    EMPEROR.  85 

that  he  might  defend  himself  against  the  charges  of  his  Juda- 
izing  opponents,  and  heal,  by  his  presence,  the  wounds  which 
had  been  made  in  the  church's  unity.  Accordingly,  he  departed 
from  Corinth  about  the  time  of  the  Jewish  Passover,  designing 
to  arrive  at  Jerusalem  by  the  Pentecost.  Having  reached 
Miletus,  he  sent  to  Ephesus  for  the  elders  of  the  church,  to 
whom  he  delivered  an  address  deeply  prophetic  of  his  own 
approaching  calamities,  but  imbued  with  a  spirit  of  dignified 
earnestness,  integrity  and  tenderness,  such  as  must  render  it 
for  all  time  a  forcible  memorial  of  the  principles  and  duties 
belonging  to  all  Christian  pastors.  The  efiect  upon  his  hearers 
was  commensurate  with  the  importance  of  the  occasion.  Weep- 
ing and  embracing  him,  they  accompanied  him  to  his  ship  with 
a  farewell,  never  to  be  repeated  more. 

On  his  way  to  Jerusalem,  Paul  received  more  than  one  warn- 
ing from  disciples  possessing  the  prophetical  spirit,  calculated 
to  deter  him  from  his  intended  journey.  But  the  steady  resolu- 
tion of  the  apostle's  mind  bore  him  forward  unmoved.  To  go 
to  Jerusalem  was  duty,  and  before  that  duty  inferior  consid- 
erations of  safety  and  ease  became  things  of  naught.  In  this 
temper  Paul  reached  Jerusalem,  where  he  was  joyfully  received 
by  the  believers,  and,  on  the  day  following,  met  the  elders  of  the 
church  v.i  the  house  of  James.  To  them  he  recited  his  success- 
ful ministry  among  the  Gentiles.  The  joy  with  which  this  intel- 
ligence was  received  was,  however,  damped  by  the  remembrance 
of  the  strong  prejudices  which  the  Judaizing  teachers  had 
infused  against  Paul  into  the  minds  of  the  more  rigid  among 
the  church.  James  told  him  that  a  notion  was  current  among 
them  that  he  had  exhorted  the  Jews  to  forsake  the  Mosaic  ritual, 
and  to  abandon  circumcision.  The  charge  was  not  without  a 
show  of  probability,  inasmuch  as  Paul  in  his  preachings  and 
writings  had  always  magnified  the  spirit  of  an  internal  life 
above  the  letter  of  an  external  law.  But  the  course  of  his  life 
evidently  shows  that  he  was  not  yet  prepared  to  renounce  the 
forms  of  Judaism  in  the  case  of  those  born  Jews ;  and,  indeed, 


86  ROME   AND   ITS   EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

the  time  was  yet  to  come  when  the  providence  of  God  was  to 
proclaim,  in  the  most  striking  and  visible  manner,  that  the  whole 
platform  of  Jewish  observances  was  abolished.  James,  there- 
fore, advised  him  to  unite  himself  with  other  Jewish  Christians 
in  the  observance  of  a  Nazaritic  vow.  To  this  course  Paul  con- 
sented ;  but  before  the  time  of  this  observance  was  complete, 
the  Jews  of  the  city,  whose  bigotry  was  already  aroused  by  the 
history  and  proceedings  of  the  apostle,  stirred  up  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Jerusalem,  seized  Paul  in  the  Temple,  and  accused  him 
of  preaching  the  abrogation  of  the  law  of  Moses,  and  of  defil- 
ing the  Temple  by  introducing  a  Gentile  within  its  precincts. 
The  ground  of  the  latter  accusation  simply  was,  that  Paul  had 
been  seen  in  the  city  in  company  with  Trophimus,  an  Ephesian. 
A  crowd  was  collected  ;  a  tumult  ensued ;  and  Paul  would  assur- 
edly have  been  destroyed,  had  not  the  Jewish  tribune,  with  cen- 
turions and  soldiers,  rescued  him  from  the  hands  of  the  infuri- 
ated mob.  By  these  soldiers  he  was  carried  into  the  Antonia, 
followed  by  the  multitude,  but  was  permitted  to  speak  to  the 
people  from  the  stairs  of  the  citadel.  He  accordingly  related  the 
remarkable  circumstances  of  his  conversion  to  the  Christian  faith, 
and  of  the  commission  which  had  been  given  to  him  to  preach 
Christ's  gospel  to  the  Gentiles.  At  this  point  the  indignation 
of  the  mob  became  outrageous,  and  was  shown  by  every  demon- 
stration of  insane  excitement.  The  tribune  commanded  .  that 
Paul  should  be  scourged,  partly  that  he  might  derive  from  him 
a  confession  of  the  real  facts  of  the  case,  and  partly  that  he 
miglit  appease  the  multitude  by  torturing  their  victim.  But,  as 
the  prisoner  pleaded  the  rights  of  a  Roman  citizen,  it  was 
resolved  that  the  Jewish  council  should  be  summoned  on  the 
morrow,  and  that  Paul  should  be  brought  before  their  tribunal. 
Thus  arraigned,  on  the  next  day  the  prisoner  began  by  declar- 
ing before  the  Sanhedrim  his  unconsciousness  of  all  duplicity 
(for  with  this  he  had  been  directly  charged)  during  his  whole 
life.  On  hearing  this  declaration,  the  High  Prifest  commanded 
him  to  be  struck  on  the  mouth,  as  a  liar  and  blasphemer.     The 


A.  D.  61,    NERO   EMPEROR.  87 

action  aroused  the  prisoner,  who,  in  words  of  sarcasm,  though  of 
truth,  reproved  Ananias  eagerly  for  the  injustice.  He  was  imme- 
diately and  sternly  called  to  order  for  such  an  answer  to  the 
High  Priest.  Without  delay,  Paul  recalled  the  phrase,  stating 
that  he  had  spoken  in  inconsideration  of  the  office  which  Ana- 
nias held.^  He  then,  with  a  view  of  enlisting  on  his  side,  as 
far  as  was  honestly  possible,  the  religious  opinions  of  at  least 
part  of  his  judges,  proceeded  to  say,  with  entire  truth,  that  he 
was  a  Pharisee,  and  that  one  of  the  tenets  of  the  Pharisees, 
namely,  the  resurrection,  was  that  for  which  he  was  a  victim. 
There  needed  nothing  more  than  this  to  divide  the  assembly, 
which  ended  in  an  altercation  again  threatening  Paul's  life. 
Once  more  the  military  power  intervened  for  his  rescue ;  and  at 
length  Paul  was  sent  to  Cesarea,  to  the  procurator  Felix,  whose 
dominion  comprehended  Tarsus,  Paul's  native  place.  With  the 
want  of  principle  apparent  in  men  of  his  class,  and  in  his  day, 
Felix  vacillated  between  his  sense  of  justice  on  the  one  hand, 
and  considerations  of  interest  on  the  other;  he  believed  in 
Paul's  innocence  of  any  real  charge,  but  he  hoped  to  receive  a 
bribe  for  his  release.  Failing  in  this,  as  he  perceived  the  apos- 
tle's imprisonment  to  be  a  popular  measure,  he  kept  him  in 
confinement  till  he  was  superseded  in  his  office  by  M.  P.  Festus. 
Immediately  after  his  appointment,  Festus,  having  been 
informed  of  the  charges  laid  against  Paul,  resolved  not  to  bring 
him  to  Jerusalem,  as  the  Jews  desired  (intending  to  assassinate 
lum  on  the  road),  but  to  confront  him  with  his  accusers  at 
Cesarea ;  and,  though  evidently  contrary  to  his  convictions,  he 
endeavored  to  induce  the  apostle  to  submit  his  cause  for  trial  at 
Jerusalem.  Paul  rejected  the  overture,  appealing,  as  a  Roman 
citizen  had  a  right  to  do,  to  the  tribunal  of  the  Roman 
emperor  himself.  Rejoicing  in  this  opportunity  of  freeing 
himself  of  so  troublesome  a  case,  Festus  granted  the  appeal. 
But  as  the  young  King  Agrippa  II.  arrived  about  this  time  at 

*  See  Neancler.     The  other  interpretation,  that  Ananias  was  not  properly 
the  High  Priest,  seems  far-fetched  and  improbable. 


88  ROME   AND   ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

Cesarea,  Festus  summoned  his  prisoner  to  plead  his  cause  in 
their  united  presence.  The  trial  was  instituted  with  much  pomp 
and  circumstance.  Again  Paul  related  the  history  of  his  con- 
version, urging  upon  Agrippa  himself,  as  a  Jew  well  read  in  the 
ancient  prophets,  to  receive  Jesus  as  the  promised  Messiah  of 
the  people  of  God.  As  he  pressed  the  important  facts  of  Chris- 
tianity close  upon  the  conscience  of  the  monarch,  Agrippa's  reso- 
lution wavered  —  the  citadel  of  the  understanding  was  almost 
gained !  But  the  influence  of  the  heart  prevailed,  and,  after 
an  instant's  pause,  the  garrison  remained  untaken.  Yet  such 
was  Agrippa's  conviction  of  the  apostle's  innocence,  that  Paul 
would  have  been  released,  but  for  his  appeal  to  C^sar.  That 
appeal  demanded  that  he  should  be  sent  with  an  escort  to  Rome, 
though  he  was  despatched  with  a  report  calculated  to  produce  an 
impression  in  his  favor.  He  was  regarded,  probably,  rather  as 
a  general  disturber  of  the  public  peace,  in  consequence  of  the 
alleged  anti-Jewish  doctrines  he  held,  than  as  one  guilty  of  any 
specific  crime  against  the  Roman  government. 

Paul  had,  apparently,  been  committed  to  the  charge  of  Bur- 
rhus  himself,  who  then  held  the  post  of  praetorian  prefect,  and, 
except  that  he  was  in  military  custody,  and  was  therefore 
attached  by  a  long  chain  to  a  guard,  who  was  regularly  relieved 
at  his  watch,  was  in  comparative  liberty,  and  was  allowed  to 
occupy  a  house  hired  by  himself.  His  time  was  mainly  devoted 
to  the  care  of  the  churches,  with  whom  he  carried  on  an  exten- 
sive correspondence.  Nor  did  he  fail,  during  the  two  years  in 
which  he  thus  remained  a  prisoner,  to  preach  the  doctrine  of  his 
Lord,  and  to  stimulate  the  Roman  Christians  to  exemplify  and 
extend  its  truths.=^  During  this  confinement  he  addressed  let- 
ters to  Philippi,  to  Colosse,  and  to  Ephesus.t 

From  the  testimony  of  Clement  of  Rome,  who  informs  us 
that  Paul's  martyrdom  occurred  after  he  had  visited  the  West, 
combined  with  the  apostle's  intention  of  visiting  Spain,  expressed 
in  his  letter  to  the  Romans,  we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  that 

*  Acta  27  :  30,  31.  |  Neander. 


A.  D.    63,    NERO    EMPEROR.         '  89 

his  confinement  was  comparatively  brief,  and  that  he  was  liber- 
ated from  it  about  a.  d.  63,  when  he  resumed  his  apostolical 
labors,  and  visited  various  regions,  and,  among  others,  some 
of  the  Western  churches.  During  these  journeys  he  probably 
sent  his  first  letter  to  Timothy,  and  his  epistle  to  Titus. 

At  this  time  events  took  place  at  Kome  which  greatly  com- 
promised the  position  of  the  early  Christians.  In  the  first  in- 
stance, the  tolerance  of  the  Roman  government  had  extended 
itself  to  the  followers  of  Jesus,  though  that  tolerance  was  built 
upon  no  very  solid  foundation.^  It  was,  in  fact,  rather  neg- 
ative than  positive,  though  Eusebius  tells  us,  after  Tertullian, 
that  when  Pilate  transmitted  to  Tiberius  an  account  of  the  life 
and  actions  of  Christ,  that  emperor  was  desirous  of  having 
Jesus  ranked  among  the  gods,  but  that  his  purpose  was  frus- 
trated by  the  non-compliance  of  the  senate. 

Though  the  integrity,  purity,  and  charity  of  the  primitive 
believers,  were  calculated  to  attract  the  veneration  of  all  who 
could  appreciate  such  virtues,  there  was  at  the  same  time  a 
combination  of  causes  which  rendered  the  Christians  extremely 
unpopular.  Not  only  did  the  heathens  see  their  idolatrous 
religion  repudiated  by  many  who  had  been  its  former  devotees, 
but  the  gross  and  licentious  habits,  favored  by  the  worship  and 
the  mythological  history  of  their  deities,  could  not  bear  the 
light  of  that  high-toned  virtue  which  preached  simplicity,  meek- 
ness, temperance  and  charity,  as  essential  graces.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  systems  marked  itself  in  every  act  of  public 
or  private  life.  The  worship  of  the  emperor;  the  sacrifices 
ofi'ered  for  his  safety  ;  f  the  libation  at  the  meal ;  the  furniture 
of  the  apartment;  the  interjection  at  the  ordinary  conversation; 
the  observances  at  the  marriage  feast  or  at  the  bier  of  death ; 
the  names  inscribed  on  the  calendar;  the  inscriptions  on  the 

*  For  Cicero  tells  us  (de  Leg.  ii.  c.  8)  that  the  introduction  of  new  gods 
was  forbidden  by  the  Roman  code  ;  and  Valerius  Maximus  (i.  3)  cites 
three  instances  in  which  foreign  creeds  were  prohibited. 

t  Tertull.  Apol.  c.  xxxiii. 
8^ 


90  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

coins;  the  incense  dropped  b}^  every  Roman  senator  on  the 
altar,  before  performing  his  legislative  functions;  —  all  fur- 
nished occasions  on  which  the  Christians  might,  and  doubtless 
did,  express  the  difference  of  their  views  from  those  current 
around  them.  These  things  would  appear  to  some  simply 
absurd,  while  they  were  grave  offences  to  others.^  The  military 
spirit  of  the  Roman  people  was  disgusted  by  the  tone  in  which 
the  Christians  proclaimed  that  their  religion  was  one,  not  of 
wanton  aggrandizement,  but  of  peace.  The  jealous  ruler  was 
alarmed  by  the  tone  in  which  they  spoke  of  a  kingdom  of  their 
own  :  whilst  the  morbid  greediness  of  the  citizens  for  public 
spectacles  was  offended  by  the  remonstrances  with  which  the 
followers  of  Jesus  inveighed  against  the  immorality,  or  repro- 
bated the  cruelties,  of  such  exhibitions.  Nor  did  malice  fail  to 
add  its  fictions  to  the  statements  of  actual  facts.  "We  are 
called  most  infamous,"  writes  Tertullian,  a  little  later,  but 
recapitulating  facts  which  began  at  this  period  to  obtain  cur- 
rency, "  on  the  ground  of  our  sacrament  of  murdering  children, 
and  after  that  our  banquet"  (on  the  murdered  victim),  "and 
after  such  banquet  our  incest,  which  dogs,  the  overturners  of 
the  lights  "  (trained,  it  might  be  supposed),  "  effect  through  the 
shamelessness  of  darkness  and  impious  desires."!  But  such 
charges  were  evidently  the  mere  inventions  of  wickedness.  The 
darkness  of  vicious  indulgence  beholds  with  irritation  the  light 
of  truth.  In  fact,  it  was  the  purity  of  the  Christian  religion 
which  gave  rise  to  such  rumors.  And  when  the  elevated  doc- 
trines of  an  all-purifying  religion  were  propounded  in  the  itame 
of  a  crucified  malefactor,  Roman  indignation  reached  its  sum- 
mit ! 


♦  The  Emperor  Julian,  as  represented  by  Gregory  of  Nazianzen,  derides 
the  Christians  because  they  assembled  with  boys  and  infirm  old  women, 
and  mortified  their  bodies  by  watchings  and  fastings.     Orat.  2. 

t  Tertullian,  lib.  Apolog.  c.  vii.  The  Christians  seem  to  have  been 
charged  with  those  practices  of  the  Bacchanals  which  were  prohibited  in 
Rome.     Livy  relates  the  circumstance  at  large. 


A.    D.    64,  NERO    EMPEROR.  91 

It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged,  that  the  nightly  meetings 
of  the  Christians  could  scarcely  fail  of  attracting  attention  from 
a  government  so  absolute,  and  therefore  so  suspicious,  as  the 
Roman  at  this  period.  Nor  was  the  low  origin  of  the  early 
Christians  without  its  influence.  Oh  nollol  evyevsis,  "  not  many 
well  born"  —  as  Paul  says;  and  Theodoret,  speaking  of  the 
early  believers,  says  that  "  they  were  neither  rich  nor  learned, 
but  workers  in  brass,  builders,  household  slaves,  laborers,  tree- 
fellers,  and  women."  ^  And  Minucius  Felix  adds  :  "  They 
despise  the  honors  and  purple  of  priests,  though  themselves  are 
half  naked."  t 

Such  were  the  feelings  with  which  the  great  mass  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  great  city  —  comprehending,  as  the  mass 
always  did,  a  large  infusion  of  those  whom  business  and  pleasure 
had  brought  from  every  part  of  the  empire  —  regarded  the 
system  of  Christianity. 

About  the  year  60,  Nero  had  fully  developed  the  features 
of  his  hideous  character.  The  absolutism  of  the  Roman  empe- 
rors, which  left  their  subjects  no  resource  except  that  of  ridding 
themselves  of  their  tyrants,  was  usually  the  hot-bed  of  crimes. 
Nero  threw  off  shame,  and  he  had  at  no  time  virtue.  His 
brother  and  his  wife  perished  at  his  word.  Burrhus  was  no 
more,  either  in  consequence  of  death  or  treachery ;  and  Seneca 
retired  in  disgust  from  court.  The  emperor  gave  full  scope  to 
his  career  of  impurity,  profligacy,  cruelty,  and  buffoonery. 

At  this  time,  when  Nero  was  exhausting  the  imperial  treas- 
ures by  his  incredible  vices,  a  great  conflagration  took  place  in 
Rome,  which  destroyed  so  considerable  part  of  the  city,  as  that 
only  three  divisions  out  of  fourteen  remained  entire.  Tacitus 
hesitates  to  assert  that  this  event  took  place  by  order  of  the 
emperor. t  But  Suetonius  is  much  less  scrupulous,  and  does  not 
hesitate  to  affix  on  him  the  crime  of  the  transaction,  declaring 

*  Serm.  viii.  t  Minuc.  Felic.  Octavius. 

4:  Tacit.  Annal.  lib.  xv.  c.  38.    -Suet.  Nero. 


02  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

that  Nero's  pretext  was,  that  he  might  remove  the  narrow  and 
winding  streets  for  which,  since  the  burning  of  Rome  by  the 
Gauls,  the  old  city  had  been  remarkable.^  The  fire  began  in 
that  part  of  the  Circus  which  was  contiguous  to  the  Palatine 
and  Coelian  Hills,  where  the  fire  readily  seized  the  inflammable 
materials  sold  in  the  booths.  At  last  it  spread  over  those  por- 
tions of  the  city  which  were  crowded  by  the  multitude,  carrying 
desolation  and  destruction  in  its  way.  During  six  days,  the  con- 
flagration raged  with  the  utmost  fnryi,  bidding  defiance  to  all 
efibrts  to  check  it,  and  driving  the  miserable  and  helpless  people 
into  the  fields  for  shelter.  Suspicions  fixed  themselves  on  the 
emperor  as  the  cause  of  this  terrible  calamity.  It  was  reported 
that  when  one  had  repeated  before  him  the  line,  "When  I  am 
dead  let  the  earth  be  destroyed  by  fire,"  he  had  said,  "  Yes, 
indeed  ;  but  let  it  be  whilst  I  am  living."  It  was  declared  also 
that  he  had  been  seen  during  the  progress  of  the  flames  on  the 
summit  of  his  palace,  dressed  in  the  theatrical  costumes  of 
which  he  was  so  inordinately  fond,  and  singing  a  song  com- 
memorative of  the  destruction  of  Troy  :  and  it  is  certain  that 
he  afterwards  appropriated  a  large  portion  of  the  ruined  city,  to 
the  injury  of  thousands,  as  the  site  of  a  palace  called  the 
Golden  palace,  which  he  had  long  greatly  desired  to  build.t 
Such  is  the  price  which  a  nation  may  pay  for  absolute  and  arbi- 
trary power  !  To  evade  the  popular  fury  which  his  combined 
acts  of  reckless  tyranny  ending  with  this  last  scene  had  drawn 
upon  him,  Nero  endeavored  to  fix  the  odium  of  the  burning  of 
the  city  on  the  Christians,  already  sufficiently  detested.  I>ean 
Milman  is  of  opinion  that  the  early  believers,   supposing  the 

*  Tacitus  describes  the  conflagration  in  his  own  characteristic  and  power- 
ful style.     Lib.  xv.  c.  38,  39,  40. 

t  The  magnificence  of  this  palace  was  almost  incredible.  Gold,  silver, 
and  precious  stones,  were  profusely  lavished  on  its  adornments,  and  the  most 
finished  specimens  of  Grecian  statuary  adorned  it.  Its  gardens  were  of 
prodigious  size,  adorned  with  numerous  lakes,  one  of  which^  drained  for  the 
purpose,  is  now  occupied  by  the  Colosseum.  Out  of  the  ruins  of  this  Golden 
palace,  and  on  its  site,  Titus  afterwards  built  hie  bathe  and  palace. 


A.    D.    64,    NEIlvj    EMPEROR.  93 

conflagration  to  be  one  of  the  indications  of  the  comino-  of 
Christ  to  judge  the  world  and  to  avenge  himself  of  his  enemies, 
expressed  themselves  regarding  the  event  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  expose  themselves  to  this  popular  suspicion.  But  the  sup- 
position, though  ingenious,  appears  to  have  no  solid  grounds. 
According  to  the  testimony  of  Tacitus,  the  first  Christians  who 
were  seized  confessed  their  crime.^^  But  let  us  extract  the 
passage  : 

"  Therefore,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  rumor,  Nero 
brought  forward,  as  accused  persons  to  be  subjected  to  the  most 
exquisite  punishments,  those  who  were  commonly  called  Chris- 
tians, men  hateful  for  their  wickedness.  The  author  of  their 
name,  Christ,  was  capitally  punished  by  the  Procurator,  Pon- 
tius Pilate,  whilst  Tiberius  was  emperor.  The  detestable  super- 
stition, however,  though  for  the  present  suppressed,  again  broke 
out,  not  merely  through  Jerusalem,  the  origin  of  the  evil,  but  in 
the  city  itself,  where  all  kinds  of  atrocious  and  shameful  prac- 
tices concentrate  themselves  and  are  celebrated.  Therefore,  a 
few  having  been  first  taken  who  made  confession,!  their  aid 
brought  to  light  a  great  multitude,  who  were  convicted,  not  so 
much  of  the  crime  of  burning  the  city,  as  of  hatred  of  the 
human  race." 

An  exterminating  war  now  began  upon  the  Christians,  which, 
though  mainly  confined  to  Rome,  exercised,  doubtless,  no  small 

*  The  enmity  which  Tacitus  everywhere  bears  to  all  who  bore  the  Chris- 
tian name  is  characteristic.  It  is  probably  this  feeling  alone  which  has 
induced  him  to  hesitate  respecting  Nero's  part  in  the  conflagration.  This 
malice  must  be  borne  in  mind  as  affecting  his  account  of  the  whole  trans- 
action. 

t  Though  the  language  of  Tacitus  is  capable  of  the  construction  that 
these  persons  who  were  first  apprehended  confessed,  not  the  crime,  but  the 
fact  of  their  associates  being  Christians,  the  language  used  by  Tertullian 
renders  it  probable  that  Tacitus  was  understood  as  having  asserted  that 
these  Christians  pleaded  guilty  to  the  incendiarism  :  —  "At  enim  idem  Cor- 
nelius Tacitus,  sane  ille  mendaciorum  loquacissimus,"  — "  that  most  fluent 
liar." 


91  ROME   AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

influence  on  the  other  provinces  of  the  empire.  The  utmost 
ingenuity  was  shown  in  the  manner  of  torturing  these  suspected 
criminals.  Some,  covered  with  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  were 
exposed  to  be  hunted  by  dogs ;  some  were  crucified,  in"  horrible 
mockery  of  him  whose  name  they  bore ;  whilst  others,  covered 
over  with  inflammable  materials,  were  set  on  fire  to  give  light 
by  night  to  the  imperial  gardens,"^  then  standing  on  the  site  of 
the  present  St.  Peter's.  Terrified  by  the  atrocities  committed 
by  this  imperial  slave  to  his  own  wickedness  and  caprices,  the 
Christians  were  extremely  slow  to  believe  in  the  death  of  Nero 
when  that  event  took  place  —  it  was  too  good  to  be  true;  and  a 
notion  prevailed  that,  though  apparently  dead,  Nero  would 
reappear  as  Antichrist  to  direct  the  world's  final  persecu- 
tion, after  which  the  consummation  of  all  things  would  take 
place. 

This  persecution  appears  to  have  involved  the  two  principal 
apostles  of  our  Lord,  Peter  and  Paul,  though  their  death  was 
preceded  by  that  of  James,  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  as  we 
shall  relate  in  the  next  chapter.  Let  us  now  speak  of  Peter. 
After  the  deliberations  respecting  circumcision  which  took  place 
at  Jerusalem,  he  seems  to  have  removed  from  that  city,  and  the 
further  accounts  we  possess  concerning  him  are  mainly  vague 
and  uncertain.  It  appears,  however,  that  he  visited,  and  doubt- 
less preached  at  Antioch ;  t  and  it  is  inferable  from  his  first 
epistle,  which  is  addressed  to  the  Hebrew  Christians  scattered 
throughout  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia  (Minor)  and 
Bithynia,  that  he  had  been  acquainted  with  those  quarters  in 
the  course  of  his  apostolical  labors,  an  acquaintance  which 
might  be  gained  by  means  of  the  settlement  at  Antioch,  ascribed 
to  him  by  Christian,  antiquity.!     He  afterwards  settled  in  Par- 

♦  To  this  cruelty  Juvenal,  Sat.  I.,  may  refer. 

" teeda  lucebis  in  U\& 

Qud  stantes  ardent,  qui  fixo  gutture  fumant." 
t  Gal.  2:11.  X  See  Ilieron.,  in  Gal.  c.  si. ;  Euseb.,  in  Catal. 


A.    D.    64-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  95 

thia,  in  which  place  he  appears  to  have  written  his  first,  if  not 
also  his  second  epistle.=^  The  fact  that  Peter  resided  in  Rome 
is  derived  from  sources  most  authentic.  Eusebius  brings  testi- 
mony on  this  subject  too  distinct  to  leave  the  matter  doubtful. 
He  states  that  Peter  was  brought  to  Rome  by  the  providence 
of  Grod  to  countervail  the  heretical  schemes  of  Simon  Magus  ;t 
this  statement  is  confirmed  by  the  recently  discovered  work  of 
Hippolytus. 

After  the  meeting  between  Simon  and  Peter  at  Samaria. 
Simon  had  allied  himself  with  Helen,  a  woman  of  infamous 
reputation,  whom  Tertullian  tells  us  he  purchased  with  the 
money  he  had  ofiered  to  Peter  for  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit.:^: 
He  declared  this  woman  to  be  the  "  Great  Thought,"  as  himself 
was  the  "  Great  Mind."  The  system  of  Simon  was  expounded 
in  "the  Great  Declaration,"^  a  work  developing  his  system, 
thouo^h   not  so  much  ascribed  to   Simon  himself  as  to  his  fol- 

o 

lowers.  To  exhibit  the  system  as  it  afterwards  took  shape  is 
neither  edifying  nor  necessary.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  in  its 
course  the  Divine  Essence,  which  was  the  source  of  all  things, 
and  which  is  designated  "  He  who  stands,  has  stood,  and  will 
stand,"  gave  being,  as  residing  in  man,  to  three  pairs  of  devel- 
opments or  oeons,  miTid  and  thought,  below  which  were  again 
Doice  and  7iame,  and  inferior  to  which  once  more  were  reasoning 
and  reflection.  But,  as  these  three  pairs  of  oeons  were  rather 
potential  than  actual,  they  became  in  action  three  other  pairs  in 
correspondence  with  them;  the  Divine  Essence,  answering  to 
the  primal  fire  of  Heraclitus ;  heaven  and  earth,  sicn  and  moon, 
air  and  ivater,  being  the  further  manifestations.il 

*  Chrys.  Hoaa.  vi.  in  Luc.  t  Euseb.,  B.  II.  c.  xiv. 

X  De  Anima,  qujest.  13. 

§  '},  a/ii.zuoig  uf'/uXi].     See  Hippolyt.,  de  Haeres.  vi.  11. 

II  Hippolyt.,  de  Heeres.  vi.  See,  also,  Cooper's  "Free  Church  of  Ancient 
Christendom,"  an  able  work,  to  which  the  author  acknowledges  himself 
much  indebted,  as  having  been  the  first  to  assign  the  true  authorship  to 
the  above  work.     See,  also,  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus  and  his  Age." 


96  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

The  impudent  fabrications  set  up  by  Simon  on  behalf  both 
of  himself  and  Helen  are  largely  related  by  Hippolytus,^  in 
his  treatise  on  the  various  heresies.  Simon  pretended  that 
Helen  had  heretofore  inhabited  the  body  of  her  ancient  name- 
sake, and  had  been  the  cause  of  the  Trojan  war.  He  declared 
that  Stesichorus,  one  of  the  inventors  of  lyrical  poetry,  having 
lampooned  her  in  his  verses,  was  by  her  struck  blind ;  but  that, 
as  the  poet  repented  and  wrote  "  palinodes,"  in  which  he  did 
honor  to  her,  she  restored  his  sight.  This  bad  woman,  having 
been  endowed  with  a  body  by  angels  and  the  powers  below,  ho 
pretended  to  have  found  in  Tyre.  It  may  be  easily  conceived 
that  doctrines  derived  from  such  a  source  were  in  the  highest 
degree  abominable ;  though  he  practised  under  sacred  form- 
ularies, Simon  taught  the  indifference  of  human  actions,  de- 
claring that  evil  is  from  arrangement,  not  from  essence.  He 
added,  moreover,  that  the  angels  having  ill-ruled  the  world,  he 
himself  had  been  sent  to  put  it  right ;  that  he  had  appeared  to 
men  as  human,  though  not  really  such ;  and,  having  seemed  to 
suffer,  though  he  did  not  really  suffer  (on  the  cross),  he  had 
manifested  himself  to  the  Jews  as  the  Son,  to  the  Samaritans 
as  the  Father,  and  in  other  places  as  the  Holy  Spirit.  "  I," 
said  he,  "  am  the  word  of  Grod  (the  Logos) ;  I  am  Beauty ;  I 
am  the  Paraclete ;  I  am  the  Almighty ;  I  am  the  whole  essence 
of  God."t  Some  of  the  Fathers  relate  of  this  blasphemous 
man  that,  having  visited  many  provinces,  he  came  to  Rome  at 
the  time  when  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  were  in  that  city ; 
and  that,  pretending  to  be  the  Christ,  he  caused  himself  to  be 
lifted  into  the  air  by  the  help  of  demons;  but  that  his  ilight 
was  stopped  by  the  prayers  of  the  apostles,  on  which  he  fell  to 
the  ground  and  broke  his  legs,  and  that  his  mortification  was  so 
great  as  to  cause  him  to  kill  himself,  by  throwing  himself  from 
the  top  of  the  house  to  which  he  was  taken.  Suetonius  has  a 
story  somewhat  resembling  this,  though  reduced  to  very  moder- 

*  See  supra,  Introduction.  f  llieronyra.,  Matt.  24. 


A.  D.    64-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  97 

ate  dimensions  ;  namely,  that  there  was  a  person  who  attempted 
to  personate  Icarus  before  Nero,  but  fell  at  his  first  flight,  and 
covered  the  emperor  with  his  blood. 

Hippolytus  gives  a  different  version  of  his  death,  and  one 
which  may  be  better  relied  on.  He  states  the  fact  that  Simon 
met  the  apostles  at  Rome,  and  that  Peter  set  himself  to  oppose 
him  and  his  magical  pretences.     He  tells  us  that  Simon,  at  last, 

going  to (the  word  is  illegible),  taught  his  disciples  sitting 

under  a  plane  tree.  As  his  artifices  were  almost  exhausted,  in 
order  to  prolong  his  power,  he  declared  that  if  he  were  buried 
alive  he  would  rise  on  the  third  day.  His  disciples  having, 
accordingly,  prepared  a  tomb,  he  commanded  them  to  bury 
him.  HipjDolytus  adds,  "  They  indeed  did  as  they  were  com- 
manded, and  there  he  remains  until  now,  for  he  was  not 
Christ."^  The  followers  of  Simon  worshipped  two  images, 
which  bore  the  names  of  Jove  and  Minerva.  It  is  probable 
that  Simon  died  about  the  year  65.1 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  reject  the  evidence  given  by  Justin 
Martyr  respecting  this  man,  the  more  worthy  of  credit  because 
Justin  was  himself  a  Samaritan,  and  was  writing  to  the  em- 
peror and  to  the  Roman  people  themselves. 

"  After  the  ascension  of  Christ  into  heaven,  the  demons  sent 
into  the  world  certain  men  who  called  themselves  gods,  and 
M'hom  ye  not  only  did  not  disregard,  but  ye  even  loaded  them 
with  honors.  Take,  for  instance,  a  certain  Samaritan  from  a 
village  called  Gittae,  who,  under  Claudius  Caesar,  with  magic 
miracles,  operated  on  by  the  art  of  demons,  proclaimed  himself 
in  your  city  of  Rome ;  being  held  as  a  god,  and  by  you  as  a 
ojod  was  honored  with  a  statue,  which  .statue  was  erected  in  the 


*  Hippolyt.,  de  Hasrcs.  vi.  20. 

t  These  quotations  will  sufficiently  illustrate  the  mythic  doctrines  of 
Baur,  Strauss,  and  their  followers.  They  conjectured  Simon  and  Helen  to 
be  both  allegorical  personification  of  the  sun  and  moon.  They  turn  out, 
however,  to  be  as  real  flesh-and-blood  personages  as  have  ever  figured  upon 
the  pages  of  history. 

9 


98  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

island  of  the  Tiber,  having  this  Roman  inscription  :  — '  To 
Simon,  the  Sacred  God.'  This  man  almost  all  the  Samaritans, 
and  not  a  few  among  other  nations,  confess  to  be  divine  and 
adore."  ^  ^  =^  Justin  desires  afterwards,  on  behalf  of  the 
Christians  associated  with  him,  that  this  statue  might  be  thrown 
down.=^     Such  was  the  end  of  the  first  heresiarch. 

To  return,  however,  to  the  apostle  Peter.  Little  reasonable 
doubt  can  be  entertained  of  that  apostle's  residence  in  Rome. 
It  is  expressly  related  that  his  efforts  were  specially  successful 
in  undermining  the  influence  of  Simon  in  that  city.  But  the 
enormous  claims  set  up  by  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood,  as 
arising  from  this  circumstance,  are  justified  by  no  authentic  in- 
cidents recorded  by  history.  The  testimonies  are  comparatively 
few.  Clemens  Romanus  says,  "  In  his  zeal  for  the  truth,  Peter 
bore  not  one  nor  two  unrighteous  inflictions,  but  underwent 
many  labors,  and,  having  thus  suffered  martyrdom,  went  into 
his  due  place  of  glory."  t  The  first  statement  of  the  place  of 
his  martyrdom  is  made  by  Dionysius  at  the  close  of  the  second 
century.1:  Yet  this  is  liable  to  some  doubts,  for  in  the  same 
passage  he  speaks  of  the  Corinthian  church,  of  which  he  was 
bishop,  as  the  common  planting  of  Peter  and  Paul;  though  it 
is  scarcely  credible  that  Peter  could  have  been  long  resident  in 
Corinth,  even  if  he  had  visited  it  on  his  journey  to  Rome  from 
the  East.  So  thoroughly  imperfect  are  early  traditions  !  A 
presbyter  of  Rome,  named  Caius,  or  Gains,  a  disciple  of  Tre- 
ngeus,  relates  that  the  tomb  of  Peter,  as  well  as  Paul,  was 
extant  in  his  day.'^  Eusebius  records  that,  after  the  successful 
demolition  of  Simon  Magus,  so  great  was  the  reputation  in 
which  Peter  was  held  by  the  Christians  of  Rome,  that  they 
desired  Mark  ("  Marcus,  my  son"),  the  companion  of  Peter,  to 
leave  them  an  authentic  history  of  the  life  of  our  Lord ;  and  it 
is  not  impossible  that  Mark  may  have  recorded  what  Peter  con- 

*  Justini  Martyris,  Apolog.  Prim.  xxvi.  Ivi. 

t  Clement.  Roman.,  ad  Cor.  v.     Hefele. 

t  Dionysius,  apud  Euseb.  ii.  25.  §  Apud.  Euseb.  ii.  26. 


A.  D.    64-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  99 

vejed  to  him,   and   thus  formed  the  gospel  which   bears  his 
name.^ 

It  is  recorded  of  Peter  that,  as  his  wife  suffered  martyrdom 
before  him,  when  he  saw  her  led  out  .to  execution,  he  cried  to 
her  by  name,  adding,  "Remember  the  Lord!"t  It  is  also 
related  by  Ambrose  that  Peter  before  his  death,  having  in  a 
time  of  great  danger  begun  an  escape  from  Rome,  had  a  vision 
of  his  Lord  at  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  in  which  his  Master 
told  him  that  he  was  about  to  be  crucified  again;  and  that 
Peter,  taking  these  words  to  be  a  reproof  of  his  own  pusillan- 
imity in  avoiding  death,  returned  and  sufiered  willingly.  It  is 
moreover  said  that  this  apostle,  fearing  lest  in  the  act  of  suf- 
fering crucifixion  (the  punishment  to  which  he  was  condemned) 
he  might  appear  emulous  of  his  Divine  blaster,  desired  to  die 
with  his  head  downwards ;  and  that  his  request  was  granted. 

"  Hoc  mente  major,  quo  minor  figura."  X 

So  perished,  as  is  related,  the  oldest  apostle,  a.  d.  66. 

Peter  was  soon  followed  by  Paul.  This  eminent  servant  of 
God,  after  being  released  from  his  first  captivity  at  Rome,  if 
that  account  be  the  correct  one,  had  visited  the  churches  of 
Asia  Minor,  having  been  previously  informed  by  Epaphras  of 
the  occurrences  which  had  afi"ected  their  welfare  since  he  left 
them.  Especially  he  had  learned  how  certain  Jews  had  secretly 
labored  to  undermine  his  influence  by  a  new  mode  of  attack, 
and,  by  attempting  to  combine  the  gospel  with  the  peculiarities 
of  the  Essenic  system,  and  to  attach  to  it  the  ascetic  discipline, 
had  become  great  troubles  of  the  churches.  At  this  time  he 
seems  to  have  written  his  first  letter  to  Timothy,  and  his  epistle 
to  Titus,^  whom  he  had  taken  to  Crete,  and  left  behind  him 
there  for  the  purpose  of  evangelizing  that  island.     After  some 

*  Neander,  Planting  of  Christianity,  B.  IV.  (Bohn). 
t  Clemens  Alex.,  who  records   it  as  a  tradition,  <f>aai    y'vvv  uay.uQiov 
nlT(>oi  y  X,  T.  X. 

i  Prudent.,  Peristeph.  Hymn  XII.         §  Neander's  Planting,  &c.,B.  III. 


100  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

time  he  appears  to  have  visited  Spain.  Clement  of  Rome 
speaks  of  him  as  having  been  "  a  herald  of  the  Word  in  the 
east  and  the  west,"  and  as  "  coming  to  the  limits  of  the  west, 
and  being  martyred  under  the  prefects."^  It  is  inferable  from 
this,  that,  whilst  visiting  Spain,  Paul  was  seized  under  the  per- 
secution by  Nero  and  sent  prisoner  to  E-ome,  where  he  wrote 
his  second  letter  to  Timothy,  and  perhaps  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews.  His  position  was  now  different  from  the  former. 
Instead  of  lying  under  a  vague  and  indefinite  charge  from  a 
suspicious  quarter,  he  was  now  proclaimed  "  an  evil  doer." 
Paul  probably  suffered  in  the  last  year  of  Nero's  reign.  General 
tradition  reports  him  to  have  been  beheaded,  his  dignity  as 
Roman  citizen  saving  him  from  a  more  ignominious  punish- 
ment. A  magnificent  mausoleum  was  in  after  times  built  in 
honor  of  this  apostle,  enclosed  in  a  church  by  Constantino,  and 
celebrated  by  Prudentius  in  one  of  his  hymns  in  honor  of  both 
the  martyrs  : 

"  Regia  pompa  loci  est  ;   princeps  bonus  has  sacravit  arces, 
Lusitque  magnis  ambitum  talentis."  f 

The  Church  of  Rome  boasts  (though  the  claims  are  too  hollow 
to  bear  examination)  the  possession  of  many  relics  of  these 
celebrated  apostles.  Were  the  pretences  as  true  as  some  of 
them  are  notoriously  self-contradictory,  one  exemplification  of 
these  apostles'  humility,  charity,  and  zeal  for  the  truth,  were 
worth  th^m  all. I 

*  Clement.  Roman.,  ad  Cor.  V.  f  Prudent.,  Peristeph.  Hymn  XII. 

X  Among  the  catalogued  relics  in  various  parts  of  Rome,  the  following 
occur  :  — In  the  church  of  Santa  Croce  de  Gierusalemme,  "  a  tooth  of  St. 
Peter,"  "  some  relics  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,"  "  a  stone  from  the  house 
of  St.  Peter,  the  apostle."  In  the  church  of  St.  Praxcde,  "  a  tooth  of  St. 
Peter,"  "  a  tooth  of  St.  Paul,"  "  the  heads  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul."  On 
which  a  recent  writer  remarks  :  —  "I  had  observed  that  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  were  said  to  be  buried  at  St.  Peter's  ;  also  that  their  two  heads  are 
said  to  be  again  at  St.  John's  of  Lateran,  where  I  ha.ve  seen  them  ex- 
hibited ;  also,  that  their  two  heads  are  again  said  to  be  among  the  relics  at 
St.  Praxede  ;   and  I  marvelled  how  these  apostles  could  have  two  heads  at 


A.  D.    64-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  101 

The  extensive  early  spread  of  the  gospel  was  very  remarkable  ; 
not  only  were  the  greater  cities  throughout  the  Roman  empire 
visited  by  the  apostles  and  their  contemporaries,  but,  as  we 

St.  Peter's,  two  more  at  St.  John's,  and  two  again  at  St.  Praxede's,  being 
not  less  than  three  heads  for  each  apostle. 

"  I  went,  accompanied  by  many  others,  into  the  grottos  or  subterranean 
chapels  which  constitute  the  vaults  on  which  St.  Peter's  is  built.  We  were 
conducted  by  the  sacristan  to  the  altar,  which  is  said  to  contain  the  bodies 
of  the  two  martyred  apostles.  It  is  directly  under  the  great  high  altar  of 
the  upper  church  ;  and  there,  in  the  darkness  of  that  subterranean  chapel, 
these  two  apostles  were  said  to  sleep  their  sleep  of  death.  The  sacristan, 
with  much  reverence,  called  our  attention  to  the  spot,  and  I  asked  him 
whether  it  was  indeed  certain,  whether —  inasmuch  as  learned  antiquarians 
have  doubted  and  even  denied  it  —  it  had  ever  been  cleax'ly  ascertained,  by 
ocular  search,  that  the  remains  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  indeed 
deposited  there.  He  replied,  that  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  fact,  and  that 
they  certainly  were  there.  My  wife  reminded  him  that  the  heads  of  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  said  to  be  in  the  church  of  St.  .John  of  Lateran,  and 
that  wo  had  seen  them  exhibited  there  in  public  ;  and  she  asked  how  they 
could  also  be  in  St.  Peter's  1  He  replied  that  it  was  indeed  very  true  that 
the  heads  of  the  apostles  were  at  St.  John's,  but  that  the  bodies  were  at  St. 
Peter's.  My  wife  again  reminded  him  that  in  some  other  churches  we  had 
seen  the  arms  and  legs  of  these  apostles,  and  suggested  that  they  could  not, 
without  unnatural  multiplication,  be  also  in  St.  Peter's.  He  replied  that 
it  was  very  true  that  the  arms  and  legs,  <tc.,  were  in  other  churches,  but 
that  the  bodies  were  certainly  at  St.  Peter's,  where  Ave  now  stood.  I  then 
took  occasion  myself  to  ask  whether  the  whole  bodies,  without  the  heads, 
arms  and  legs,  were  there,  for  that  I  had  seen  some  of  the  ribs,  shoulders 
and  vertebrae,  exhibited  in  other  churches.  *  *  *  I  than  asked  if  it  was 
possible  to  see  them.  *  *  *  He  replied  that,  though  they  had  searched  for 
them,  they  had  never  found  them,  because  they  were  buried  too  deep  —  too 
deep  to  find  them."  —  "Pilgrimage  to  Ro7ne,"  hy  the  Rev.  M.  H.  Seymour. 

"  In  the  Mamertine  Prison  they  point  to  the  altar  at  which  St.  Peter  said 
mass  while  in  prison.  In  these  prisons,  which  are  under  the  Capitol,  they 
show  a  stone,  covered  with  a  grating  to  preserve  it,  and  presenting  a  hollow 
on  the  surface.  It  is  stated  that  as  Peter  descended  into  the  prison  a 
soldier  struck  him  so  violently  as  to  knock  his  head  against  this  stone, 
leaving  the  impression  of  his  head  upon  it  !  They  also  show  a  slab  of 
marble,  on  which,  as  an  altar,  St.  Peter  said  mass  ;  and,  having  converted 
the  jailer,  a  spring  of  water  sprung  miraculously  in  the  prison,  in  order  to 
his  being  baptized.  They  therefore  show  a  hollow  in  the  floor  of  the 
prison  as  the  site  of  the  miraculous  spring.". —  Ibid. 

9# 


102  ROME   AND    ITS   EAllLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

learn  from  Origen,  even  the  country  towns  and  homesteads'^  in 
Syria,  Cilicia,  Parthia,  Arabia,  Lesser  Asia,  Greece,  Illyricum, 
Italy,  had,  at  this  time,  received  the  truth.  Traditions  still 
exist  at  Malabar  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  coast  having  received 
the  gospel  at  the  hands  of  the  apostle  Thomas,  and  various 
circumstances  render"  this  not  incredible.  Mark  probably 
founded  the  church  at  Alexandria.  Philip  preached  the  gospel 
in  the  two  Phrygias.  A  letter  of  Polycrates,  bishop  of  the 
church  at  Ephesus,  addressed  to  Victor,  Bishop  of  Rome,  men- 
tions Philip  and  his  daughters,  and  says  that  "  He  sleeps  in 
Hierapolis  with  his  two  virgin  daughters ;  and  another  of  his 
daughters,  who  lived  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  rests  at  Ephesus."! 
The  conversion  of  the  eunuch  probably  introduced  the  gospel  in 
Abyssinia,  and  it  found  its  way  into  Carthage  at  a  very  early 
period.  Christianity  appears  at  this  time  to  have  penetrated 
into  Gaul  and  Germany,  and  into  Spain  probably,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  apostle  Paul  himself.^: 
Such  unexampled  activity  is  a  marvellous  indication  of  the 
power  and  purity  which  attended  the  first  proclamation  of  gogpel 
truth. 

As  to  the  fate  of  many  of  the  first  Christian  laborers  we  are 
left  in  much  ignorance.  Among  the  uncertain  rumors  to  which 
the  Catholic  church  has  given  currency,  the  following  must  be 
reckoned :  —  That  St,  Paul,  St.  James,  the  son  of  Zebedee, 
Simon  Zelotes,  or  Aristobulus,  preached  the  gospel  in  Britain ; 
that  Joseph  of  Arimatha;a  (though  another  Josej^h  of  later  date 
might  have  done  this)  founded  the  monastery  of  Glastonbury, 

Such  is  some  of  the  "  trumpery  "  of  the  "  eremites  and  friars,  blue,  black, 
and  gray."  The  chair  of  St.  Peter,  to  which  the  Church  of  Rome  attaches 
considerable  importance,  will  not  suffer  much  injury  by  being  compressed 
into  the  same  category,  bee  the  recent  correspondence  between  Dr.  Wise- 
man and  Lady  Morgan.  The  latter  maintains  that  the  French,  when  in 
possession  of  Rome,  discovered  the  pretension  set  up  for  this  <;hair,  as 
that  of  St.  Peter  himself,  to  bo  baseless.  • 

♦  Origen,  cent.  Cels.  lib.  iji.  c.  9,  f  Euseb.  iii.  §  31. 

f  See  Neandor's  Church  History,  here  mainly  followed. 


A.  D.    6i-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  103 

or  that  his  stick  which  he  fixed  in  the  ground  became  the  holy 
thorn  for  which  Glastonbury  is  famous ;  ^  that  Mark,  thouo-h  he 
planted  the  church  at  Alexandria,  was  martyred  by  being 
•dragged  about  the  city  during  two  days,  leaving  the  ground 
stained  with  blood  and  pieces  of  his  flesh  till  he  died ;  t  that 
Vitalis  suffered  martyrdom  in  the  city  of  Ravenna  under  Nero ;  t 
that  Hierapolis  was  preserved  by  a  continual  miracle  from  de- 
struction, because  it  possessed  the  body  of  St.  Philip  ;"$>  that 
the  episcopal  throne  of  James  was  exhibited  with  great  rever- 
ence in  the  fourth  century ;  that  St.  Peter  lodged  at  the  house 
of  Pudentiana,  a  British  lady ;  II  that  St.  Petronilla  was  the 
daughter  of  Peter ;  IF  that  St.  Maximinus,  one  of  the  disciples 
of  our  Lord,  was  the  first  archbishop  of  Aix  in  Provence ;  that 
St.  Barnabas  founded  the  church  at  Milan,  and  was  put  to 
death  at  Cyprus ;  ^^  that  St.  Gervasius  and  Protasius  suffered 
death  at  Milan  under  Nero,  and  that  their  bones  were  mirac- 
ulously made  known  to  St.  Ambrose ;  ft  that  Processus  and 
Martinian,  disciples  of  St.  Peter  and  Paul,  the  keepers  of  the 
Mamertine  prison  during  the  confinement  of  these  apostles, 
were  converted  by  their  ministry,  and  suffered  death  soon  after 
them,  and  that  when  St.  Gregory  preached  over  their  tomb 
miraculous  cures  followed;  that  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  or  "the 
other  Mary,"  with  Martha,  founded  a  church  at  Marseilles ; 
that  St.  Apollinaris  was  the  first  Bishop  of  Ravenna,  and  a 
martyr  there ;  that  St.  Nazarius,  son  of  Perpetua,  was  the  first 
Bishop  of  Ravenna,  and  that,  with  St.  Celsus,  his  companion, 

*  This  story  rests  on  no  better  basis  than  the  legends  of  Matthew  of 
"Westminster  and  John  of  Glastonbury. 

t  Mentioned  by  Eede,  who  could  not  have  received  the  fact  from  any 
sufficient  authority. 

:j:  Authority,  Fortunatus.  §  Sermon  by  an  unknov/n  preacher. 

II  Authority,  St.  Gregory.  From  this  tradition  Cardinal  Wiseman  takes 
his  name.  IT  Bede. 

**  Authority,  Alexander,  a  monk  of  Cyprus,  of  whom  nothing  is  known 
but  that  he  lived  before  1120. 

tf  Authority,  Ambrose,  and  Augustine,  de  civ.  Dei. 


104  ROME    AND    ITS    EARLY    CHRISTIANITY. 

he  suffered  under  Nero,  and  that  St.  Ambrose  found  a  vial  of 
the  saint's  blood  as  red  as  when  first  spilt ;  —  that  Nicomedes 
was  a  priest  of  Rome,  and  was  beaten  to  death  with  clubs  in 
the  reign  of  Domitian ;  that  St.  Thecla  was  a  disciple  of  Paul, 
and,  having  refused  a  joung  nobleman  as  her  suitor,  was  accused 
at  Iconium  of  being  a  Christian,  and  stood  unhurt  in  the  amphi- 
theatre amidst  the  wild  beasts ;  ^  that  St,  Jude  sufi"ered  in  Per- 
sia ;  that  St.  Andrew  was  crucified  on  an  olive-tree :  - —  these 
and  similar  legends  may,  and  perhaps  do,  embody  some  frac- 
tions of  truth  ;  but  the  sources  whence  the  traditions  are  derived 
are  so  far  from  the  period  of  the  facts,  that,  unless  we  can  im- 
plicitly receive  the  infallibility  of  the  church  which  endorses 
them,  we  must  confess  ourselves  incompetent  to  deal  with  the 
disentanglement  of  so  complicated  a  skein. 


COIN    OF   NERO. 


Before  we  take  leave  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  we  must  not 
omit  to  make  a  reference  to  Hernias  (which  name  appears  in  his 
own  writings),  supposed  to  be  the  person  of  whom  Paul  speaks 
in  his  letter  to  the  Romans.t     Of  his  history,  however,  Irenseus 

*  Ambrose,  Chrj^sostom,  &c. 

t  Rom.  16  :  14.  Euscbius  seems,  in  one  place,  somewhat  inclined  to 
believe  his  works  inspired  (lib.  iii.  c.  3),  though,  in  another  place,  he  de- 
clares otherwise.  Jerome  mentions  the  "  Pastor  "  as  being  read  in  the  Greek 
churches,  but  as  almost  unknown  in  the  Latin  ones.   De  viris  illuPt.,  chap.  x. 


A.    D.    64-68,    NERO    EMPEROR.  105 

and  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  though  they  praise  his  work,  say 
nothing ;  and  Origen  is  the  first  to  conjectui-e  his  relation  to  the 
apostles,  according  to  the  well-known  tendency  of  tradition  to 
connect  similar  names  with  great  historical  personages.  The 
"  Shepherd,"  though  originally  written  in  Greek,  is  now  only 
preserved  in  a  Latin  version,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  frag- 
ments. As  there  is  little  doubt  that  this  production  is  of  a 
post-apostolical  age,  we  may,  for  the  present,  dismiss  it  from  om- 
consideration.^ 

*  Hefele,  Patrum  Apostolic.  Opera; — Pi'olegomena. 


CHAPTER    III. 

JERUSALEM — ITS   CHRISTIAN    CHURCH   AND    THE    DESTRUC- 
TION   OF   THE    CITY. 


We  return  in  this  chapter  to 
the  Mother-church  at  Jerusa- 
lem. Among  those  who  main- 
tained the  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity in  a  form  inclining  as 
much  as  possible  to  the  Jewish 
ritual,  none  was  more  con- 
spicuous than  the  younger 
James,  known  by  the  name 
of  brother,  or  relative  of  our 
Lord.  What  was  his  precise 
relationship  is  unknown,  and 
is  one  of  the  perplexed  ques- 
tions of  early  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory.^ It  appears  that .  this 
apostle  was  educated  as  a  Nazarene.  Eusebius,  quoting  Hege- 
sippus,  says:  "He  never  shaved  nor  cut  his  hair;  he  drank 
neither  wine  nor  strong  liquors,  and  he  abstained  from  animal 
food  ;  a  razor  never  came  upon  his  head,  and  he  never  anointed 
with  oil  or  used  a  bath ;  —  he  alone  was  allowed  to  enter  the 
sanctuary.  He  never  wore  woollen,  but  linen  garments.  He 
was  in  the  habit  of  entering  the  Temple  alone,  and  was  often 
found  upon  his  bended  knees  interceding  for  the  forgiveness  of 


*  See  Neandcr,  Planting  of  the  Church,  Book 


A.    D.    GO,    YITELLIUS    EMPEliOR.  107 

the  people ;  so  that  his  knees  became  as  hard  as  camels'  in 
consequence  of  his  habitual  supplication.  And,  indeed,  on 
account  of  his  great  piety,  he  was  called  the  Just  and  Oblias 
(or  Zaddich  and  Ozleam),  which  signifies  'justice  and  the  pro- 
tection of  the  people,'  as  the  prophets  declare  concerning  him."^ 
The  same  writer  tells  us,  on  the  authority  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, that  our  Lord  imparted  the  yvoxric  (the  knowledge  of 
heavenly  doctrine)  to  "James  the  Just,  and  to  John  and  Peter, 
who  conveyed  it  to  the  other  apostles,  and  they  to  the  seventy."  t 
A  great  number  of  traditions  exist  respecting  him,  most  of  them 
worthy  of  little  credence ;  as  that  the  church  of  Jerusalem  was 
commended  by  Jesus  to  his  care  at  the  ascension  ;  t  that  he  wore 
a  plate  of  gold  on  his  head,  in  imitation  of  the  Jewish  High 
Priest  ;"5>  and  that  the  Jews  strove  who  should  touch  the  border 
of  his  garment.  II 

The  leading  sects  of  the  Jews  were  greatly  irritated  by  the 
proclamation  of  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  made  by  this 
apostle ;  and  when,  in  consequence  of  the  appeal  of  Paul  to 
Caesar,  they  were  unable  to  wreak  their  malice  on  the  head  of 
that  apostle,  they  turned  their  fury  against  James.  Under  the 
authority  of  Ananias,  the  High  Priest  (who  exercised  a  large 
power  in  the  interval  which  elapsed  after  the  death  of  Festus 
and  the  arrival  of  Albinus  as  his  successor),  James  was  brought 
with  others  before  the  Sanhedrim,  accused  of  breaking  the  laws 
of  Moses  :  but  so  unpopular  was  the  measure  as  to  lead  to  the 
ultimate  removal  of  Ananias  from  the  priesthood.  By  the  de- 
cision of  the  council,  James  was  condemned  to  be  stoned  as  a 
blasphemer.lF  The  circumstances  of  his  death,  as  related  by 
Hegesippus,  are  remarkable,  though  they  somewhat  difi'er  from 
Josephus. 

Desirous  of  restraining  the  progress  of  the  new   doctrines 

*  Euseb.,  Hist.  Eccl.  Book  ii.  c.  23.  t  Ib->  Book  ii.  c.  1. 

i  Jerome,  in  Gal.  Epipban.  Heeres.  87.  §  lb.,  Haeres.  20. 

II  Jerome,  Gal.  i.  19. 
IT  Josepb.  Antiq.,  Book  xx.  c.  9. 


108  JERUSALEM. 

among  the  people,  some  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  came  to 
James  and  endeavored  —  according  to  the  account  of  the  former 
author  —  to  cajole  him  into  using  his  influence  to  restrain  the 
people  from  believing  in  Jesus.  Thej  urged  him,  therefore,  as 
one  whose  virtues  were  greatly  respected,  to  place  himself  on  a 
part  of  the  Temple  where  he  might  be  seen  and  heard,  and  to 
speak  to  the  multitude.  When  on  that  eminence,  they  publicly 
asked  him  to  declare  what  were  his  sentiments  respecting  Jesus. 
To  this  inquiry,  James  replied  aloud,  "  Why  do  you  ask  me 
respecting  Jesus,  the  Son  of  Man  ?  He  is  now  sitting  in  the 
heavens  on  the  right  hand  of  great  power,  and  is  about  to  come 
in  the  clouds  of  heaven,"  A  cry  arose  among  the  people  — 
"Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David."  Perceiving,  too  late,  their, 
mistake,  the  enraged  Pharisees  cried  out,  "  Justus  is  himself 
deceived ;"  then  thrusting  him  down  from  his  elevation,  they 
proceeded  to  st«ne  him  to  death.  But,  as  he  was  not  killed 
immediately,  he  began,  like  Stephen,  to  pray  for  his  murderers, 
till  a  Rechabite,  who  stood  near,  cried  out,  "  Stop!  what  do  you 
intend  ?  The  just  man  is  praying  for  you  !  "  Upon  which  a 
fuller,  who  was  present,  dashed  out  the  dying  man's  brains  with 
his  club.^ 

Whatever  the  precise  truth  of  the  story,  it  is  certain  that  the 
calamities  which  speedily  followed  were  attributed  by  the  early 
Christian  fathers,  by  Jerome,  Origen  and  Eusebius,  and  even 
by  Josephus  (though  the  passage  quoted  by  Eusebius  and  Ori- 
gen is  not  now  extant),  to  the  anger  of  God  at  the  martja-dom  of 
so  distinguished  a  specimen  of  goodness  and  sanctity.! 

At  the  time  of  the  death  of  Nero,  Judea  became  the  scene  of 
an  open  revolt.  Oppressed  by  the  burden  of  unequal  taxation, 
which  pressed  the  more  heavily  because  of  the  number  of  work- 
men whom  the  completion  of  the  repairs  of  the  Temple  had  set 

*  Hegesippus  apud  Euseb.,  Book  ii.  c.  23. 

f  The  Naasenes,  one  of  the  varieties  of  the  Ophites,  a  Gnostic  sect, 
falsely  boasted  of  their  doctrines  having  been  delivered  by  this  James  to 
Mariamne. 


A.    D.    70,    VESPASIAN    EMPEKOK.  109 

loose,  and  overwhelmed  by  the  exactions  of  Gessius  Florus,  the 
Jews  rose  in  revolt.  The  excited  and  superstitious  credulity  of 
Josephus,  who  appears  to  have  lent  a  ready  ear  to  all  tales  of 
wonder  propagated  at  this  time,  has  invested  the  epoch  with 
every  form  of  the  marvellous.  Yet  such  was  the  importance 
of  the  crisis,  and  so  immediately  was  it  evidently  the  act  of  a 
divine  intervention,  that  we  must  not,  with  a  sceptical  ration- 
alism, regard  all  the  narrations  as  incredible.  Sudden  lights, 
prodigious  and  unnatural  omens,  astonishing  appearances  in 
the  heavens,  and  preternatural  sounds  emitted  by  no  human 
voices,  aroused  apprehension  as  to  some  great  impending  change. 
The  time  of  "  vengeance,"  foretold  by  the  author  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  had  come ;  and,  warned  by  the  prodigies  which 
continually  met  their  eyes  or  their  ears,  the  Christians  left  Jeru- 
salem in  consternation,  and  took  up  their  residence  in  Pella,  a 
city  beyond  the  Jordan. 

On  the  first  news  of  revolt  in  the  province  of  Judea,  Nero 
had  sent  Vespasian,  his  most  experienced  general,  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  Roman  legions.  When  Otho,  who  succeeded  Nero, 
died,  Vespasian  was  himself  proclaimed  emperor  by  his  Jewish 
army,  and  it  became  necessary  for  him  instantly  to  return  to 
Rome,  that  he  might  secure  possession  of  the  throne  against 
Vitellius  —  who  was  soon  afterwards  slain.  Titus,  the  son  of 
Vespasian,  became,  therefore,  invested  with  the  command  of  the 
Roman  army,  and  was  thus  the  instrument  of  God's  retributive 
justice  against  the  guilty  city.  By  a  remarkable  circumstance, 
Titus  pitched  his  camp  on  the  very  side  of  the  city  where  the 
crucifixion  of  Christ  had  taken  place. 

At  this  moment,  strongly  marking  the  infatuation  which 
possessed  the  Jews  at  the  crisis,  Jerusalem,  notwithstanding  the 
perils  to  which  it  was  exposed,  was  a  prey  to  internal  faction 
and  disorder.  Three  distinct  parties  existed  within  its  walls, 
full  of  epmity  against  each  other.  The  time  was  the  Passover; 
the  very  feast  at  which  our  Lord  had  been  apprehended  and 
murdered,  and  the  season  which  raised  the  number  of  the  tem- 
10 


110  JEKUSALEM. 

porary  occupants  of  Jerusalem  considerably  above  the  usual 
complement.  By  these  the  war  now  raging  was  regarded  as  a 
sacred  one,  and  many  persons  had  come  up  to  the  metropolis 
for  the  express  purpose  of  defending  its  sacred  altars  against 
the  idolatrous  Romans.^  But,  as  the  numbers  increased,  the 
insufficient  stock  of  provisions  in  the  city  was  reduced  to  so  low 
an  ebb  as  to  be  already  almost  a  famine,  whilst  the  closeness  of 
the  siege  forbade  all  further  supply.  Yet  not  even  the  presence 
and  proceedings  of  the  Bomans,  whom  the  Jews  had  regarded 
as  their  most  deadly  foes,  silenced  the  strife  which  dislocated 
their  internal  parties.  On  the  very  day  of  the  feast  of  un- 
leavened bread,  the  day  which  commemorated  the  escape  of 
Israel  from  Egypt,  when  Eleazar  (the  leader  of  the  party  called 
the  Zealots),  who  had  possession  of  the  quarter  of  the  Temple, 
opened  the  doors  of  the  sanctuary  to  those  who  were  desirous 
of  worshipping  in  it,  the  party  of  John  of  Gischala,  entering 
under  the  pretence  of  devotion,  with  swords  beneath  their 
cloaks,  murdered  many  of  their  opponents,  and  numbers  of  the 

*  The  events  of  this  last  terrible  war  are  related  by  Josephus,  their 
almost  sole  historian.  Josephus  was  not  an  author  only,  but  a  politician 
and  a  soldier.  He  was  of  high,  even  royal,  birth,  on  the  mother's  side,  and 
had  received  an  education  corresponding  to  his  position.  He  studied  the 
opinions  of  the  Jewish  sects,  and  for  three  years  himself  lived  with  an 
Essene  ;  but  ultimately  joined  the  Pharisees.  At  twenty-six,  he  went  to 
Rome,  and  was  successful  in  his  object,  which  was  to  intercede  in  behalf  of 
certain  .Jewish  priests.  When  he  returned  to  Jerusalem,  he  found  every- 
thing ripe  for  revolt.  He  pleaded  with  his  people  for  peace,  and  was  chosen 
Governor  of  Galilee,  an  office  in  which  he  exhibited  great  wisdom.  On  the 
arrival  of  Vespasian,  Josephus,  deserted  by  the  Jews,  who  fled  in  terror, 
took  refuge  in  Tiberias,  from  which  place  he  wrote  to  the  Sanhedrim  at 
Jerusalem,  counselling  either  surrender  or  prompt  measures  of  defence. 
Though  he  felt  the  Jewish  cause  to  be  hopeless,  he  aided  in  maintaining  the 
struggle,  but  was  at  length  taken  prisoner  by  Vespasian,  who  spared  his 
life,  intending  to  send  him  to  Nero.  Josephus,  however,  having  declared  to 
Vespasian  his  strong  conviction  that  the  foretold  crisis  of  the  Jewish  fate 
was  at  hand,  was  cherished  and  flattered,  and,  on  the  accession  of  Vespasian 
to  the  Koman  throne,  set  free.  He  thus  was  in  the  camp  of  Titus  during 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  fully  trusted  by  neither  party. 


A    D.    70,    VESPASIAN    EMPEROR.  Ill 

devout  and  unoffending  multitude  were  slain  or  trampled  to 
death.  After  this  outrage,  the  rival  parties  struck  up  a  truce, 
thus  reducing  the  three  parties  within  the  city  to  two. 

In  the  mean  time,  his  circumvallations  being  now  completed, 
Titus  arrayed  his  army  on  the  northern  and  western  side  of  the 
city,  placing  a  portion  of  his  troops  opposite  the  tower  of  Herod, 
whilst  another  legion  was  encamped  at  the  base  of  the  Mount 
of  Olives.  At  this  period  the  city  was  defended  by  walls  which 
ran  in  triplets  wherever  special  defence  was  necessary.  Titus 
placed  three  huge  battering  engines  called  Helepoleis  (takers  of 
cities)  against  the  outer  walls,  in  which  he  at  length  made  an 
effective  breach,  notwithstanding  the  united  efforts  of  the  be- 
sieged to  resist  their  attacks  and  to  destroy  them  by  fire.  The 
Jews  then  retreated,  exhausted  and  dispirited,  behind  the  second 
enclosure.  Having  thus  gained  possession  of  the  outward  wall, 
Titus  began  an  attack  upon  the  second ;  pitching  his  tent  upon 
the  spot  indicated  as  "  the  Assyrian  camp,"  bearing  the  memory 
of  Sennacherib  and  his  host  from  ancient  days.  This  fortifica- 
tion was  vigorously  defended,  though  the  superiority  of  the 
Romans  in  the  arts  of  military  warfare  was  continually  made 
manifest.  The  Helepoleis  was  brought  to  bear  upon  this  wall 
also  ;  and,  after  displays  of  desperate  courage  and  some  inci- 
dents of  treachery  also  on  the  part  of  the  Jews,  a  breach  was 
effected,  and  the  Roman  soldiers  poured  into  the  lower  part  of 
the  city,  immediately  below  Moriah,  the  hill  of  the  Temple. 
Hoping  to  save  part  of  the  city,  Titus  had  given  orders  that  no 
violence  should  be  committed.  But  the  Jews  began  at  this 
point  a  street  warfare  of  the  most  destructive  kind,  and,  being 
well  acquainted  with  the  localities  of  so  confined  and  crowded  a 
spot,  almost  cut  off  the  Romans,  who  had  pursued  them  into  such 
a  labyrinth.  Titus  with  difficulty  drew  off"  his  legions.  The 
joy  of  the  Jews  was  extreme,  and  not  less  was  the  anger  of 
Titus,  whose  pacific  overtures  had  been  treated  with  such  fierce 
disdain.  One  circumstance,  however,  might  have  reduced  the 
bigoted  frenzy  of  the  besieged,  had  their  passions  allowed  them 


]^12  JERUSALEM. 

a  calm  moment  for  reflection,  —  the  famine  !  But  as  its  progress 
hitherto  had  been  apparent  only  among  the  unemployed  mul- 
titudes, who  rather  perplexed  than  aided  the  operations,  and 
who  were,  moreover,  generally  desirous  of  effecting  a  peace 
with  the  Romans  (an  adjustment  the  thought  of  which  was 
intolerable  to  the  defenders),  it  was  at  present  scarcely  regarded 
as  a  calamity.  The  Jews,  therefore,  boldly  threw  themselves 
across  the  breach  which  had  been  made,  forming  "  a  wall  of 
their  own  bodies,"  during  three  days.  On  the  fourth  day, 
however,  Titus  compelled  them  to  retreat;  thus  gaining,  a 
second  time,  possession  of  this  part  of  the  city,  and,  throwing 
down  the  wall,  that  it  might  be  no  longer  available  for  the 
defence  of  the  besieged,  secured  himself  in  this  nobly-contested 
quarter. 

Much,  however,  yet  remained  to  be  gained.  The  Romans 
had  only  established  themselves  in  the  inferior  portions  of  the 
city,  and  the  Jews  still  held  possession  of  Mount  Moriah,  de- 
fended by  the  Castle  of  Antonia  on  the  one  side,  and  of  Mount 
Zion  on  the  other.  At  this  time  Titus  ordered  a  pause.  He 
knew  the  progress  which  the  famine  was  making  among  the 
inhabitants ;  and  as  he  still  trusted  that  the  Jews  would  see 
the  folly  of  further  resistance,  he  determined  to  display  in  their 
view  his  iron-clad  and  well-appointed  legions.  But  the  Jews, 
who  were  aware  of  the  deep  indignation  which  filled  the  breasts 
of  their  enemies,  saw  in  these  formidable  legions  only  the  ex- 
citements to  a  more  despairing  ferocity.  These  passions  were 
aided,  too,  by  the  malign  influence  of  a  corrupted  religion. 
Strong  in  their  conviction  of  a  divine  descent,  and  perpetually 
misinterpreting  the  whole  course  of  ancient  prophecy,  they  per- 
tiistcd  in  the  belief,  that,  sinners  though  they  we're,  and  guilty 
as  a  nation  of  rejecting  continually  the  divine  overtures,  some 
last  interposition  of  God's  power  would  rescue  them  from  so 
imminent  a  danger. 

Four  days  thus  passed ;  on  the  fifth,  Titus,  seeing  no  proposal 
of  submission  on  the  part  of  the  Jews,  prepared  to  carry  meas- 


A.  D.   70,  VESPASIAN    EMPEROR.  113 

ures  to  their  utmost  extremity.  The  besieged,  however,  who 
had  the  advantage  of  occupying  the  most  elevated  parts  of  the 
city,  fought  the  Romans  with  great  effect.  Titus,  therefore, 
sent  Josephus  to  remonstrate  from  a  safe  place  with  the  Jews, 
and  to  urge  on  their  consideration  the  madness  of  further  resist- 
ance to  the  Roman  general.  His  reclamations  were  received 
with  favor  by  the  populace,  but  with  the  most  violent  indigna- 
tion by  the  warlike  rulers.  They  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war 
to  the  last  extremity. 

In  the  mean  time  famine  was  accomplishing  its  slow  but 
deadly  work.  No  market  offered  food  for  the  supply  of  the 
perishing,  and  robbers  prowled  about  the  streets  in  search  of 
subsistence.  When  these  men  found  a  supply,  they  violently 
took  it ;  when  they  found  none,  they  tortured  their  helpless 
victims  to  induce  them  to  discover  it.  A  few,  who  yet  retained 
property,  sacrificed  all  they  had  for  a  single  meal,  and  having 
obtained  it,  barricaded  their  houses,  in  order  to  eat  it  in  peace, 
devouring  it  half-baked,  or  sometimes  altogether  raw.  "  Chil- 
dren pulled  the  very  morsels  that  their  fathers  were  eating  out 
of  their  very  mouths.^  What  was  still  more  to  be  pitied,  so 
did  the  mothers  do  as  to  their  infants ;  and  when  those  that  were 
most  dear  were  perishing  under  their  hands,  they  were  not 
ashamed  to  take  from  them  the  very  last  drop  that  might  pre- 
serve their  lives.  And  while  they  ate  after  this  manner,  yet 
were  they  not  concealed  in  so  doing ;  but  the  seditious  every- 
where came  upon  them  immediately,  and  snatched  away  from 
them  what  they  had  gotten  from  others ;  for  when  they  saw  any 
house  shut  up,  this  was  to  them  a  signal  that  the  people  within 
had  gotten  some  food ;  whereupon  they  broke  open  the  doors, 
and  ran  in  and  took  pieces  of  what  they  were  eating  almost  out 
of  their  very  throats,  and  this  by  force.     The  old  men,  who 

*  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  is  related  of  Jewish  children,  whose 
reverence  for  their  parents  was  part  of  their  religion,  and  was  remarkably 
conspicuous. 

10* 


114  JERUSALEM. 

held  their  food  fast,  were  beaten;,  and  if  the  women  hid  what 
thej  had  within  their  hands,  their  hair  was  torn  for  so  doing, 
nor  was  there  any  commiseration  shown  either  to  the  aged  or 
lo  infants  ;  but  they  lifted  up  children  from  the  ground  as  they 
hung  upon  the  morsels  they  had  gotten,  and  shook  them  down 
upon  the  floor.  But  still  were  they  more  barbarously  cruel  to 
those  that  had  prevented  their  coming,  and  had  actually  swal- 
lowed down  what  they  were  going  to  seize  upon,  as  if- they  had 
been  unjustly  defrauded  of  their  right.  They  also  invented 
terrible  methods  of  torments  to  discover  where  any  food  was, 
and  they  were  these :  to  drive  sharp  stakes  into  them,  and  a 
man  was  forced  to  bear  what  was  terrible  even  to  hear,  in  order 
to  make  him  confess  that  he  had  but  one  loaf  of  bread,  or  that 
he  might  discover  a  handful  of  barley-meal  that  was  concealed. 
And  this  was  done  when  these  tormentors  were  not  themselves 
hungry ;  for  the  thing  had  been  less  barbarous  had  necessity 
forced  them  to  it.  But  this  was  done  to  keep  their  madness  in 
exercise,  and  was  making  preparation  of  provision  for  them- 
selves on  the  following  days.  These  men  went,  also,  to  meet 
those  who  had  crept  out  of  the  city  by  night  as  far  as  the  Roman 
guards,  to  gather  some  plants  and  herbs  that  grew  wild ;  and, 
when  those  people  thougat  they  had  got  clear  of  the  enemy, 
they  snatched  from  them  what  they  had  brought  with  them, 
even  while  they  had  frequently  entreated  them,  and  that  by 
calling  upon  the  tremendous  name  of  God,  to  give  them  back 
some  part  of  what  they  had  brought,  though  these  would  not 
give  them  the  least  crumb,  and  they  were  to  be  well  contented 
that  they  were  only  spoiled,  and  not  slain  at  the  same  time."  =^ 
Some  were  destroyed  under  the  plea  that  they  were  in  secret 
intelligence  with  the  Romans;  miserable  victims  were  despoiled 
by  one  faction  after  another;  the  city  swarmed  with  acts  of 
atrocity.  In  the  mean  time  the  Roman  soldiers  captured  those 
who  wandered  beyond  their  defences  in  search  of  sustenance, 

■♦  Josephuf,  Wars,  Book  v.  c.  11.     (Whiston.) 


A.  D.   70,   YES1'A8IAN    EMPEROR.  115 

and  whipped,  tortured,  and  sacrificed  them.  Each  day  wit- 
nessed five  hundred  Jews  in  this  case.  Though  he  greatly 
pitied  their  sufferings,  Titus  urged  his  soldiers  to  persist  in  this 
cruelty,  still  vainly  hoping  to  terrify  the  besieged  against  fur- 
ther and  useless  resistance.  The  hatred  which  the  Romans  bore 
the  Jews  made  them  too  willing  accomplices  in  these  acts  of 
torture,  which  proceeded  so  far  as  that  "  room  was  wanting  for 
the  crosses,  and  crosses  wanting  for  the  bodies." 

Still  the  Jews  yielded  not.  They  represented  these  cruelties 
as  the  tender  mercies  which  might  be  expected  from  the  Romans 
if  they  should  surrender,  and  used  the  occasion  to  endeavor  to 
inflame  the  mind  of  the  populace  still  more.  With  a  view  to 
remedy  this  evil,  Titus  sent  back  others  with  their  hands  cut 
off,  that  they  might  remonstrate  with  the  besieged,  and  that 
they  might  urge  the  Jews  not  to  force  him  to  destroy  the  city 
and  the  Temple.  In  the  mean  while  the  siege  proceeded.  The 
Jews  at  length  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  Helepoleis,  and, 
in  the  confusion  of  the  conflagration,  advanced  even  to  the 
Roman  intrenchments.  Titus;  who  had  been  absent  at  this  time 
reconnoitring  the  Castle  of  Antonia,  returned  in  the  very  crisis 
to  rally  his  wavering  legions;  accomplishing  his  purpose  with 
much  difficulty,  since  the  confusion  and  noise  was  so  great  that 
friend  could  not  be  distinguished  from  foe.  Defeated  in  his 
plans  of  direct  attack,  the  Roman  general  resolved  to  enclose 
the  city  within  one  vast  intrenchment,  unconscious  that  he  was 
thus  literally  fulfilling  one  part  of  our  Lord's  prophecies, — 
"  The  days  will  come  when  thine  enemies  will  cast  a  trench 
about  thee,  and  keep  thee  in  on  every  side,"  "^  This  measure 
gave  to  the  progress  of  the  famine  its  final  emphasis ;  it  was 
the  scorpion  surrounded  by  fire.  Escape  and  relief  were  alike 
impossible.  Whilst  the  Romans  ostentatiously  exhibited  before 
the  Jews  the  abundance  of  their  provisions,  the  dead  lay  within 
the  city,  unburied   in  the   houses,  and  rotting  in  the  streets. 

*   Luke. 


116  JERUSALEM. 

Gaunt  spectres  of  humanity  shrunk  from  each  other's  view. 
Those  who  undertook  to  perform  the  rites  of  sepulture  fell 
dead  even  in  the  performance  of  the  sacred  duty.  And  what 
especially  gave  a  character  to  the  scene  was,  that,  though  a 
midnight  gloom  was  everywhere,  there  were  no  wailings;  the 
silence  of  despair  brooded  over  the  city,  except  where  robbers 
burst  into  the  houses,  plundering  the  corpses,  and  sometimes 
giving  the  final  blow  to  those  who  were  dying  of  the  famine. 
To  bury  the  dead  became,  at  length,  impossible ;  and  at  last  the 
bodies  were  thrown  from  the  walls  to  the  valleys  below.  As  he 
beheld  the  fearful  and  disgusting  spectacle  which  met  his  eyes 
at  every  turn,  Titus,  spreading  out  his  hands  to  heaven,  called 
God  to  witness  that  he  was  not  the  author  of  such  incredible 
calamities. 

Josephus  truly  says  that  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Jewish 
party  were  "incapable  of  repentance."  Another  crime  was 
now  added  by  them  to  the  already  swollen  and  fearful  catalogue 
of  their  outrages.  Simon,  a  leader  of  one  of  the  rival  factions 
in  the  city  (which  post  he  had  gained  by  means  of  Matthias,  the 
High  Priest),  chose  this  time  to  turn  traitor  to  his  benefactor, 
and,  accusing  the  pontiff  of  a  secret  understanding  with  the 
Romans,  condemned  him  and  his  three  sons  to  death.  One  of 
them  had  fled  to  the  camp  of  Titus,  which  might  have  occasioned 
the  charge.  3Iatthias  asked  only  this  favor,  that,  as  he  had 
been  the  means  of  raising  Simon  to  power,  he  might  be  the  first 
executed ;  but  even  this  small  consolation  was  denied  him.  At 
the  same  time,  fifteen  of  the  magnates  among  the  Jews  were 
executed ;  the  father  of  Josephus  was  imprisoned ;  whilst  all 
who  expressed  any  lamentation  for  any  of  these  persons  were 
immediately  put  to  death,  without  trial. 

The  execration  excited  by  these  atrocities  induced  some  of 
the  Jews,  headed  by  one  Judas,  to  revolt  against  such  tyranny. 
They  offered,  to  some  of  the  Roman  army,  to  surrender.  But 
the  Romans  paid  little  attention  to  them.     The  plot  was  made 


A.  D.  70,  VESPASIAN    ExMPEKOK.  117 

known  to  Simon ;  who,  seeing  Titus  approach  the  spot  where 
Judas  was,  slaughtered  the  men  before  the  ejes  of  the  prince, 
then  threw  their  dead  bodies  before  his  face.  At  this  crisis 
Josephus  narrowly  escaped  death,  being  wounded  by  a  stone 
directed  against  him ;  but  he  was  rescued  without  any  fatal 
injury.  Many  who  had  deserted  to  the  E.omans  died  from 
repletion  after  so  cruel  a  famine.  Others,  who  had  swallowed 
gold  before  leaving  the  city  to  take  refuge  in  the  Roman  camp, 
were  put  to  death,  on  their  arrival,  by  the  Arabian  and  Syrian 
allies,  who  hoped  to  find  treasure  in  their  bodies.  Two  thou- 
sand deserters  met  with  this  fate  in  one  night.  Nothing  but 
the  impossibility  of  dealing  with  so  many  oflFenders  prevented 
Titus  from  inflicting  the  most  summary  justice  upon  such 
offenders  in  his  own  army. 

John,  who  had  possession  of  the  Temple,  availed  himself  of 
its  treasures,  and  used  the  supplies  of  wine  and  oil  which  had 
been  laid  up  for  the  purposes  of  sacrifices  to  alleviate  the  want 
of  the  people ;  a  fact  which  Josephus  considers  as  one  of  the 
most  heinous  offences  committed  during  the  siege.  Among  the 
proofs  of  the  terribleness  of  the  crisis,  it  is  stated  that  a  deserter 
told  Titus  that  there  had  been  carried  out,  at  a  single  gate  of 
the  city,  of  which  he  had  the  charge,  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
thousand  dead  bodies.  The  number  was  ascertained  by  the 
public  money  he  was  required  to  pay  for  the  removal  of  the 
corpses.  The  whole  city  was,  in  fact,  surrounded  by  pestilen- 
tial materials  ;  everywhere  the  armies  trod  upon  rotting  corpses 
as  they  went  to  their  destructive  work. 

The  Romans  now  proceeded  to  erect  military  works  against 
the  untaken  portions  of  the  city,  cutting  down  for  that  purpose 
all  the  trees  to  be  found  on  the  spot,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
city.  The  historian  pathetically  describes  the  desolation  thus 
caused :  "  The  war  had  laid  all  signs  of  beauty  quite  waste ; 
and,  if  any  one  that  had  known  the  place  before,  and  had  now 
come  on  a  sudden  to  it,  he  would  not  have  known  it  again ;  but, 


218  JEKUSALEM. 

though  he  were  at  the  city  itself,  he  would  have,  notwithstand- 
ing, inquired  for  it."=^ 

These  outworks  were  at  length  completed,  though,  worn  out 
by  the  processes  of  so  severe  a  siege,  the  Roman  army  became 
dispirited,  and  saw  no  probability  of  a  speedy  termination  of 
their  labors ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Jews  were  so  much 
divided  among  themselves,  that  they  no  longer  acted  with  their 
former  energy.  At  length,  however,  the  wall,  having  been 
undermined  by  the  engines,  fell  suddenly.  The  Romans  ad- 
vanced to  the  breach,  but  found  only  an  interior  wall  which  the 
Jews  had  built  behind  it.  On  advancing  to  this  second  defence, 
Titus  harangued  his  troops,  setting  before  them  the  dangers  of 
this  new  enterprise,  but  exhorted  them  to  courage,  and  animated 
them  by  the  assurance  that  God  was  evidently  on  the  side  of 
the  besiegers.  He  told  them  that,  if  they  could  gain  the  Castle 
of  Antonia,  the  victory  would  be  secure.  The  danger  of  the 
attempt  was  great,  and  the  army  listened  in  silence,  till  one 
Sabinus,  a  Syrian,  offered  to  ascend  the  wall.  He  advanced, 
followed  only  by  eleven  others ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  a  tremen- 
dous shower  of  darts  and  stones,  succeeded  in  gaining  the  top 
of  the  defence,  driving  the  enemy  before  him.  This  victory  was, 
however,  but  momentary.  Sabinus  stumbled  on  a  stone,  and 
fell ;  the  Jews  returned,  surrounded  him,  and  he  was  slain 
amidst  a  shower  of  darts.  But  the  next  effort  was  more  suc- 
cessful. In  the  middle  of  the  night,  a  party  of  soldiers  secretly 
scaled  the  defence,  cut  the  throats  of  the  sentinels  as  they  slept, 
and  then  ordered  a  trumpeter,  whom  they  had  taken  with  them, 
to  blow  a  blast.  Hearing  the  soimd,  Titus  ordered  his  men  to 
scale  the  Antonia.  This  produced  a  rout  among  the  Jews,  who 
fled  to  the  Temple,  some  of  them  falling  into  the  mines  which 
John  had  dug  for  the  destruction  of  the  Roman  soldiers.  The 
Jews  defended  the  Temple  with  the  utmost  energy,  being  well 
aware  that  its  conquest  would  be  one  of  the  _^  most  important 

*  Josephus,  Wars,  Book  vi.  c.  1.     (Whiston.) 


A.  D.  70,  VESPASIAN    EMPEROR.  119 

points  of  the  siege.  Accordingly,  there  took  place  at  this  spot 
a  furious  conflict,  in  vvhich  the  Jews  and  Romans  fought  hand 
to  hand.  The  contest  lasted  for  many  hours,  till  the  narrow 
passages  were  heaped  with  dead,  and  Titus  was  compelled  to 
recall  his  men,  having  only  gained  possession  of  the  Castle  of 
Antonia. 

The  Roman  general,  having  razed  the  fortress  to  the  ground, 
determined  to  make  one  last  effort  to  persuade  the  Jews  to  sur- 
render, by  means  of  Josephus  as  a  mediator.  But  this  remon- 
strance, like  all  preceding  ones,  was  unavailing.  The  Romans 
now  began  to  raise  their  banks  against  the  court  of  the  Gentiles, 
exposed  continually  to  the  sallies  of  the  Jews,  who  disputed 
every  fraction  of  the  ground.  Among  other  means  of  resist- 
ance, the  besieged  filled  the  western  cloisters  with  inflammable 
materials,  —  wood,  sulphur,  and  naphtha,  —  and  when  the 
Romans  had  mounted  the  spot  with  scaling-ladders,  they  found 
themselves  enveloped  in  inextinguishable  and  torturing  fire,  by 
which  many  of  them  were  destroyed.  Meantime  the  famine 
went  on,  presenting  such  aspects  of  horror  as  that  the  recording 
historian  shudders  at  the  recital.  The  claims  of  friendship  and 
relationship  were  trampled  down  in  the  universal  cry  for  food. 
The  streets  were  filled  with  the  reeling  victims.  Old  hay,  shoots 
of  trees,  girdles,  shoes,  the  leather  which  formed  the  military 
shields,  were  sold  at  enormous  prices.  The  instincts  of  life  — 
even  those  of  maternal  afiection  —  were  extinguished  by  this 
all-pervading  appetite.  Josephus  relates  the  almost  incredible 
story  of  a  woman,  once  distinguished  by  family  and  riches,  who, 
after  having  been  repeatedly  plundered  by  successive  exactions, 
at  length  murdered  her  own  son,  roasted  the  body  for  food,  and 
devoured  half  of  the  execrable  food,  reserving  the  rest  for  a 
future  meal.  She  was  invaded  by  a  body  of  ruffians,  who,  at- 
tracted by  the  smell  of  the  horrible  repast,  threatened  her  with 
instant  death,  unless  she  gave  up  the  viands  she  had  concealed. 
She  declared  that  she  had  a  portion  of  it  reserved  for  them, 
and,  producing  the  remnant  of  her  meal,  she  invited   them  to 


1-20  JERUSALEM. 

partake  it.  But  such  a  mother's  meal  was  without  precedent ; 
and,  trembling  with  consternation,  the  miscreants  refused  to 
partake  of  it.  Had  the  Jews  been  versed  even  in  their  own 
written  law,  they  might  have  remembered  that  their  great 
prophet,  Moses,  had  literally  foretold  even  this  fearful  incident. 
The  Temple  was  constructed  of  an  outer  and  an  inner  xjourt. 
After  much  effort,  the  Romans  had  become  masters  of  the  for- 
mer, the  court  of  the  Gentiles ;  and  their  instruments  of  war 
now  began  to  be  applied  to  the  sacred  edifice  itself  But  so 
strongly  had  the  wall  been  built  that  the  labor  of  six  days  pro- 
duced no  effect  upon  the  well-adjusted  structure.  It  was  neces- 
sary, therefore,  to  scale  it.  How  the  national  feelings  of  a  Jew 
would  be  outraged  by  such  an  attack  on  the  holy  and  beautiful 
house  which  his  fathers  builded,  we  need  not  declare  ;  —  the 
defence  was  obstinate.  The  Roman  was  allowed  to  mount  the 
ladder,  but  the  effort  of  the  defender  was  to  dislodge  him  when 
he  had  ascended  it,  or  to  slay  him  before  he  could  protect  him- 
self with  his  shield.  The  only  way  by  which  Titus  could  gain 
admission  was  by  fine ;  and  the  application  of  this  to  the  cloister 
of  wood-work  soon  hemmed  the  defenders  within  an  impassable 
circle.  Such  was  the  paralysis  which  followed  the  first  dis- 
covery, that  they  neither  made  efforts  to  defend  themselves  nor  to 
quench  the  flames.  Desirous  still  of  sparing  the  Temple,  Titus 
at  length  ordered  his  cohorts  to  quench  the  fire,  and  resolved 
the  next  day  to  take  the  building  by  storm.  The  crisis  was  a 
remarkable  one.  On  this  day  six  hundred  and  fifty-eight  years 
the  Temple  had  been  burnt  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  Nearly  at  the 
same  time,  more  than  thirty  years  since,  many  of  these  same 
Jews  who  were  now  so  obstinately  defending  the  holy  city  were 
imbruing  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  own  Messiah.  On 
the  evening  of  the  day  a  soldier,  without  orders,  wearied  with 
the  protracted  siege,  and  full  of  revenge  at  the  obstinacy  which 
had  occasioned  it,  seized  a  burning  brand  aud  threw  it  into  a 
small  gilded  door  in  the  portico  of  the  Temple.  The  flames 
spread   with   extreme   rapidity  amidst  such  inflammable  mate- 


A.    D.    70,  VESPASIAN    EMPEROR.  121 

rials.  Titus,  being  informed  of  the  occurrence,  ran  in  haste  to 
the  Temple,  followed  by  his  generals,  and  used  every  endeavor 
to  stop  the  progress  of  the  conflagration.  But  the  noise  and 
clamor  produced  by  the  battle  raging  around  prevented  his 
voice  from  being  heard,  and  in  the  confusion  his  eager  gestures 
received  no  attention.  In  fact,  the  passions  of  his  soldiers 
could  be  no  longer  restrained,  and  they  encouraged  one  another 
in  the  work  of  burning  destruction,  whilst  many  of  them  were 
pushed  by  the  crowd  into  the  flaming  ruins,  and  perished  mis- 
erably. Amidst  the  blazing  destruction  the  battle  went  on. 
The  altar  was  surrounded  by  heaps  of  dead  bodies,  and  the 
altar-steps  were  drenched  in  blood.  Titus  penetrated  into  the 
Holy  Place,  which  the  fire  had  not  yet  reached,  and  the  specta- 
cle which  he  witnessed  made  him  increasingly  anxious  to 
quench  the  fire.  But  the  sight  of  the  treasures  of  the  Temple 
and  the  hope  of  plunder  gave  a  fresh  stimulus  to  the  Roman 
soldiers.  One  of  them,  in  the  absence  of  the  commander,  set 
fire  to  the  gate,  and  a  wide  sheet  of  flame  catching  the  dry 
cedar  wood  enveloped  the  whole  almost  instantaneously.  A 
scene  of  terrible  confusion  followed.  Some  were  engaged  in 
plundering  the  treasures  which  the  piety  of  many  years  had 
accumulated  in  the  sacred  receptacle;  others  slew,  without 
mercy,  all  within  their  reach.  The  flames,  reflected  from  the 
surrounding  eminences  and  buildings,  caused  the  whole  city  to 
seem  on  fire.  Thq  noise  of  the  crackling  material  was  mixed 
with  the  shout  of  the  attacking  legions,  the  groans  of  the 
wounded  and  famishing,  and  the  execrations  of  the  desperate 
Jews,  whilst  each  sound  reverberated  from  the  surrounding 
hills.  The  whole  enclosure  of  Mount  Moriah  was  so  full  of  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  that  the  ground  was  nowhere  visible.  From 
the  summit  of  the  Temple  the  besieged  plucked  the  golden 
spikes  which  had  adorned  it,  with  the  lead  in  which  it  had  been 
imbedded,  and  hurled  them  at  their  enemies.  Then,  with  great 
difl&culty,  the  leaders  of  the  Jews  fought  their  way  across  the 
bridge,  which,  spanning  the  Tyropoeon,  connected  Mount  Mo- 
ll 


122  JEKUSALEM. 

riah  with  Mount  Zion ;  and  took  refuge  in  the  upper  city.  The 
desolation  was  complete.  The  sun  of  Jerusalem's  glory  was 
set.  God  had  forsaken  her.  "  The  law  had  perished  from  the 
priests  and  counsel  from  the  ancients."  The  blood  of  the  cru- 
cified One  was,  according  to  their  own  imprecation,  upon  his 
crucifiers,  and  on  their  children.  The  Roman  army  established 
themselves  on  Mount  Moriah  ;  brought  thither  their  military 
ensio-ns ;  offered  there  their  heathen  sacrifices,  and  realized  to 
the  very  letter  the  predictions  of  Jesus  when,  looking  down 
from  the  Mount  of  Olives  upon  the  splendid  city,  he  had  fore- 
told how  "  the  abomination  of  desolation "  should  be  seen  to 
stand  in  the  Holy  Place. 

The  riches  obtained  by  the  Romans  from  the  plunder  of  the 
Temple  wore  so  great  that  gold  was  reduced  in  Syria  to  half  its 
value. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  the  upper  city  continued 
to  hold  out  during  a  considerable  period.  It  was,  however,  at 
length  taken  by  the  victorious  Romans,  who  plundered,  burnt 
and  slew,  without  mercy.  Titus  ordered  the  city  to  be  razed  to 
the  ground,  excepting  the  towers  of  Hippicus,  Phasaelis  and 
Mariamne,  which  were  allowed  to  remain,  and  the  whole  area 
was  afterwards  ploughed  over  by  Terentius  Rufus.  The  Jews 
who  were  taken  captive  were  either  sold  for  slaves  (though  they 
were  so  contemptuously  regarded  that  few  purchasers  could  be 
found)  or  were  retained  to  grace  the  approaching  triumph  of 
Titus.  According  to  Josephus,  the  number  of  his  destroyed 
countrymen  was  enormous.  In  Jerusalem  alone  one  million  one 
hundred  thousand  were  put  to  death,  whilst  the  total  number  of 
Jews  slain  during  the  progress  of  the  whole  insurrection 
amounted  to  one  million  three  hundred  and  fifty-six  thousand 
four  hundred  and  sixty.  The  number  of  prisoners  exceeded 
one  hundred  thousand. 

The  reader  who  is  acquainted  with  the  imposing  military 
processions  which  the  Romans  dignified  by  the  title  of  a  tri- 
umph, can  imagine  with  what  honors  the  victorious  prince  who 


A.    D.    70,  VESPASIAN    EMPEROR. 


123 


had  succeeded,  after  such  difficulties  and  bloodshed,  in  conquer- 
ing Jerusalem  at  the  close  of  a  six  months'  siege,  was  received 
in  Rome.  On  this  occasion  the  father  and  son  appeared 
together  for  the  first  time  as  recipients  of  triumphal  honors. 
The  gorgeous  procession  wound  its  way  from  the  Campus  Mar- 
tius  along  the  Via  Triumphalis  to  the  Porta  Triumphalis,  and 
passing  through  the  public  parts  of  the  city,  came  to  the  Capi- 
tol. The  music  and  the  sacrifices  preceded  the  train.  Then 
followed  the  rich  spoils,  consisting  of  large  quantities  of  gold 
taken  out  of  the  Temple  and   presenting  to  the  eyes  of  the 


ARCH    OF   TITUS. 


delighted  people  the  Book  of  the  Law  and  the  seven-branched 
candlestick,  the  trumpets,  with  the  table  of  shewbread,  which 
had  adorned  the  Temple.  After  this,  followed  the  captives,  the 
long  train  of  persons  carrying  perfumes,  the  lictors,  etc.,  till 
the  eye  rested  on  the  victorious  generals  themselves,  whose  ela- 
tion, as  they  rode  in  their  gilded  chariots  amid  the  applause  of 


124  JERUSALEM. 

the  spectators,  was  designed  to  be  moderated  by  the  slave  who 
whispered  in  their  ears,  "  Kemember  thou  art  but  a  man." 

In  memory  of  this  great  event,  Vespasian  built  a  temple  to 
Peace,  in  which  he  deposited  the  Jewish  trophies.  He  erected 
besides  an  arch  of  triumph,  the  first  specimen  of  the  Composite 
order,  embellished  with  bas-reliefs,  which  remains  to  this  day, 
though  now  tottering  beneath  the  weight  of  years.  Before  its 
commencement,  however,  Titus  was  no  more. 

Nothing  could  stand  in  a  more  important  relation  to  Chris- 
tianity than  this  memorable  destruction  of  a  city  which  had 
been  so  remarkably  bound  up  with  an  external  and  national 
religion.  To  continue  their  adherence  to  the  ancient  system, 
the  whole  apparatus  of  which  had  suddenly  been  so  fearfully 
destroyed,  was,  in  the  case  of  the  Christian  believers,  a  matter 
almost  impossible;  and,  as  the  Temple  and  the  sacrifice  had 
faded  from  their  view,  they  were  taught  to  look  with  a  deeper 
estimate  of  value  on  that  declaration  and  prediction  of  our 
Lord,  "  God  is  a  Spirit,  and  they  that  worship  him  must  wor- 
ship him  in  spirit  and  in  truth."  Origen,  in  commenting  on  the 
passage  "  ordained  by  angels  in  the  hands  of  a  Mediator," 
declares  that  "at  the  death  of  Christ  angels  forsook  the  city."^ 
If  this  were  so,  it  was  in  order  that  the  Mediator  might  be 
rendered  more  visible  by  the  destruction  of  the  external  system 
which  had  obscured  him. 

For  sixty  years  following  this  event,  few  materials  of  inform- 
ation exist  relative  to  this  celebrated  church.  It  appears, 
however,  from  the  testimony  of  Eusebius,  that  a  consultation  of 
our  Lord's  surviving  disciples  was  held  respecting  the  person 
who  should  become  successor  to  the  martyred  James,  and  that 
the  choice  fell  upon  Simeon,  the  son  of  Mary,  the  daughter  of 
Cleopas.  Eusebius  gives  us,  moreover,  a.  list  of  his  thirteen 
successors  down  to  the  time  of  Hadrian.  He  relates  that  Ves- 
pasian instituted  a  search  for  the  descendants. of  the  family  of 

*  In  .Jer.,  Horn.  xiii.  d. 


A.    D.    70,    VESPASIAN    EMPEROR.  125 

David,  in  order  to  destroy  them,  which  Avas  the  cause  of  a  severe 
persecution  against  the  Jews  ;  and  that,  in  the  next  reign  but 
one,  Domitian,  following  up  his  design,  laid  hands  upon  the 
relations  of  Christ  who  were  reported  to  him  as  of  the  seed 
royal  of  the  Jews.  When  these  persons,  who  were  grand- 
children of  James,  were  brought  before  the  emperor,  he  in- 
quired of  them  if  they  were  descendants  of  David.  This  they 
acknowledged.  He  then  asked  what  was  their  property.  They 
replied  that  they  had  between  them  nine  thousand  denarii  (about 
two  hundred  and  eighty  pounds),  which  was  altogether  invested 
in  land,  and  that  they  supported  themselves  by  their  own  labor, 
of  which  fact  the  hands  they  held  up  before  him  were  a  sufl&- 
cient  proof.  Being  interrogated  respecting  Christ's  kingdom, 
they  replied:  "It  is  not  a  temporal  or  earthly  kingdom,  but 
celestial  and  angelic,  —  it  will  appear  at  the  end  of  the  world, 
when,  coming  in  glory,  Christ  will  judge  the  quick  and  dead, 
and  give  to  every  man  according  to  his  works."  This  reply 
was  probably  as  embarrassing  to  Domitian  as  the  explanation 
which  Christ  had  given  at  an  earlier  day  to  Pilate.  They  were 
therefore  dismissed  in  safety  by  the  emperor,  and  continued  to 
live  even  in  the  times  of  Trajan.^  Tertullian  declares  that 
Nerva  ordered  that  those  who  had  been  expelled  by  Domitian 
should  return  to  their  homes  in  peace. 

Simeon,  the  second  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  lived  till  the  time 
of  Trajan.  '  During  that  reign  a  partial  insurrection  of  the  J  ews 
took  place,  in  the  course  of  which  the  bishop  was  reported  to 
the  authorities  as  being  one  of  the  blood-royal  of  David,  and, 
moreover,  a  Christian.  (He  was  now  in  extreme  old  age,  — 
Hegisippus  says,  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  years  old.)  He 
and  his  relations  underwent  great  torture,  to  the  surprise  of 
all  those  who  witnessed  his  aged  appearance,  and  he  was  at 
last  ordered  to  suffer  death  by  crucifixion. 


*  Hegisippus,  apud  Euseb.,  Book  iii.  c.  xx. 
11# 


126  JERUSALEM. 

Hef'isippiis  *  relates,  that  so  long  as  the  church  at  Jerusalem 
was  under  the  watchful  care  of  the  apostles,  or  of  those  who 
learned  from  them  the  truth  of  religion,  it  was  kept  pure ;  but 
that  when  their  guardianship  was  removed,  false  doctrine  imme- 
diately crept  in.  We  must  probably  understand  this  declaration, 
of  overt  divisions  rather  than  of  secret  opinions ;  for  the  mani- 
fest tendency  of  the  Jewish  believers  was  to  heretical  and  anti- 
Christian  notions,  even  in  the  days  of  the  apostle  Paul  himself. 
It  appears  that  Hegisippus,  in  order  to  render  his  history  more 
complete,  paid  a  visit  to  Rome,  where  he  resided  some  time, 
collecting  materials  for  his  future  narrative. 

Before  we  leave  this  chapter,  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  make 
mention  of  an  epistle  bearing  the  name  of  Barnabas,  and  espe- 
cially addressed  to  his  brethren  the  Jews.  Its  authority  is 
derived  from  the  quotation  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  calls 
the  author  an  apostle  ;  from  that  of  Origen,  who  quotes  it  as 
the  Catholic  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  in  his  reply  to  Celsus ;  and 
from  that  of  Eusebius,  who  also  mentions  it  as  a  catholic  epis- 
tle, though  his  testimony  is  not  perfectly  consistent.  Hefele 
conjectures  it  to  have  been  written  not  long  before  the  year 
120,  and  therefore  not  to  be  properly  attributable  to  Barnabas. 
In  truth,  many  parts  of  it  bear  the  indication  of  a  later  age,  as 
when,  for  instance,  in  commenting  upon  the  passage  which  de- 
clares that  Abraham  circumcised  three  hundred  and  eighteen 
men,  he  endeavors  to    prove,  that  as   the    expression  of  the 

*  Hegisippus  was  a  convert  from  Judaism  to  the  Christian  faith.  He 
lived  between  the  years^lGS — 180,  and  wrote,  it  appeal's,  an  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  the  early  ages,  of  which  the  only  remnants  are  found  in  Euse- 
bius. This  writer  is  suspected  of  favoring  anti-Pauline  doctrines.  Neander 
founds  the  charge  (with  some  conscious  embarrassment)  upon  the  exceptions 
taken  by  llcgisippus  to  the  words,  "Eye  hath  not  seen,"  &c.  But  the 
reader  who  has  perused  the  recently-discovered  work  of  Hippolytus  will 
recognize  the  phrase  as  that  frequently  employed  by  Justin,  a  Gnostic, 
against  wliom  the  reclamations  of  Hegisippus  are  evidjeutly  directed.  It  is 
not  so  easy,  however,  to  defend  Hegisippus  against  the  charge  of  credulity 
in  pom*  of  the  Ptnriep  in  which  he  ha?  given  currency. 


A.    D.    70,    VESPASIAN    EMPEilOR.  12T 

number  ten  corresponds  with  the  Greek  i,  and  the  word  eight 
corresponds  with  the  Greek  ii,  the  two  letters  were  prophetic 
of  the  word  Jesus ;  and  as  the  number  three  hundred  is  signified 
by  the  letter  t,  that  number  was  indicative  of  Christ's  cross. 
There  are  moreover  indications  of  the  doctrine  of  baptismal 
regeneration  little  accordant  with  the  views  certainly  enter- 
tained by  Barnabas.  In  fact,  the  whole  epistle  breathes  an 
allegorical  spirit  by  no  means  corresponding  with  an  apostolic  age. 

To  the  authentic  accounts  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem  the 
Romanists  have  not  failed  to  add  their  legends.^  They  relate, 
for  instance,  that  St.  Nicodemus  being  ejected  from  the  syna- 
gogue for  believing  in  Christ,  and  afterwards  retiring  to  the 
country-house  of  St.  Gamaliel,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  a 
secret  professor  of  Christianity,  died  there,  and  that  he  miracu- 
lously discovered  his  relics  to  Lucian,  by  a  vision  in  the  year 
415. 

Disheartened  as  was  the  spirit  of  the  surviving  Jews  by  such 
a  series  of  fearful  calamities  as  we  have  related,  it  was  not  even 
yet  extinguished.  In  the  eighteenth  year  of  Adrian's  reign 
(a.  d.  135)  the  Jews,  led  on  by  Barchochebas,  who,  like  Barab- 
bas,  was  a  robber,  revolted,  maintaining  a  position  of  defensive 
hostility  at  Bithera,  which  Eusebius  tells  us  was  not  far  from 
Jerusalem.  They  were,  however,  at  length  subdued,  and  every 
Jew  was,  by  a  special  decree  of  Hadrian,  prohibited  from  enter- 
iag  the  country  of  which  Jerusalem  was  the  centre.  On  the 
site  of  the  sacred  city  a  new  one  now  began  to  arise,  called 
iElia,  in  honor  of  the  emperor,  and  a  Christian  church  was 
formed  there.  This  church  had  lost  all  traces  of  Jewish  pecu- 
liarity, and  had  indeed  a  Gentile  Christian  for  its  bishop.  His 
name  was  Marcus.  But  the  ^lian  Christians  were  regarded 
with  suspicion  and  dislike  by  those  who  still  practised  adhereiico 
to  the  Mosaic  law,  and  from  the  latter  party  the  Ebionites,  (jf 
whom  we  shall  hereafter  speak,  arose. 

*  On  the  authority  of  the  Clementine  forgeries. 


^yT-%.^.,%''^x 


m 


CHAPTER    IV. 


EPHESUS    AND    JOHN. 


At  the  head  of  one  of  three  deep  bays  which  jag  the  coast  of 
Turkey  in  Asia,  the  traveller  discovers,  with  some  difficulty,  the 
remains  of  the  once  celebrated  city  of  Ephesus.  These  ruins 
are  situated  in  a  beautiful  valley  shut  in  by  encircling  hills, 
and  covered  with  a  luxurious  but  desolate  vegetation.  A  mala- 
rious swamp  extends  from  these  ancient  remains  to  the  sea ;  and 


A.    D.    80,    DOMITIAN    EMPEROR.  129 

undistinguishable  heaps  of  ruined  masonry,  intermingled  with 
Corinthian  ornaments,  and  bearing  traces  of  Konian  origin, 
crowd  about  the  spot.  In  the  immediate  neighborhood  is  a  poor 
Turkish  village,  evidently  built  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  ancient 
city,  bearing  the  name  of  Aiasaluck.  Time  has  trodden  heavily 
on  all  that  once  constituted  the  pride  tind  glory  of  the  Eastern 
world,  and  the  great  city  which  Justin  relates  to  have  been  just 
erected  by  the  Amazons  —  and  Strabo  by  the  son  of  Codrus  — 
has  long  ceased  to  present  anything  worthy  of  the  title  of  the 
Metropolis  of  Asia.  Yet  history  regards  Ephosus  as  deserving 
of  peculiaf  distinction  ;  its  most  celebrated  structures  challenged 
the  admiration  of  antiquity  as  among  the  first  wonders  of  the 
world.  Lysimachus  removed  the  site  of  the  city  nearer  to  the 
sea  than  it  had  been  before,  and  re-peopled  it  with  inhabitants 
from  Lebedus  and  Colophon.  During  the  reign  of  Tiberius  the 
new  metropolis  was  greatly  shaken  by  an  earthquake,  but  by 
command  of  that  emperor  the  ruins  were  repaired,  and  several 
important  improvements  effected.  The  marsh  which  at  present 
fills  the  vicinity  with  malaria  was  then  the  celebrated  port  of 
Ephesus.  Its  waters  are  now  useless  for  any  commercial  pur- 
pose. 

The  principal  glory  of  Ephesus  was,  hov^^ever,  its  temple  of 
Diana.  The  structure  had  been,  at  the  time  of  which  we  write, 
recently  reerected  (it  had  been  destroyed  at  the  date  of  Alexan- 
der's birth,  by  Herostratus,  having  undergone  altogether  seven 
erections),  at  the  expense  of  all  the  Asiatic  states;  and,  to 
secure  it  against  inundation,  its  foundations  had  been  laid  in 
beds  of  charcoal.  Two  hundred  and  twenty  years  had  been 
consumed  in  its  erection,  whilst  marble,  precious  woods  and 
gold,  had  been  employed  profusely  in  its  decoration.  Its  bas- 
reliefs  were  the  work  of  Scopas,  —  its  altar,  of  Praxiteles.  Its 
shrine  was  an  object  of  devotion  to  the  followers  of  the  pagan 
mythology.  All  Ionia  paid  an  annual  visit  to  Ephesus  in  cele- 
bration of  the  festival  of  Diana,  and  the  most  costly  presents 
were  offered  in  honor  of  her  worship.     These  rites  were  accom- 


130  EPHESUS   AND   JOHN.       . 

panied  by  sacred  games.  The  priests  of  Diana  were  limited  to 
a  peculiar  diet,  and  were  not  permitted  to  enter  any  private 
house.  Those  who  came  up  to  the  annual  feast  made  a  point  of 
obtaining  silver  medals  of  the  temple,  the  execution  and  sale 
of  which  were  a  source  of  high  profit  to  the  inhabitants. 

No  city  was  more  celebrated  than  this  metropolis  of  Lesser 
Asia  for  the  profession  and  practice  of  the  occult  arts.  The 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  speak  of  "  certain  wandering  Jews,  exor- 
cists." These  pretended  magicians  were  chiefly  Jews,  principally 
from  Alexandria,  who,  availing  themselves  of  cabalistic  tradi- 
tions, specimens  of  which  abound  in  the  Talmud,  deluded  the 
ignorant  and  unwary.  An  illustration  of  such  persons,  given 
by  Josephus,  may  render  their  practices  more  familiar  to  the 
general  reader : 

"  I  have  seen  a  certain  man  of  my  own  country,  whose  name 
was  Eleazar,  releasing  people  that  were  demoniacs,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Vespasian,  his  sons,  his  captains,  and  the  whole  multi- 
tude of  his  soldiers.  The  manner  of  the  cure  was  this  :  he  put 
a  ring,  that  had  a  7-00^  of  one  of  these  sorts  mentioned  by  Sol- 
omon, to  the  nostrils  of  the  demoniac,  after  which  he  drew  out 
the  demon  through  his  nostrils ;  and,  when  the  man  fell  down, 
immediately  he  adjured  him  to  return  into  him  no  more,  making 
still  mention  of  Solomon,  and  reciting  the  incantations  that  he 
had  composed.  And  when  Eleazar  would  persuade  the  specta- 
tors that  he  had  such  power,  he  set,  at  a  little  distance,-  a  cup 
of  water,  and  commanded  the  demon,  as  he  went  out  of  the  man, 
to  overturn  it ;  and,  when  this  was  done,  the  skill  and  wisdom 
of  Solomon  were  showed  very  manifestly.'"^ 

The  "  Ephesian  letters,"  as  they  were  called,  which  were  a 
kind  of  magical  incantation  founded  on  the  inscription  on  the 
goddess'  statue,  written  on  parchment,  arid  worn  after  the 
manner  of  the  phylactery  of  the  Jews,  were  held  in  great  repute 
as  amulets,  or    charms.     Clemens  Alexandrinu'S  mentions  the 

*  Joseph.  Antiq.  book  viii.  c.  2,  §  5.     Whiston's  edition. 


A.    D.    80,  DOMITIAN    EMPEROR.  131 

invention  of  these  "  letters  "  as  being  doubtfully  ascribed  to  the 
dactyli,  or  priests  of  Cybele,  so  called,  according  to  him, 
because  they  were  the*  inventors  of  musical  notes.  He  thus 
describes  the  letters : 

A2KI0N,  KATA2KI0N,  AlZ,  TETFJ^,   JAMNAMENEY2, 
AI2IA, 

and  gives  the  following  explanation  : 

"  Askion  signifies  darkness,  for  it  has  no  shade ;  Kataskion 
light,  for  it  brightens  darkness ;  Lix  is  the  earth,  by  an  ancient 
appellation ;  Tetrax  a  year,  because  of  the  hours ;  DamTia- 
?neneus  means  the  sun,  which  subdues;  and  Aisia  the  voice  of 
truth."  Other  explanations  follow  :  ^  These  "  letters  "  were 
the  basis  of  the  Abraxas  of  the  Basilidians,  and  the  prototypes 
of  the  Abracadabras  of  after  times.  The  words  appear  to  have 
been  inscribed  on  amulets,  and  used  as  charms.  When  Milesius 
and  Ephesius  contended  ai  the  Olympic  games,  Milesius  was 
reputed  unsuccessful  because  his  rival  had  "  Ephesian  letters  " 
attached  to  his  heels ;  when  these  were  removed,  he  conquered.! 

The  goddess  Artemis,  who  seems  to  have  been  identical  with 
the  Latin  Diana,  was  worshipped  by  the  Greeks  under  different 
varieties.  She  of  Ephesus-  seems  to  have  represented  the  all- 
producing  powers  of  nature,  and  to  have  been  identical  with 
Ashtoreth,  the  goddess  of  ancient  Palestine.  The  Ephesians 
asserted  that  her  image  fell  from  heaven.  She  was  adored 
under  the  figure  of  an  upright  mummy  :  her  mural  crown  sig- 
nified her  protection  of  cities ;  her  breastplate,  ornamented  with 
pearls,  and  bearing  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  implied  her  care  of 
the  seasons ;  her  hands  were  outspread,  as  in  the  act  of  convey- 
ing blessings  to  mankind  ;  a  multitude  of  breasts  appeared  above 

*  Clemeu.  Alex.  Stromat.  lib.  v. 

t  See  Suidas  apud  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  on  Acts  xix.  Such  arts  were  greatly 
practised  and  greedily  sought  in  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire.  Adrian 
was  addicted  to  the  study  of  them.  Lucian  mentions  them  as  having  been 
practised  by  the  most  noted  men  of  Rome  ;  and  every  reader  of  Apuleius  is 
familiar  with  the  practice,  through  his  novel. 


132  EPHESUS    ANL»    JOHN. 

her  girdle,  representing  her  as  the  source  of  nutriment ;  the 
other  parts  of  her  body  covered  with  lions,  bulls,  stags,  animals 
of  all  kinds,  birds,  and  even  insects,  intimated  her  care  of  all 
creatures.  She  was,  in  short,  an  allegorical  representation  of 
the  universal  mother ;  "  the  precious  things  put  forth  by  the 
moon."  Her  symbol  was  the  bee;  lier  priests  were  eunuchs; 
her  high-priest  bore  the  title  of  king. 

The  morality  of  the  people  of  Ephesus  was  extremely  low. 
It  was  the  maxim  of  Heraclitus,  the  Ephesian  philosopher,  that 
truth  admitted  of  falsehood  to  maintain  its  cause ;  and  this 
maxim  seems  to  have  been  extensively  adopted  in  the  Ephesian 
code.=^  The  prevalence  of  the  heathen  system  in  that  city 
brought  in  its  train  innumerable  vices,  tending  to  debase  the 
character  of  the  inhabitants ;  whilst  the  association  of  the  wor- 
ship with  the  mysteries  known  only  to  the  initiated  opened  a 
new  source  of  corruption  and  obscenity.! 

The  gospel  had  been  first  planted  at  Ephesus  by  the  labors 
of  the  apostle  Paul,  on  his  third  missionary  journey.  During 
three  months  he  had  attended  the  Jewish  synagogues  in  that 
city,  till  the  opposition  made  to  his  doctrines  caused  him  to 
remove  from  the  Jews,  and  to  teach  the  Gentiles  in  a  school 
belonging  to  a  rhetorician,  named  Tyrannus.t  There  he  re- 
mained two  years,  preaching  and  working  miracles.  His  per- 
formance of  these   miracles   led    to  a  singular    demonstration, 


*  Clemen.  Alex.  Strom,  v.  This  was  in  perfect  accordance  with  the 
received  maxims  of  the  Gentile  philosophy.  "  Better  to  utter  a  lie  than 
the  unwelcome  truth,"  said  Menander.  "  Good  is  better  than  truth,"  said 
Proclus.  "  When  telling  a  lie  will  be  profitable,  let  it  be  told,"  said 
Darius,  in  Herodotus.  "  He  may  lie  who  knows  how  to  do  it  at  the  right 
time,"  said  Plato.  "There  is  nothing  decorous  in  truth,  but  when  it  is 
profitable;  truth  is  hurtful,  and  lying  is  profitable  to  men,"  said  Tyrius. 
These  instances  are  cited  by  Whitby,  and  quoted  in  Adam  Clarke's  com- 
mentary on  Eph.  4  :  25.  . 

f  See,  in  Warburton's  "  Divine  Legation,"  much  learning  and  not  a  little 
conjecture  on  this  subject. 

t  Acts  19  :  9. 


A.  D.  80,    DOMITIAN    EMPEROll.  133 

similar  to  that  which  we  have  before  related  of  Simon  Magus. 
Perceiving  the  efficacy  of  the  powers  put  forth  by  the  apostle, 
the  magicians  of  the  city  began  to  exercise  their  unlawful  arts, 
by  using,  not  the  heathen  formula  they  had  hitherto  adopted, 
but  a  new  one  they  had  learned  from  Paul,  —  the  name  of 
Jesus.  When  the  delusion  was  practised  by  the  seven  sons  of 
one  Sceva,  a  Jew,  upon  a  possessed  man,  the  evil  spirit,  instead 
of  yielding  to  the  incantation,  became  furious,  and  leaped  out 
with  violence,  inflicting  much  personal  damage  on  those  who 
had  thus  falsely  adjured  him.  The  fame  of  the  transaction 
spread,  and  produced  a  wide  excitement  in  favor  of  the  religion 
of  the  Nazarene.  Jews  and  Greeks  embraced  the  new  gospel. 
Books  of  magic,  to  the  amount  of  fifty  thousand  pieces  of  silver, 
were  extensively  burnt.  The  gospel  had  gained  a  new  and 
important  conquest. 

But  the  powers  of  darkness  could  not  permit  this  victory  to 
be  achieved  without  a  struggle.  One  of  the  silver-workers, 
named  Demetrius,  called  around  him  all  his  fellow-tradesmen, 
and  represented  to  them  the  injury  their  trade  was  suffering ; 
and  that,  if  this  religion  were  permitted  to  continue,  they  would 
not  only  suffer  loss  in  their  own  particular  trade,  but  would 
seriously  damage  the  reputation  of  the  temple  of  Diana  and  its 
worshippers,  all  over  Asia.  They  therefore  convoked  a  meeting 
of  the  inhabitants  in  the  theatre,  often  used,  in  those  days,  as  a 
place  of  public  deliberation.  The  utmost  confusion  prevailed ; 
and  when  one  Alexander,  a  Jew,  attempted  to  address  the  mul- 
titude, they,  suspecting  him  to  be  a  Christian,  put  him  down 
by  the  most  violent  clamor,  shouting  aloud,  during  two  whole 
hours,  "  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians  !  "  It  is  probably  to 
this  occurrence  that  the  apostle  refers  when,  with  a  strong  but 
not  uninstructive  metaphor,  he  speaks  of  "  fighting  with  beasts 
at  Ephesus."  The  uproar  threatened  serious  consequences,  and 
was  only  allayed  by  the  recorder  of  the  city  (0  ygu.^i.(ajevi), 
who,  obtaining  a  hearing,  persuaded  those  who  complained  of 
12 


134  EPHESUS    AND    JOHN. 

injury  to  prefer  their  charges,  if  they  had  any,  before  the  proper 
and  competent  tribunals. 

When  Paul  left  Ephesus,  Timothy  still  remained  in  that  city, 
to  carry  on  the  spiritual  work  which  had  been  so  auspiciously 
beo-un.  A  church  was  regularly  organized,  under  the  directions 
written  by  Paul,  in  his  jfirst  epistle  to  that  young  minister. 
Here  Timothy  had  to  contend  with  many  evils,  which  threatened 
a  defalcation  ;  among  others,  the  endeavors  of  the  Jewish  doc- 
tors to  bring  back  the  faith  of  Moses,  the  indulgence  of  expen- 
sive habits  of  dress  by  the  female  converts,  and  the  licentious 
practices  of  some  of  the  professors  of  Christianity."^  Yet,  not- 
withstanding the  cautions  administered  to  the  Ephesians,  these 
evils  appear  to  have  increased,  and  to  have  gradually  under- 
mined the  purity  of  a  religion  which  had  been  so  advantageously 
introduced.  After  the  death  of  Paul,  the  apostle  John,  feeling 
that  the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor  imperatively  demanded  his 
superintending  and  protecting  care,  took  up  his  residence  in 
Ephesus,  exercising  a  pastoral  vigilance  over  the  churches 
around.  Here  he  probably  suffered,  not  only  from  the  outskirts 
of  the  storm  of  the  persecutions  under  Nero,  but  from  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Judaizing  teachers,  and  especially  from  a  sect  called 
Nicolaitans,t  who  seem  to  have  proclaimed  the  Antinomian 
doctrine,  that  to  a  Christian,  firm  in  the  faith  of  Christ,  tempta- 
tion and  idolatry  were  matters  of  no  spiritual  moment,  and 
(demanded  no  special  abstinence.  The  state  of  the.  churches 
around  the  apostle  may  be  easily  inferred,  from  the  divine 
warnings  addressed  to  them  in  the  book  of  Revelation.  Smyroia, 
one  of  the  finest  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  boasting  of  a  considerable 
population,  held  fast  the  doctrine  of  the   cross,  and  flourished 


*  1  Timothy, 

t  Euseb.  iii.  c.  17.  Irenisus  and  Hippolytus  both  trace  the  origin  of  this 
sect  to  Nicholas,  mentioned  in  Acts  vi.  as  one  of  the  seven  deacons  ;  assert-, 
ing  that  he  combined  in  his  system  idolatry  and  licentiousness.  To  this 
reference  is  made  in  Rev.  2:6.  "  This  thou  hast,  that  thou  hatest  the 
deeds  of  the  Nicolaitans,  which  I  also  hate." 


A.  D.   80,    DOMITIAN    EMPEROR.  135 

greatly.  Pergamos,  capital  of  the  province  of  Asia  Propria, 
was  faithful  in  general  to  the  truth,  but  possessed  members  not 
a  little  corrupted  by  the  Nicolaitan  heresy.  In  the  person  of 
Antipas,  one  of  its  number,  it  had  suffered,  probably  by  the 
persecution  under  Nero.  Thyatira  had  listened  to  heretical 
influences,  led  away,  principally,  by  a  female  member  of  the 
community,  and  was  in  some  danger,  though  still  possessino- 
many  excellences.  Sardis,  the  capital  of  the  ancient  kingdom 
of  Lydia,  once  one  of  the  richest  cities  of  Asia,  and  now  a 
somewhat  declining  city,  was  already  rotten  at  the  heart,  though 
still  preserving  the  external  forms  of  Christianity,  and  possess- 
ing some  few  members  uncorrupted  by  the  general  defection. 
Philadelphia,  though  not  numerous,  was  troubled  by  the  Juda- 
izing  perverters,  but  was,  as  yet,  unfallen.  The  spirit  of  Lao- 
dicea  was  departed  already,  and,  like  Sardis,  it  had  yielded  to 
the  enervating  influences  of  worldliness  and  spiritual  pride. 
These  influences  had  already  done  much  to  corrupt  Ephesus 
itself,  though  it  was  still  distinguished  for  its  fidelity  and  zeal. 

It  was  apparently  about  this  time  that  several  anti-Christian, 
though  calling  themselves  Christian,  sects  appeared  in  Asia 
Minor,  some  of  them  known  for  the  first  time  through  the 
recently  discovered  work  of  Hippolytus.  The  Judaizing  teach- 
ers, of  whom  we  read  so  much  in  the  writings  of  Paul,  appear, 
at  this  crisis,  to  have  gathered  streng-th,  and  to  have  departed 
still  more  widely  from  gospel  truth.  Combining  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gentile  philosophy  with  the  cabalistic  Judaism  of  Asia 
and  Alexandria,  and  forming  themselves  on  the  system  of  Simon 
Magus,  to  whom  reference  has  been  already  made,  they  branched 
out  into  many  varieties  of  sects,  all  agreeing,  however,  in  ex- 
hibiting the  Gnostic  form  of  error.  This  doctrine,  originally 
derived  from  Babylon,  and  afterwards  upheld  by  the  Persian 
sage,  Zoroaster,  taught,  as  its  leading  feature,  the  creation  of 
the  world  by  inferior  beings ;  asserted  the  inferiority  of  Christ 
to  the  Father ;  and  denied  the  reality  of  the  incarnation. 
Among   the    varieties    distinguished    by    Hippolytus    are    the 


136  EPHKSUS   AND   JOHN. 

Naasenes  or  Ophites,  who  held  that  the  serpent  of  the  fall  was 
the  Logos  and  the  true  God,  and  named  themselves  after  him 
[riaas  being  the  Hebrew  word  for  a  serpent).  Thej  avowed 
themselves  Gnostics,  professing  that  they  alone  understood  "  the 
depths"  (7  0C  ^ad)]);^  and  they- worshipped  "the  man  from 
above,"  whom  they  called  "  Adamas,"  and  whom  they  cele- 
brated in  various  and  elaborate  hymns,  after  this  fashion  :  "  0 
most  glorious  man,  from  whom  is  the  father,  and  by  whom  the 
mother,  the  two  immortal  names,  the  progeny  of  (Eons,  the 
orders  of  heaven  !  "  Hippolytus  adds  :  "  They  divide  him,  like 
Geryon,  into  three  parts,"  —  spirit,  soul,  matter,  —  all  uniting 
in  one  man,  the  son  of  Mary  ;  and  they  declare  that ,  this  doc- 
trine was  delivered  to  them  by  Mariamne,  who  received  it  from. 
John,  our  Lord's  brother.!  Their  system  was  obscene  and 
licentious. 

Similar  to  these  were  the  Peratics,  who  derived  their  origin 
from  Ademes,  the  Charystian,  and  Euphrates,  the  Peratic  + 
(supposed  by  Neander  to  have  lived  before  Christ,  though  this 
is  clearly  an  error).  They  constituted  a  variety  of  the  Ophites,^ 
holding  a  system  full  of  astrology  and  Gnosticism,  in  which  the 
Son  or  the  Serpent,  moving  between  the  Father  and  matter, 
turns  alternately  to  the  former  to  receive,  and  to  the  latter  to 
impart,  divine  powers ;  whilst  the  leading  features  of  Jewish 
history  are  artfully  woven  into  an  allegorical  system,  to  suit  the 
leading  notion. 

Another  variety  was  the  Sethiani,  also  serpent-worshippers, 
who  declared  that  Moses  adopted  their  doctrine  when  he  spoke 

*  The  allusion  to  these  in  the  address  to  the  church  of  Thyatira  is 
evident:  o/riv-g  uvx  fynoauv  t«  (ia-dla  ruu  JSarava  w?  XiyovOir,  —  "who 
have  not  known  (alluding  to  the  yvwoic)  the  depths  of  Satan,— 7  as  the  phrase 
is."     Rev.  2  :  24.  f  Ilippolyt.,  p.  95. 

X  Probably  Euphrates  was  a  Euboean.  The  Chevalier  Bunsen  derives 
his  name  from  1]  vj^oui,  the  country  beyond  the  sea;  for  so  was  Euboea 
relatively  to  Asia  Minor.     Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  i.  37. 

§  Some  valuable  remarks  on  this  and  the  other  sects  are  contained  in 
Cooper's  Free  Church  of  Ancient  Christendom,  p.  194,  et  seq. 


A.  D.   bO,    Lv'MITlAN    EMPEnOK.  187 

of  "  blackness,  and  darkness  and  tempest."'^  These,  they  say, 
are  the  three  Logoses.  In  Paradise  they  were  called  Adam, 
Eve,  the  Serpent;  then  Cain,  Abel,  and  Seth;  then  Abraham, 
Isaac,  Jacob ;  they  were  indicated  by  the  three  days  which 
passed  before  the  sun  and  the  moon  were  created;  and  they 
answered  to  the  three  laws,  —  the  temporary,  the  positive,  and 
the  moral  laws.  The  system  exhibited  its  so-called  truth  in 
connection  with  heathen  mythology,  and  with  the  mysteries  of 
Eleusis.t 

Another  subdivision  was  the  Justinia^is,  named  after  one 
Justin,  author  of  "  the  book  of  Baruch,"  discoverer  of  "  what 
eye  had  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard,  neither  had  entered  into  the 
heart  of  man,"  as  he  blasphemously  professed.  This  sect  adopted 
a  system  of  angelic  derivation  from  two  principles,  male  and 
female,  Elohim  and  Edem,  —  a  feature  of  Simon's  doctrine, 
which  appears  to  have  been  often  repeated  in  these  abominable 
heresies,  —  Elohim  representing  the  spirit,  and  Edem  the  soul 
(the  last  identical  with  Aphrodite,  or  Venus).  The  incarnation 
is  thus  represented : 

"At  last,  in  the  days  of  Herod  the  king,  Baruch  t  is  sent, 
being  himself  commissioned  by  Elohim,  and,  coming  to  Nazareth, 
finds  Jesus,  the  son  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  feeding  sheep,  being  a 
child  twelve  years  old,  and  delivers  to  him  the  commands  of 
Elohim  and  Edem,  and  says  :  '  All  the  prophets  before  thee 
have  followed  in  my  train.  Be  persuaded,  therefore,  0  Jesus, 
the  son  of  man,  not  to  refuse  to  follow,  but  deliver  the  doctrine 
to  men,  and  tell  them  the  truths  of  the  Father  and  of  heaven, 
and  ascend  up  into  heaven,  and  sit  down  there  by  the  side  of 
Elohim,.  the  father  of  us  all.'     And  Jesus  heard  the  angel,  and 

*  Heb.  12  :  18.     Are  the  words  those  of  Moses  1 

t  Hippolytus,  pp.  143,  144.     Ibid.,  p.  157. 

X  In  these  fables  it  appears  not  to  have  been  unusual  to  represent  names 
eminent  in  Jewish  history  as  the  incarnations  of  powerful  spirits.  Another 
Jewish  writing,  quoted  by  Neander,  speaks  in  a  similar  way  of  uqobv/i] 
Ju)ar](p. 

12* 


138  EPHESUS    AND    ROME. 

said,  '  Lord,  I  will  do  all  these  things ; '  and  he  taught  the 
message.  But  the  Serpent  desired  to  draw  him  away ;  yet  he 
remained  faithful  to  Baruch.  Therefore,  the  Serpent  being 
angry  because  he  could  not  draw  him  away,  caused  him  to  be 
crucified,"  &c.  &c.  In  these  systems  the  Demi-urge,  or  creator 
of  the  world,  Jehovah,  is  usually  represented  as  the  evil  prin- 
ciple. The  followers  of  this  sect  took  a  stringent  oath  on  their 
admission ;  the  same,  they  said,  which  Elohim  swore  when  he 
entered  heaven,  according  to  the  passage,  "  The  Lord  hath 
sworn  and  will  not  repent.''  ^ 

To  these  heresies  we  must  add  another  variety,  that  of 
Cerinthus  (no  myth,  as  some  have  supposed,  but,  like  the 
others,  a  real  personage).  This  man  was  an  Asiatic  Jew,  who 
inculcated  the  observances  of  the  law  of  Moses,  but  taught  the 
following  doctrine :  —  That  the  world  was  not  made  by  the 
primal  divinity,  but  by  a  separate  and  distinct  power,  ignorant 
of  that  original  essence.  That  Jesus  was  the  true  son  of 
Joseph  and  Mary,  and  that,  on  his  baptism,  Christ,  an  eman- 
ation of  that  power  w^hich  is  above  all  other  powers,  descended 
on  him  in  the  form  of  a  dove,  and  that  then  he  inculcated  the 
knowledge  of  the  Father,  and  all  other  virtues  ;  but  that  at  last 
Christ  flew  away  from  Jesus,  who  suffered,  and  rose  from  the 
dead.  Christ  was  thus  always  above  suffering,  —  a  mere 
spiritual  existence.! 

How  much  of  these  systems  had  become  developed  when 
John  took  up  his  residence  at  Ephesus  is  not  clearly  apparent. 
But  his  writings  contain  constant  allusions  to  such  tenets  as 
having  existed  before  him  ;  and  the  work  of  Hippolytus,  which 
places  the  sects  we  have  named  at  the  commencement  of  his 
list  of  heretics,  assures  us  of  their  antiquity. 

Till  after  the  accession  of  Domitian  (a.  d,  81)  no  fresh  perse- 
cution appears  to  have  befallen  the  early  Christians.  The 
munificent   reign  of  Vespasian,  which  was  .succeeded  by  the 

*  Psalm  ex.  f  Iren.,  i.  25.     Hippolyi..  x.  21. 


A.  D.   81,    DOMITIAN    EMPEROR.  189 

government  of  his  son,  Titus,  —  perhaps  the  most  able  ruler 
who  ever  assumed  the  imperial  purple,  —  had  left  the  Christians 
to  follow  their  religion  with  impunity.  But  the  accession  of 
Domitian  —  one  of  the  most  brutal  and  craven-spirited  tyrants 
who  ever  sat  upon  the  throne,  and  whose  wife,  Domitia,  was  his 
personified  evil  spirit  —  commenced,  according  to  Eusebius,  a 
fierce  crusade  against  the  unofi'ending  Christians."^  It  is  prob- 
able, though  not  precisely  certain,  that  by  his  orders  John  was 
banished  to  Patmos,  one  of  the  islands  called  Sporades,  in  the 
^gean  Sea.  Certain  it  is  that  the  early  traditions  of  the 
Asiatic  churches  describe  John  as  a  martyr  to  the  faith  of 
Christ.  It  was  while  banished  to  this  island  that  the  apostle 
wrote,  from  immediate  revelation,  the  mysterious  yet  sublime 
book  called  the  Apocalypse,  the  early  part  of  which  describes, 
in  a  manner  too  remarkably  precise  not  to  be  authentic,  the 
erroneous  doctrines  and  vitiated  practice  of  the  Asiatic  churches, 
especially  in  relation  to  the  heresies  we  have  just  described. 
After  his  bauishment  John  appears  to  have  returned  to  Ephesus; 
and  the  following  traditions  recorded  of  him  are  not  unworthy 
of  being  related  :  —  On  one  occasion,  when  the  apostle  was 
about  to  bathe  in  a  public  bath,  he  found  that  Cerinthus  was 
there  before  him.t  On  hearing  this,  John  hastily  retired  from 
the  spot,  declaring  his  apprehension  that  the  house  would  fall 
in  ruins,  since  the  enemy  of  the  truth  was  there.  Tertullian 
informs  us  that  the  same  apostle  had  been  plunged  in  hot  oil 
(probably  at  the  time  of  Domitian's  persecution)  without  in- 
jury ! 

An  anecdote,  related  by  Eusebius  of  John,  beautifully  illus- 
trates the  temper  and  fidelity  of  this  friend  of  his  Lord.l  After 
his  return  to  Ephesus,  he  frequently  visited  the  neighboring 
churches,  appointing  bishops   and  forming  Christian  societies 

*  Euseb.,  i.  ii.  iii.  c.  17.  t  Iren.,  Euseb. 

X  Eusebius  calls  this  "  no  fiction,  but  a  real  history,"  Does  he  by  this 
imply  that  the  other  storie?  related  by  him  of  the  same  apostle  rest  on  less 
sufficient  evidence  "? 


140  EPHESUS    AND   JOHN. 

under  divine  direction.  On  one  occasion,  observing  a  youth  of 
very  prepossessing  appearance  among  the  Christians  whom  he 
addressed,  he  singled  him  out  from  the  rest,  and,  turning  to  the 
bishop  of  the  church,  said  :  "  I  commend  this  young  man  to 
you  very  earnestly  in  the  presence  of  the  church  of  Christ." 
The  bishop  undertook  the  charge,  and  John,  having  completed 
his  visit,  returned  to  Ephesus.  The  youth  was  instructed, 
encouraged,  and  at  length  baptized;  and  the  presbyter,  sup- 
posing him  safe,  ceased  to  exercise  over  him  his  former  care. 
Deprived  of  this  superintendence,  the  young  Christian  became 
gradually  surrounded  by  profligate  companions,  and  enticed 
into  expensive  entertainments,  and  even  began  to  plunder,  till 
at  length  he  formed  with  his  associates  in  sin  a  band  of  robbers. 
Some  time  passed,  and  on  one  occasion  the  apostle  was  again 
sent  for,  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  same  church.  When  the  business 
was  completed,  John  said,  "  Come,  bishop,  return  me  the 
deposit  committed  to  thee  by  myself  and  Christ,  in  the  presence 
of  the  church  over  which  thou  presidest."  The  presbyter  was 
at  some  loss  to  determine  the  meaning  of  the  apostle,  till  John 
said  :  "  I  demand  the  young  man,  and  the  soul  of  a  brother." 
Groaning  heavily,  the  bishop  said,  "  He  is  dead,  —  dead  to 
God !  "  and  related  his  fearful  history.  On  this  the  apostle 
beat  his  head  and  tore  his  garment,  and  immediately  demanded 
a  horse.  He  rode  instantly  into  the  country,  where  he  was 
soon  seized  by  the  robbers,  when  he  demanded  to  be  conducted 
to  their  captain.  As  soon  as  the  chief  saw  the  venerable  old 
man  he  was  covered  with  confusion,  and  attempted  to  fly.  But 
John  called  to  him  :  "  Why  dost  thou  fly,  my  son,  from  thy 
unarmed  father  ?  Have  compassion  on  me ;  fear  not.  There 
is  still  hope  for  thee.  I  will  pray  to  Christ  for  thee.  Should 
it  be  necessary,  I  will  suff"er  death  for  thee,  as  Christ  did  for  us. 
I  will  give  my  life  for  thine."  The  appeal  was  resistless;  the 
young  man  hesitated,  threw  away  his  arms,  wept,  embraced  the 
old  man,  and  was  conducted  back  into  the  church.  Nor  did 
the  apostle  cease  his  labors  till   his  convert   gave    the   most 


A.  D.  CIRC.  100,  TRAJAN  EMPEROR.  141 

decisive  signs  of  repentance,  and  was  restored  to  the  communion 
of  his  fellow-Christians.  This  anecdote  exhibits  in  its  most 
striking  light  the  simplicity  and  energy  of  the  holy  apostle,  and 
the  earnest  spirit  of  the  primitive  church. 

To  correct  the  numerous  and  deadly  errors  which  abounded 
on  every  hand  around  him,  John  compiled  —  probably  towards 
the  end  of  his  ministry  —  the  gospel  which  bears  his  name. 
The  facts  of  our  Lord's  life,  as  related  by  the  other  evangelists, 
were  now  admitted  ;  the  peculiarity  of  the  age  of  John  was  the 
manner  in  which  the  false  teachers  grouped  them  together,  and 
the  use  they  made  of  them.  The  words  and  doctrine  of  Christ, 
as  delivered  by  himself,  were  therefore  of  the  utmost  value  for 
the  purpose  of  refuting  and  dispersing  these  evil  influences. 
John  prepared,  accordingly,  to  give  to  the  world  a  fourth 
gospel,  in  which  a  prominent  place  should  be  given  to  the  teach- 
ings of  our  Lord;  and  for  this  task  the  apostle  who  had  been 
the  intimate  friend  of  Jesus,  and  who  by  mental  constitution 
was  singularly  capable  of  grasping  the  prominent  principles  — 
the  philosophy,  in  short  —  of  his  Master's  instruction,  was  sin- 
gularly qualified.  Availing  himself,  therefore,  of  the  prominent 
terms  of  the  Gnostic  heretics,  his  endeavor  has  been  to  intro- 
duce into  his  gospel  those  declarations  of  our  Lord,  and  those 
expositions  of  his  truth,  which  might  best  countervail  them. 
Every  reader  of  this  production  is  already  familiar  with  the 
key-notes  of  his  system ;  and  those  who  remember  the  Gnostic 
sentiments  will  perceive  with  what  propriety  he  introduces  the 
terms  Father,  First-begotten,  Fulness,  Word,  Truth,  Light,  Life, 
Man,  Church.  It  is  the  object  of  the  apostle  to  show  that  the 
Logos  is  not  an  (Eon,  issuing  from  the  fountain,  —  the  fulness 
of  the  Godhead,  —  but  God  himself;  that  the  Logos  was  not 
made  nor  derived ;  that  the  Logos  was  the  creator  of  all  things ; 
that  the  Logos  took  upon  him  a  real  human  nature.  These  and 
similar  propositions  are  illustrated  continually  by  the  language 
and  teachings  of  Christ  himself.     Our  limits  forbid  us  to  illus- 


142  EPHESUS   AND   JOHN. 

trate  these  propositions  in  detail,  but  the  reader  will  have  no 
difficulty  in  tracing  them  for  himself. 

A  similar  reference  pervades  the  "  Circular  Pastoral  Letter," 
as  Neander  appropriately  terms  it,  which  John  addressed  to  the 
churches  by  which  he  was  surrounded.  The  declarations  that 
Jesus  was  the  Light,  the  Truth,  the  Life,  —  the  reference  to  the 
many  Antichrists  who  confessed  not  that  Jesus  was  come  in  the 
flesh,  and  the  stringent  admonitions  against  the  un-apostolic  and 
immoral  influence  of  the  popular  systems,  —  are  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  conditions  under  which  it  appears  this  important 
epistle  was  written.  Similar  admonitions  pervade  the  second 
epistle,  addressed  to  a  Christian  lady ;  and  the  third,  in  which 
Diotrephes^  is  made  the  subject  of  a  special  mention,  seems  to 
be  directed  against  one  who  stood  at  the  head  of  a  body,  per- 
haps influenced  by  Gnostic  views,  and  seeking,  by  proclaiming 
them,  to  lessen  the  legitimate  influence  of  an  apostle  of  Christ. 

Jerome  relates  that  when  this  apostle  had  lived  to  extreme 
old  age,  and  had  scarcely  power  even  to  extend  his  hands  in 
the  Christian  assemblies,  or  to  utter  a  whole  sentence,  he  was 
accustomed  to  be  brought  into  the  midst  of  the  church,  and  to 
address  the  disciples  in  no  other  words  than  these,  *'  Little  chil- 
dren, love  one  another  !  "  Hearing  the  same  words  so  constantly 
repeated,  one  of  the  disciples  at  length  said,  "  Master,  why  dost 
thou  always  say  the  same  things  ?  "  To  which  John  answered, 
"  Because  it  is  a  divine  command ;  and  if  it  be  obeyed  it  is 
enough."! 

*  From  this  passage  llothe  derives  the  singular  argument,  that  as  none 
but  a  prelate  could  have  stood  in  a  position  to  cast  men  out  of  the  church, 
Diotrephes  must  have  held  that  office,  however  unworthily  ;  and  he  thus 
argues  for  the  existence  of  episcopacy  in  the  apostolical  age.  If,  however, 
the  position  which  Diotrephes  possessed  was  such. as  to  expose  him  to  the 
scorn  of  a  man  so  venerable  as  Joh»i,  and  of  an  apostle  besides,  the  argu- 
ment would  seem  to  resemble  one  of  those  hand-grenades  which  explode  in 
the  hands  of  the  assailant.      Valeat  quantum  !  • 

t  This  beautiful  story  of  John's  "  pious  tautology  "  is  related  by  Jerome, 
on  Gal.  vi. 


A.  D.  CIRC.   100,  TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  143 

At  length  this  venerable  servant  of  Grod  died,  full  of  years 
and  of  divine  honors,  and  was  buried  at  Ephesus.^  He  who 
had  rested  on  the  bosom  of  his  Lord  as  his  familiar  friend  —  to 
whom  the  care  of  the  mother  of  Jesus  had  been  specially  com- 
mitted by  her  dying  son  —  who  had  outlived  all  the  other 
apostles  of  Christ,  and  was  spared  to  introduce  religion  into  the 
following  century  —  received  the  crown  of  his  labors  and  the 
reward  of  his  sufferings.  We  need  not  trust  the  unworthy 
legends  which  speak  of  miracles  performed  by  the  dust  which 
was  carried  away  from  his  tomb. 

We  are  naturally  inclined  to  inquire  whether  any  records 
exist  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  Jesus,  after  the  crucifixion.  The 
answer  is  decisive  :  none  of  any  historical  authority.  Silence 
on  the  subject  is  maintained  by  all  writers  until  the  sixth  or 
seventh  century.  Nor  is  it  known  whether  she  accompanied 
John  to  Ephesus,  or  died  at  Jerusalem,  unless  we  credit  writers 
who  lived  at  the  same  distance  of  time  from  the  supposed 
events.  The  Catholic  story  of  the  Assimiption  rests  on  the 
belief  of  Epiphanius,  who  does  not  record  it  as  a  fact,  but  only 
says  that  he  durst  not  affirm  her  death,  because  there  was  no 
record  of  it,  and  because  she  might  have  been  taken  to  heaven 
without  death ;  and  Catholic  writers  of  authority  declare  that 
the  Assumption,  though  celebrated  by  their  church  on  the  15th 
of  August,  is  not  an  article  of  faith  as  to  the  point  whether  the 
Yirgin  was  taken  to  heaven  in  the  body  or  out  of  it.t  This  is  a 
sample  of  the  rest. 

It  is  probable  that  towards  the  close  of  this  century  the  gos- 
pel had  reached  the  shores  of  Britain,  though  by  what  precise 
means  we  are  not  informed. 

*  Polycrates,  apud  Euseb.,  iii.  c.  31. 
f  See  Butler's  Lives  of  Saints. 


3«- 


CHAPTER   V. 


CORINTH    AND    THE    CORINTHIAN    CHRISTIANS. 


We  have  hitherto  had  little  opportunity  of  tracing  the  first 
fruits  of  the  gospel  in  Greece.  It  is  important  to  our  object 
that  we  shall  endeavor  to  do  so.  Nor  is  there  any  point  from 
which  we  can  more  advantageously  survey  its  progress  than 
from  Corinth,  to  which  the  apostle  Paul  addressed  two  of  his 
most  valuable  epistles. 

The  city  of  Corinth  possessed  every  advantage  for  the  com- 
merce which  rendered  it  celebrated.  It  was  built  on  the  isth- 
mas  which  separated  the  Peloponnesus  from  Northern  Greece. 
It  was  thus  at  the  head  of  two  extensive  bays,  —  the  Saronic 
Gulf  (now  the  Gulf  of  Egina)  running  east\i'ard  towards  the 
iEgean  Sea,  and  defended  from  the  violence  of  the  ocean  by 
the  island  of  JE^s^um,  which  operated  as  a  kind  of  breakwater, 


A.  D.  CIRC.  100,  TRAJAN  EMPEROR.  145 

and  terminated  in  the  Gulf  of  Cenchraea  ;  —  and  the  Corinthian 
Gulf  (now  the  Gulf  of  Lepanto),  running  westward,  a  part  of 
which,  at  present  called  the  Bay  of  Corinth,  formed  a  second 
enclosure  within  it.  It  had  thus  every  advantage  of  sea  com- 
munication with  both  the  eastern  and  western  parts  of  the 
Mediterranean,  whilst,  from  the  narrowness  of  the  isthmus  on 
M^hich  it  stood,  all  the  land  traffic  from  the  southern  to  the 
northern  regions  of  Greece  must  of  necessity  pass  by  it.  To 
avoid  the  stormy  passage  around  the  Peloponnesus,  it  was 
usual  to  transport  the  traffic  from  the  east  to  the  west,  or  the 
contrary,  by  drawing  the  loaded  galleys  four  or  five  miles  across 
this  neck  of  land.  The  city  stood  contiguous  to  a  rich  and 
luxuriant  plain,  and  was  backed  by  a  hoary  mountain,  two  thou- 
sand feet  in  height,  termed  the  Acrocorinthus, —  "  the  Gibraltar 
of  Greece," —  from  the  summit  of  which  an  unrivalled  land- 
scape still  extends  on  every  hand.  No  situation  can  be  more 
lovely,  none  better  suited  by  nature  for  commerce.  But  the 
glory  of  Corinth,  as  a  city,  is  departed,  and  a  few  straggling 
huts  alone  remain,  to  tell  of  the  colonies  she  once  sent  forth  to 
Sicily  and  the  west,  —  of  the  Achaean  League  which  acknowl- 
edged it  as  its  centre,  —  of  the  pacific  influence  she  exerted 
amidst  the  rivalry  and  contentions  of  the  surrounding  king- 
doms, or  of  the  temptation  presented  by  her  wealth  and  prestige 
to  the  ambition  of  the  warlike  Romans. 

When  the  gospel  history  began,  Corinth  was  a  newly  rebuilt 
city,  having  been  destroyed  by  Lucius  Mummius,  and  reerected 
by  Julius  Caesar,  who  re-peopled  it.  As  a  dependent  on  Rome, 
it  became  the  seat  of  proconsular  government  for  Achaia,  or 
Southern  Greece.  It  had  undergone,  indeed,  many  changes 
since  Cicero  designated  it,  in  reference  to  its  learning,  th^  "  Byp 
of  all  Greece;"^  and  had  been  celebrated  over  th^  world  for 
its  sumptuous  temples,  its  invention  of  a  peculiar  style  of  archi- 
tecture, and  the  sensual  delights  which  attracted  visitors  from 

*  Pro  Lege  Manilla,  c.  v. 

18 


146  CORINTH    AND    THE    CORINTHIAN    CHRISTIANS. 

all  quarters ;  but  at  the  time  of  which  we  write,  it  had  regained 
almost  all  its  ancient  renown.  It  had  again,  doubtless,  its  tem- 
ples dedicated  to  the  sun,  to  Apollo,  to  Jupiter,  to  Minerva, 
and,  not  least,  to  Aphrodite  (Venus),  which  last  inundated  the 
whole  district  with  corruption  and  licentiousness.  But  it  was 
principally  distinguished  by  its  public  games,  called,  from  their 
locality,  the  Isthmian  games,  held  in  honor  of  Neptune  (Posei- 
don), and  constituting  one  of  the  four  great  Greek  festivals 
celebrated  at  Corinth  every  third  year.  These  resembled  their 
Olympic  rivals,  and  consisted  of  boxing,  wrestling,  and  racing 
on  horses  or  in  chariots,  accompanied  by  contests  in  music  and 
poetry.  At  a  somewhat  later  period  contests  with  wild  beasts 
were  superadded.  The  glory  of  the  victors  in  these  encounters 
was  very  great,  and  extended  to  the  family  and  town  to  which 
they  belonged,  though  the  actual  prize  was  only  a  garland  of 
pine-leaves,  or  a  wreath  of  ivy.  By  a  law  of  Solon,  each 
Athenian  who  proved  the  conqueror  was  entitled  to  a  hundred 
drachmas.^ 

When,  from  the  Acropolis  at  Corinth,  the  eye  ranges  over 
the  expanse  of  sea  and  shore  which  stretches  beneath  the  view, 
Athens,  lying  behind  the  island  of  Salamis,  and  backed  by  the 
range  of  the  Hymettus,  is  distinctly  in  view.  The  two  cities 
had  much  in  common,  and  were  often  associated  with  each  other 
in  the  page  which  records  the  fortunes  of  Greece,  and  in  the 
history  of  the  labors  and  trials  of  early  Christianity.  Divided 
only  by  the  Gulf  of  Salamis,  a  short  journey  would  land  one  at 
the  Piraeus,  the  port  of  that  celebrated  city.  It  may  be  readily 
imagined,  therefore,  that  Corinth  and  Athens  sympathized  much 
with  each  other,  and  that  many  of  the  views  and  errors  which 
belonged  to  the  one  city  would  be  transported  to  and  reflected 
by  its  neighbor. 

The  gospel  had  been  first  proclaimed  in  Corinth,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  the  ministrations  of  the  apostle  Pa^l,  during  his  sec- 

*  Smith's  Classical  Dictionary. 


A.    D.    CIRC.    100,  TRAJAN    E31PER0R.  147 

Olid  missionary  journey.  As  Corinth  was  at  once  highly 
remarkable  for  literature,  and  extremely  addicted  to  sensuality, 
both  causes  combined  to  create  difficulties  in  the  way  of  his 
energetic  ministrations.  They  had  been  received  with  opposi- 
tion both  from  the  Jew  and  the  Greek. 

When,  at  a  subsequent  period,  Paul  was  residing  in  Ephesus, 
intelligence  was  brought  to  him,  by  some  of  the  family  of  Chloe, 
respecting  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  church  at  Corinth,  which 
created  no  small  solicitude  respecting  their  welfare  and  pro- 
gress. Parties  had  been  formed  opposing  each  other  with  a 
bitter  rivalry.  In  their  disputes,  some  pleaded  the  authority 
of  Paul,  as  the  minister  from  whom  they  had  first  received  the 
truth ;  others  that  of  Apollos,  not  because  he  taught  doctrines 
different  from  those  of  Paul,  but  because  they  so  misconceived 
his  meaning ;  others  that  of  Peter,  who  was  probably  in  favor 
with  the  Jewish  party,  because  of  his  prejudices  in  favor  of  cir- 
cumcision ;  whilst  others  prided  themselves  on  owning  no  human 
name,  but  on  being  simply  the  disciples  of  the  Master  himself. 
There  had  occurred,  besides,  grievous  cases  of  immorality  and 
disorder,  tending  to  unloose  the  whole  frame-work  of  Christian 
society,  by  bringing  scandals  on  the  Christian  name.  Professors 
of  religion  had  joined  in  idol  feasts ;  the  observance  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  had  in  some  cases  degenerated  into  a  scene  of 
riot  and  disorder,  and  the  spiritual  gift  had  become  profaned 
and  abused.  To  remedy  these  enormous  evils,  the  apostle 
addressed  to  them  his  first  epistle ;  most  kindly  remonstrating 
with  them  on  their  errors,  and  attempting  to  lead  them  back  to 
their  faith  in  Christ.  After  sending  the  missive,  he  sent  Timo- 
thy and  Erastus  through  Macedonia  to  Corinth,  and  afterwards 
despatched  Titus  to  report  to  him  the  reception  of  his  letter. 
He  expected  to  meet  Titus  =^  at  Troas,  and  was  greatly  dis- 

*  Paul  writes  to  Timothy,  later  (2  Tim.  4  :  10),  that  Titus  had  departed  to 
preach  the  gospel  in  Dalmatia.  The  Romish  Church  preserves  a  legend,  of 
little  authority,  that  his  first  convert  in  that  quarter  was  St.  Dominus,  who 
was  ordained  by  Titus  Bishop  of  Salona,  then  the  metropolis —  afterv^ards 
changed  to  Spalatia. 


148  CORINTH    AND    THE    CORINTHIAN    CHRISTIANS. 

turbed  at  not  finding  him  ;  but  afterwards  met  him  in  Mace- 
donia, receiving  from  him  there  the  intelligence  he  so  much 
desired  :  and,  on  the  basis  of  the  information  thus  conveyed, 
addressed  to  them  another  epistle,  in  which  he  returns  thanks  to 
God  for  their  improved  prospects,  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
had  excommunicated  the  incestuous  person  to  whom  his  first 
letter  had  made  such  reference,  and  also  for  their  attempts  to 
rescue  his  character  from  misapprehension  and  perversion.  He 
especially  commends  the  liberality  they  had  shown  towards  the 
distressed  Christians  of  Judea.  Shortly  afterwards,  Paul  again 
visited  Corinth  in  person,  and  remained  there  for  three  months, 
departing  thence  to  take  his  journey  to  Jerusalem,  by  Miletus. 
We  have  no  further  account  of  Corinth  in  the  New  Testament. 
There  exist,  however,  two  epistles,  purporting  to  be  the  epis- 
tles of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians,  by  which  further  light  is 
afforded.  In  his  letter  to  the  Philippians,  the  apostle  Paul 
has  made  mention  of  "  Clement  also,  and  others  my  fellow- 
laborers,  whose  names  are  in  the  book  of  life."  Two  epistles 
have  reached  us,  the  second  in  a  very  imperfect  state,  not  im- 
probably written  by  this  pious  man,  bearing  respectively  the 
titles  of  the  first  and  second  epistles'^  to  the  Corinthians.! 
These  writings  render  it  evident  that  the  distractions  of  that 
church  were  renewed,  and  that  some  of  its  presbyters  had  been 
unrighteously  degraded  from  the  ofiice  they  had  held.  The 
writer  mentions  the  fact  that  he  had  been  appealed  to  for  advice 
on  the  disputed  subjects  ;  explaining  that  the  calamities  and 
trials  which  had  oppressed  him  and  his  fellow-Christians  had 
rendered  it  impossible  to  write  to  them  at  an  earlier  period. 

*  Eusebius,  book  iii.  c.  xxxvii.,  expressly  states  that  this  second  epistle  — 
fragments  of  which  only  now  remain  —  was  not  regarded  as  of  equal  author- 
ity with  the  first. 

t  The  first  epistle  is,  in  all  probability,  the  oldest  existing  specimen  of 
what  are  called  "the  Apostolical  Fathers."  The  so-palled  Epistle  of  Bar- 
nabas, if  it  bo  the  production  of  any  Barnabas,  can  scarcely  be  admitted  to 
belong  to  the  devoted  companion  of  Paul. 


A.    I).    CIRC.     100,    TllAJAN    EMPEROR.  149 

The  picture  which  he  gives  of  ;i  tbriner  state  of  things  in  the 
church  at  Corinth  proves  that  the  apostolical  admonitions  to 
them  had  not  been  in  vain. 

"For  who,"  says  he,  "that  sojourned  among  you  did  not 
approve  your  faith,  so  full  of  all  virtue  and  so  well  grounded  ? 
Who  did  not  admire  your  modesty  and  becoming  piety  ?  Who 
has  not  made  known  the  magnificence  of  your  hospitality  ?  Who 
has  not  blessed  your  complete  and  sound  knowledge?  For  you 
did  all  things  without  respect  of  persons :  you  walked  in  the 
law  of  God ;  you  were  obedient  to  those  who  were  set  over  you ; 
the  young  gave  honor  to  their  elders ;  you  instructed  the  juniors 
to  think  moderately  and  honorably;  you  taught  the  women  to 
fulfil  their  duties  in  a  blameless,  holy,  and  chaste  conversation, 
loving  their  husbands  in  all  dutifulness,  administering  the 
aflfairs  of  their  households  according  to  the  rule  of  well-regu- 
lated obedience,  and  conducting  themselves  with  modesty  in  all 
their  actions.  All  of  you  were  humble  ;  none  Avas  vain-glo- 
rious ;  you  were  more  ready  to  obey  than  to  be  obeyed ;  ready 
to  give  rather  than  to  receive ;  you  were  contented  with  the 
provision  God  had  ,made  for  you,  and  were  eager  listeners  to 
his  word  ;  your  hearts  were  enlarged  towards  him,  and  his  suffer- 
ings were  before  your  eyes.  Thus  approved  and  enlarged  peace 
was  given  you,  possessed  of  an  insatiable  desire  to  do  good; 
and  a  plenteous  effusion  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  upon  you  all. 
Full  of  holy  desires,  you  stretched  out  your  hands  in  alacrity 
and  confidence  to  the  omnipotent  God  ;  entreating  him  to  par- 
don you  if  in  any  respect  you  had  sinned  undesignedly.  Your 
daily  and  nightly  solicitude  was  for  the  w^hole  brotherhood,  that 
the  number  of  God's  elect  might  be  saved  in  mercy  and  a  good 
conscience.  You  were  sincere  and  simple,  and  mutually  unmind- 
ful of  injuries.  All  disorder  and  all  schism  was  abominable  to 
you;  you  mourned  over  the  faults  of  your  neighbors;  you 
regarded'  their  faults  as  your  own;  you  repented  of  no  good 
actions,  but  were  ready  to  every  good  work  ;  adorned  with  a 
conversation  admirable  and  full  of  wisdom,  you  performed  all 


150  CORINTH   AND   THE    CORINTHIAN    CHRISTIANS. 

things  in  God's  fear,  and  the  commandments  of  God  were  writ- 
ten on  the  tables  of  jour  hearts." 

These  sentences  exhibit  the  truly  practical  nature  of  genuine 
Christianity,  and  admirably  illustrate  the  simplicity  and  energy 
of  the  piety  of  the  first  century.  But  the  church  of  Corinth 
was  not  always  thus,  and  Clement  proceeds  to  show  how  defal- 
cation has  succeeded  to  prosperity.  "  Hence  have  arisen  envy, 
and  discord,  and  sedition  against  the  wise,  the  young,  and  the 
old.  Justice  and  peace  have  departed ;  we  have  forsaken  the 
fear  of  God,  and  become  blinded  to  the  faith  ;  nor  do  they  walk 
in  his  commandments,  nor  honor  Christ  by  their  practice ;  each 
one  follows  his  own  desires,  yielding  to  that  wicked  and  impious 
spirit  of  envy  by  which  death  first  entered  the  world."  ^ 

Various  exhortations  to  unity  make  up  the  substance  of  this 
epistle,  somewhat  confusedly  illustrated  by  examples  derived 
from  the  Old  Testament  writings  and  elsewhere.  Yet,  inter- 
spersed with  these  scriptural  sentiments,  are  others  exhibiting 
the  latent  germs  of  errors  which  afterwards  inundated  the 
church.  Such  are  those  passages  in  which,  with  a  wide  devia- 
tion from  any  examples  in  the  New  Testament,  the  writer  pre- 
sents a  labored  parallel  between  the  Jewish' system,  in  which  all 
the  offices  of  the  priesthood  were  under  subjection  to  the  High 
Priest,  and  the  system  of  ecclesiastical  polity  then  beginning  to 
be  in  vogue. 

"  For  they  who  present  their  oblations  at  the  specified  times 
are  accepted  and  blessed  ;  for  those  who  follow  the  laws  of  the 
Lord  cannot  err.  For  every  office  was  subject  to  the  High 
Priest ;  each  priest  had  his  assigned  place,  and  the  Levites  their 
especial  ministry,  whilst  the  laic  was  bound  by  the  laws  of  the 
laity.  Let  each  one  of  you,  brethren,  give  thanks  to  God  in 
his  proper  station,  living  in  a  good  conscience,  not  dishonestly 
passing  out  of  the  prescribed  rule  of  his  office.  The  continual, 
or  votive,  or  sin  offerings,  are  not  ofi"ered  in  every  place,  but 

♦  Clementie  Epis.  1  ad  Corinthios,  §  1,  26. 


A.    D.    CIRC.    100,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  151 

only  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  even  there,  the  offerings  are  not  made 
indiscriminately,  but  only  at  the  altar  in  the  Temple,  the  inspec- 
tion and  approbation  of  the  sacrifice  being  first  made  by  the 
High  Priest  and  the  constituted  ofiicers,  and  they  who  do  any- 
thing in  opposition  to  their  will  are  punished  with  death.  You 
see  this,  brethren,  and  by  how  much  we  are  in  advance  of  them 
in  knowledge,  by  so  much  are  we  exposed  to  greater  peril." 
If  such  passages  as  these  do  not  justify  the  suspicions  of  some 
of  the  most  learned  commentators,  that  they  are  the  interpo- 
lations of  a  later  age,  they  demonstrate  that  the  leaven  of  eccle- 
siastical assumption  had  begun  already  to  affect  the  church. 
Yet  the  writer  immediately  subjoins :  "^  "  The  first  preachers 
appointed  bishops  and  deacons  from  among  them,  who  were 
worthy  of  trust.  Nor  was  this  new,  for  in  ancient  times  scrip- 
ture spoke  of  bishops  and  deacons.  For  in  a  certain  place  the 
scripture  saith,  '  I  will  appoint  their  bishops  in  righteousness, 
and  their  deacons  in  faith.' "t  (There  were  then  at  that  time 
only  two  orders.) 

♦  "  And  our  apostles  knew  by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  that  there  would  be 
a  future  contention  respecting  the  name  of  Bishop.  For  this  reason,  there- 
fore, having  received  a  complete  foreknowledge,  they  appointed  the  fore- 
namod "  (bishops  and  deacons),  "and  in  the  mean  time  gave  them  the 
pasturage"  (or,  as  Hefele  conjectures,  "the  precept"),  "that  when  they 
had  departed,  other  approved  men  should  succeed  to  their  ministry,"  The 
conjecture  of  Rothe,  who  renders  the  term  j.tivouoc  "  testamentary  precept," 
to  uphold  the  favorite  prelatical  system,  is  altogether  gratuitous.*  The 
attempt  is  as  ill-contrived  as  that  of  Dr.  Hammond  and  others,  who  would 
prove  from  Titus  1  :  5  the  apostolical  institution  of  Archbishops. 
'fEpis.  ad.  Cor.  I.   §  13. 

*  Ibid.  ^  45 


.^^^-\. 


-r^jiiSr:*^^:^^- 


CHAPTER    VI 


ANTIOCH     AND     IGNATIUS. 


In  the  course  of  the  preceding  jmges  we  have  frequently  had 
occasion  to  mention  the  name  of  Antioch.  Two  cities  anciently 
answered  to  that  appellative.  One  of  these  was  in  Pisidia,  and, 
as  the  seat  of  the  proconsular  government  in  those  regions,  fre- 
quently occurs  on  the  page  of  history.  But  the  greater  Antioeh, 
the  capital  of  Syria  and  of  the  Roman  provinces  in  Asia,  occu- 
pies a  place  of  the  utmost  notoriety.  This  "  Queen  of  the 
East"  was  situated  on  the  Orontes,  about  twenty-three  miles 
from  the  sea,  the  river  being  once  navigable  as  far  as  the  city, 
having  Seleucia  as  its  port,  at  the  entrance  of  the  river.  It 
wae  built  by  Seleucus  Nicanor,  receiving  ite  name  from  hife. 


A.    D.    98,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  158 

After  Antiochus,  and  under  the  imperial  dynasty,  it  held  the 
third  place  among  the  capital  cities,  scarcely  yielding  the  palm 
to  Alexandria  itself.  Built  in  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  the 
luxuriance  and  picturesqueness  are  proverbial,  and  above 
Mount  Cassius,  the  last  of  the  ridge  of  Lebanon,  rises  up  to  a 
commanding  height.  The  bed  of  the  roaring  river  is  overhung 
by  the  richest  variety  of  foliage  ;  myrtle,  laurel,  arbutus,  min- 
gling their  foliage  with  broken  ground  and  red  and  rocky  pre- 
cipices. Originally  it  was  surrounded  with  walls  of  great 
strength,  which  surmounted  the  tops  of  the  adjoining  hills,  and 
were  carried  by  architectural  skill  across  the  intervening  decliv- 
ities. The  festivals,  games,  and  luxuries  for  which  Antioch  was 
celebrated,  rendered  it  a  favorite  retreat  of  the  richer  Roman 
citizens,  and  several  emperors  made  it  their  place  of  frequent 
resort.  Among  its  attractions  were  the  voluptuous  groves  of 
Daphne,  planted  by  Seleucus,  and  abounding  in  natural  foun- 
tains, the  attractions  of  which  were  a  source  of  corruption  to 
Roman  commanders.  The  walls  of  the  city  may  be  yet  dis- 
tinctly traced,  and  several  portions  of  them  remain  almost  entire, 
climbing  with  daring  masonry  heights  almost  perpendicular. 
But  frequent  earthquakes,  and  the  surer  dissolution  of  time 
itself,  have  done  their  work  upon  this  ancient  city,  and  the 
modern  Antakia  occupies  only  a  fifth  of  the  extent  of  its  cele- 
brated predecessor,  and  presents  none  of  its  grandeur  to  the 
inspection  of  the  traveller. 

The  population  of  ancient  Antioch  was  exceedingly  large. 
Even  in  the  time  of  Chrysostom  it  numbered  two  hundred 
thousand.  At  an  earlier  period  it  was  even  more  considerable, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years  after  its  erection,  one  hundred  thousand  Jews  were  slain 
in  it  during  one  week. 

The  labors  of  Paul  and  Barnabas  have  been  already  related 
in  connection  with  the  church  at  Antioch,  which  had  learned  the 
Christian  faith  from  those  disciples  of  Christ  who  were  scattered 
abroad  at  the  time  of  Stephen's  persecution.     It  has  been  seen 


154  ANTIOCH    AND    IGNATIUS. 

also  how  this  church  was  eminent  for  its  missionary  labors. 
The  name  of  Christian  (often  employed  without  the  correspond- 
ing designation,  but  venerable  when  indicating  what  it  truly 
represents)  was  first  given  to  the  disciples  in  this  city,  whether 
as  a  term  of  reproach,  or  assumed  by  themselves,  is  not  known. 
In  this  church  also  had  arisen  the  disputes  about  circumcision, 
afterwards  so  happily  settled  at  Jerusalem.  Antioch  was, 
moreover,  the  birthplace  of  Luke,  by  whom  the  record  of  the 
apostles  was  given. 

The  imperial  purple  was  worn  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
century  by  Trajan.  He  succeeded  Nerva  a.  d.  98,  and  was  the 
first  Roman  emperor  who  was  a  native  of  Italy.  He  possessed 
the  qualities  which  usually  distinguish  a  man  of  severe  temper- 
ament early  trained  to  the  service  of  war.  The  peace  in  which 
the  church  had  been  permitted  to  rest  during  the  reign  of 
Nerva  had  greatly  increased  its  numbers,  and  it  now  presented 
a  form  calculated  to  awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  Roman  power. 
Certain  it  is  that  Trajan  indulged  a  bitter  prejudice  against  the 
followers  of  Christ,  and  scarcely  was  he  settled  on  the  throne 
when  a  bloody  persecution  commenced.  Up  to  this  time  no 
definite  edict  had  been  issued  against  the  Christians ;  they  had 
been  proceeded  against,  if  at  all,  as  enemies  to  human  nature  in 
general,  and  dangerous  to  the  Roman  government  in  jDarticular. 
The  prevailing  sentiment  doubtless  was,  that  "  the  gods  should 
be  by  all  means  honored,  according  to  the  customs,  of  the 
country ;  and  that  those  who  did  not  should  be  forced,  so  to 
honor  them  ;  and  that  such  persons  as  were  forever  introducing 
something  novel  in  religion  should  be  hated  and  punished,  not 
only  because  of  the  gods,  but  because  they  who  introduce  new 
divinities  mislead  others  into  receiving  foreign  laws,  the  secret 
source  of  conspiracies  and  secret  risings,  which  are  dangerous 
above  all  things  to  the  monarchy."  ^ 

About  the  year  110  the  younger  Pliny  wa&  appointed  pro- 

*  Dio  Cassius,  Mascenas. 


A.  D.    110,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  155 

consul  to  BIthynia  and  Pontus,  where  he  found  the  Christians 
to  exist  in  numbers.  Naturally  humane  and  upright,  he  was 
greatly  at  a  loss  as  to  the  course  he  ought  to  adopt  in  reference 
to  the  new  religion,  the  principles  of  which  were  evidently  far 
beyond  the  reach  of  his  unspiritual  understanding,  On  this 
subject  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Trajan,  asking  for 
further  directions,  stating  the  case  as  he  had  apprehended  it. 
Though  often  quoted,  the  letter  must  by  no  means  be  omitted, 
as  it  illustrates  the  feeling  with  which  pagans  in  power  regarded 
a  system  so  perplexing  to  the  heathen  mind. 

Pliny  to  the  Emperor  Trajan. 

"  It  is  a  rule,  sir,  which  I  inviolably  observe,  to  refer  myself 
to  you  in  all  my  doubts ;  for  who  is  more  capable  of  removing 
my  scruples  and  informing  my  ignorance  ?  Having  never  been 
present  at  any  trials  of  those  who  profess  Christianity,  I  am  un- 
acquainted not  only  with  the  nature  of  their  crimes  or  the 
measure  of  their  punishments,  but  how  far  it  is  proper  to  enter 
into  an  inquiry  after  them.  Whether,  therefore,  any  difi'erence 
is  usually  made  with  respect  to  the  ages  of  the  guilty,  or  whether 
any  distinction  should  be  made  between  the  young  and  old,  the 
tender  and  the  robust ;  whether  any  room  should  be  given  for 
repentance,  or  the  guilt  of  Christianity  once  incurred  is  not  to 
be  expiated  by  the  most  unequivocal  retractation  ;  whether  the 
name  itself,  unconnected  with  any  flagitiousness  of  conduct,  or 
the  crimes  connected  with  the  name,  be  the  object  of  punish- 
ment. In  the  mean  time  this  has  been  my  method  with  respect 
to  those  who  have  been  brought  before  me  as  Christians.  I 
asked  them  whether  they  were  Christians;  if  they  pleaded 
guilty,  I  interrogated  them  twice  afresh,  with  a  menace  of 
capital  punishi^ient.  In  case  of  obstinate  perseverance,  I  ordered 
them  to  be  executed.  For  of  this  I  had  no  doubt,  whatever  the 
nature  of  their  religion,  that  a  sullen  inflexibility  called  for  the 
vengeance  of  the  magistrate.  Some  were  infected  with  the 
same  madness,  whom,  on  account  of  their  privilege  of  citizen- 


156  ANTIOCH    AND    IGNATIUS. 

ship,  I  reserved  to  be  sent  to  Rome,  to  be  referred  to  your 
tribunal.  In  the  course  of  this  business  information  pouring  in 
that  they  were  encouraged,  more  cases  occurred.  An  anony- 
mous libel  was  exhibited,  with  a  catalogue  of  names  of  persons 
who  declared  that  they  were  not  Christians  then,  nor  ever  had 
been ;  and  they  repeated  after  me  an  invocation  of  the  gods  and 
of  your  image,  which  for  this  purpose  I  had  ordered  to  be 
brought  with  the  images  of  the  deities.  They  performed  sacred 
rites  with  wine  and  frankincense,  and  execrated  Christ ;  none 
of  which  things,  I  am  told,  a  real  Christian  would  ever  be  com- 
pelled to  do.  On  this  account  I  dismissed  them.  Others, 
named  by  an  informer,  declared  that  they  had  forsaken  that 
error  three  or  four  years,  others  still  longer,  —  even  twenty 
years  ago.  All  of  them  worshipped  your  image  and  the  statues 
of  the  gods,  and  also  execrated  Christ.  And  this  was  the 
account  which  they  gave  of  the  nature  of  the  religion  they  once 
had  professed,  whether  it  deserves  the  name  of  crime  or  error, 
namely,  that  they  were  accustomed  on  a  stated  day  to  meet 
before  daylight,  and  to  repeat  amongst  themselves  a  hj-mn  to 
Christ  as  to  a  god,  and  to  bind  themselves  with  an  oath,  by  an 
obligation  of  not  committing  any  wickedness,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, of  abstaining  from  theft,  robberies  and  adulteries ;  also 
of  not  violating  their  promise  or  denying  a  pledge;  after  which 
it  was  their  custom  to  separate,  and  to  meet  again  at  a  promis- 
cuous, harmless  meal ;  from  which  last  practice,  however,  they 
desisted  after  the  publication  of  my  edict,  in  which,  agreeably 
to  your  orders,  I  forbade  any  societies  of  that  sort;  on  which 
account  I  judged  it  the  more  necessary  to  inquire,  by  torture, 
from  two  females,  who  were  said  to  be  deaconesses,  what  is  the 
real  truth.  But  nothing  could  I  collect  except  a  depraved  and 
excessive  vsuperstition.  Deferring,  therefore,  any  further  in- 
vestigation, I  determined  to  consult  you  ;  for  the  number  of 
culprits  is  so  great  as  to  call  for  serious  consultation.  Many 
persons  are  informed  against  of  every  age  and  of  both  sexes; 
and  more  still  will  be  in  !;he  same  situation.     The  contagion  of 


A.I).   ll(j,  t;:ajan   km p.kuok .  157 

the  superstition  hath  spread  not  only  through  cities,  but  even 
villages  and  the  country.  Not  that  I  think  it  impossible  to 
check  and  correct  it :  the  success  of  my  endeavors  hitherto 
forbids  such  desponding  thoughts  ;  for  the  temples,  once  almost 
desolate,  begin  to  be  frequented,  and  the  sacred  solemnities, 
which  had  long  been  intermitted,  are  now  attended  afresh,  and 
the  sacrificial  victims  are  now  sold  everywhere,  which  once 
could  scarcely  find  a  purchaser ;  whence  I  conclude  that  many 
might  be  reclaimed,  were  the  hope  of  impunity  on  repentance 
absolutely  confirmed." 

Trajan  to  Pliny. 

"  You  have  done  perfectly  right,  my  dear  Pliny,  in  the 
inquiry  which  you  have  made  concerning  Christians.  For 
truly  no  one  general  rule  can  be  laid  down  which  will  apply 
itself  to  all  cases.  These  people  must  not  be  sought  after.  If 
they  are  brought  before  you,  and  convicted,  let  them  be  capi- 
tally punished  ;  yet,  with  this  restriction,  that  if  any  one  re- 
nounce Christianity  and  show  his  sincerity  by  supplicating  our 
gods,  however  suspected  he  may  be  for  the  past,  he  shall  obtain 
pardon  for  the  future,  on  his  repentance.  But  anonymous  libels 
in  no  case  ought  to  be  attended  to,  for  the  precedent  would  be 
of  the  worst  sort,  and  perfectly  incongruous  to  the  maxims  of 
government." 

The  ansvrer  of  Trajan  might  pass  for  an  example  of  moder- 
ation in  the  eyes  of  pagans,  though  it  displays  no  desire  of  in- 
tbrmation  respecting  the  Christian  tenets,  nor  any  reasons  for 
the  course  he  is  pleased  to  enjoin.  It  is  a  distinguished  illus- 
tration of  the  clemency  of  despotism.^ 

*  "  0  sentence  necessarily  inconsistent  !  he  denies  that  inquiiy  should 
be  made  concerning  them,  as  if  they  were  innocent,  and  commands  them  to 
be  punished,  as  if  they  were  guilty  ;  he  sjjares  them,  and  is  enraged  with 
them  ;  he  dissembles,  and  blames  them.  Why  dost  thou  lay  thyself  open 
to  such  censure  1  If  thou  condemnest,  why  not  inquire  1  If  thou  dost  not 
inquire,  why  dost  thou  not  absolve  ?  "  —  Tertullian,  Apol.  §  2. 

14 


158  ANTlUCll    AND    IGNATIUS. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  3^ear  106,  Trajan  journeyed  to  the 
East,  to  make  war  upon  the  Parthians,  at  that  time  the  only 
formidable  rivals  to  the  imperial  government.  After  their  con- 
quest he  came  from  Seleucia  to  Antioch.  If  there  be  any 
credit  due  to  the  "  Acts  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Saint  Ignatius," 
believed  by  the  best  authorities  to  be  both  genuine  and  au- 
thentic,"^  some  memorable  occurrences  took  place  during  the 
imperial  visit. 

Before  entering  on  these,  however,  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
Ignatius  was  at  this  time  the  bishop  of  the  church  at  Antioch. 
Contradictory  accounts  prevail  respecting  his  appointment : 
according  to  Chrysostom,  he  was  designated  by  Peter  himself  to 
be  his  successor;  according  to  Eusebius,  Evodius  filled  the 
office  immediately,  and  Ignatius  followed  him.  If,  however,  as 
is  probable,  a  plurality  of  bishops  existed  in  the  church  at 
Antioch,  Ignatius  and  Evodius  may  have  held  office  contem- 
poraneously.! Chrysostom  speaks  rapturously  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  duties  of  his  office  were  fulfilled  by  Ignatius  during 
forty  years,  and  tells  us  that  when,  after  the  death  of  Domitian, 
the  storm  of  persecution  became  lulled,  the  bishop  —  whose 
daily  preaching,  fasting  and  prayers,  were  remarkable  —  feared 
that  he  had  not  been  distinguished  by  adequate  love  for  Christ, 
seeing  that  he  had  not  been  thought  worthy  of  the  crown  of 
martyrdom.  When  Trajan  visited  Antioch,  flushed  with  victory, 
and  bent  on  the  subjection  of  the  Christians  as  well  as  his  other 
enemies,  and  having  threatened  a  persecution  unless  these 
Christians  would  acknowledge,  like  other  subject  nations,  the 
laws  of  Rome,  he  compelled  all  who  lived  in  the  practice  of  the 
Christian  religion  either  to  sacrifice  or  die.  Ignatius,  then 
distinguished  by  the  name  Theophorus,  —  "God-bearer,"  one 
who  has  God  in  his  heart,  answering  to  the  Greek  word  "  Chris- 
topher," —  presented  himself  to  be  led  before  the  emperor,  that 
by  his  own  self-sacrifice  he  might   screen    his   beloved    flock. 

*  See  Hefele's  Pat.  Apos,  op.  Prolegom. 
t  Smith's  Dictionary,  "  Ignatius." 


A.  D.    IIG,    TRAJAN    LMPLROK.  159 

Being  introduced  to  Trajan,  that  monarch  said,  "  "Who  art  thou, 
■wicked  demon,  who  art  so  precipitate  and  hastj  in  transgressing 
our  orders,  and  persuadest  others  also  to  perish  miserably  ? " 

Ignatius  :  "  None  can  call  Theophorus  a  wicked  demon,  for 
demons  have  widely  departed  from  the  service  of  God.  But  if 
you  so  call  me  because  I  am  an  enemy  to  demons,  I  confess  the 
charge.  For,  holding  Christ  to  be  the  heavenly  King,  I  dissolve 
their  enchantments." 

Trajan  :  "  And  who  is  Theophorus?  " 

Ignatius  :  "  He  who  has  Christ  in  his  heart." 

Trajan  :  "  Dost  thou  not  think  then  that  we  have  the  gods  in 
our  minds  when  we  use  them  as  our  allies  against  our  enemies  ?  " 

Ignatius  :  "  Thou  errest  in  calling  the  heathen  demons  gods ; 
for  there  is  one  God,  who  made  heaven,  and  earth,  and  the  sea, 
and  all  things  that  are  in  them,  and  one  Jesus  Christ,  the  only- 
begotten  son  of  God,  whose  kingdom  may  I  obtain  !  " 

Trajan  :  "  Dost  thou  speak  of  him  who  was  crucified  before 
Pontius  Pilate  ?  " 

Ignatius  :  "  I  speak  of  him  who  bore  my  sin  on  the  cross 
with  its  author,  and,  condemning  all  the  error  of  demons  and  all 
wickedness,  put  them  under  the  feet  of  those  who  carry  him  in 
their  heart." 

Trajan  :  *'  Dost  thou  then  bear  the  crucified  within  thyself?  " 

Ignatius :  "  I  do ;  for  it  is  written,  '  I  will  dwell  in  them  and 
walk  in  them.' " 

The  emperor  then  maliciously  gave  this  sentence : 

"Since  Ignatius  has  declared  that  he  bears  the  crucified  in 
himself,  we  order  that  he  shall  be  carried  bound  by  soldiers  to 
great  Rome,  to  be  food  for  beasts  and  a  spectacle  for  the 
people." 

Ignatius :  "  I  thank  thee.  Lord,  that  thou  countest  me  worthy 
to  honor  thee  in  perfect  love  to  thee,  and  hast  thrown  me  in 
iron  chains  like  thine  apostle  Paul  !  " 

The  narrative  continues  :  "  And  having  said  these  things, 
with  great  joy  he  received  the  bonds  upon  him  ;  and  prayed, 


160  .ilNTIOCH    AND    IGNATIUS. 

first  for  the  church,  and  commended  it  with  many  tears  to  God ; 
imitating  his  Lord  in  this,  that,  like  a  notable  ram  of  a  good 
flock,  he  went  at  the  head  of  it."  ^ 

lo-natius,  bound  in  chains,  was  embarked  (together  with  a 
band  of  soldiers  as  his  guard)  at  Seleucia,  the  port  of  Antioch, 
for  Rome.  Chrjsostom  imagined  that  the  route  he  is  repre- 
sented to  have  taken  was  intended  to  try  his  firmness  for  his 
approaching  martyrdom.!  During  his  voyage  he  appears  to 
have  touched  at  Ephesus,  at  which  place  the  church  sent  their 
bishop,  Onesimus,  to  sympathize  with  him  in  his  affliction. 
Journeying  from  Ephesus  to  Smyrna,  Ignatius  met,  at  the  latter 
place,  Polycarp,  bishop  of  the  church  in  that  city  (vaguely  said 
to  have  been  his  fellow-disciple  at  the  feet  of  John,  but  evi- 
dently a  much  younger  man).  "The  age  and  character  of  the 
holy  Bishop  of  Antioch,  and  the  circumstance  of  his  being  then 
on  his  w^ay  to  receive  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  after  the  good 
confession  of  faith  which  he  had  witnessed  before  the  Emperor 
Trajan,  would  necessarily  cause  a  grave  veneration  for  him  in 
the  minds  of  all  the  Christians  at  Smyrna,  and  consequently 
dispose  them  to  give  the  deepest  and  most  serious  attention  to 
any  word  of  exhortation  and  advice  which  he  might  ofi'er  to 
them.  The  close  state  of  restraint  under  which  he  was  held  by 
the  soldiers  who  had  the  custody  of  him  would  probably  have 
prevented  him  from  being  able  to  give  j^ersonally,  or  by  word 
of  mouth,  any  admonition  or  instruction  to  the  church  at 
Smyrna  ;  and  Polycarp,  anxious  that  both  himself  and  his  flock 
might  have  the  benefit  of  his  parting  advice,  and  perhaps,  also, 
desirous  that  his  own  teaching  might  be  upheld  by  the  authority 
of  so  venerable  and  holy  a  servant  of  Christ,  might  have  urged 


*  Cureton's  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  pp.  190,  191.  Unsatisfactory  as  con- 
clusions derived  from  internal  evidence  usually  are,  they  have  proved,  in 
the  case  of  Ignatius'  remains,  perfectly  prophetic.  No  author  has  been 
more  unscrupulously  used  than  the  holy  Ignatius  in  support  of  the  cause 
of  prelacy. 

f  Chrys.  Horn.,  in  St.  Ignat.  Martyrium. 


A.  D.   116,    TRAJAN    EMPEROK.  161 

a  request  to  Ignatius,  the  result  of  which  is  the  letter  before 
us."  '^ 

"  Ignatius,  who  is  Theophorus,  to  Polycarp,  Bishop  of 
Smyrna,  who  himself  rather  is  visited  by  God  the  Father,  and 
by  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  much  peace. t 

"  Forasmuch  as  my  mind,  which  is  confirmed  in  God  as  upon 
a  rock  immovable,  is  accepted  to  me,  I  praise  God  the  more 
abundantly  for  having  been  accounted  worthy  of  thy  coun- 
tenance, which  I  long  for  in  God.  I  beseech  thee,  therefore, 
by  the  grace  with  which  thou  art  clothed,  to  add  to  thy  course, 
and  pray  for  all  men  that  they  may  be  saved,  and  require 
things  becoming  with  all  diligence  of  flesh  and  of  spirit.  Be 
careful  for  unanimity,  than  which  nothing  is  more  excellent. 
Bear  all  men  as  our  Lord  beareth  thee.  Be  patient  with  all 
men  in  love,  as  (indeed)  thou  art.     Be  constant  in  prayer.     Ask 

*  Cureton's  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  Int.  Ixxx.,  which  translation  is 
quoted. 

f  The  epistles  of  Ignatius  (so  called)  have  been,  at  various  times,  the 
subject  of  severe  criticism  and  controversy.  The  inflated  and  discordant 
style  with  which  many  passages  abound,  the  hesitation  which  Eusebius 
seems  to  show  in  quoting  them,  and  the  apparently  forced  references  to 
doctrines  not  disputed  at  the  time  at  which  Ignatius  wrote,  have  caused 
many  portions  of  them  to  be  regarded  with  extreme  suspicion  by  eminently 
learned  men,  such  as  Archbishop  Usher,  Teutzel,  Griesbach,  Semler,  Zieler 
and  others  ;  whilst  an  opposite  party,  as  Desauniez,  Daille,  Oudin,  Albertin, 
and  Neander,  were  tempted  to  reject  them  altogether.  Much  light  has  been 
recently  thrown  on  the  subject  by  the  discovery  and  purchase  of  many 
Ignatian  MSS.  from  the  convent  in  the  desert  of  Nitria,  in  Syria.  These 
treasures  are  now  deposited  in  the  British  Museum  ;  and  the  results  of  a 
careful  investigation  of  certain  copies  of  Ignatius'  writings,  in  Syriac  (the 
mother-tongue  of  the  martyr),  have  proved  to  demonstration  that  in  almost 
every  case  the  suspected  passages  are  interpolations,  and  lead  to  the  con- 
clusion that  of  the  epistles  ascribed  to  Ignatius  three  only  are  worthy  of 
confidence, —  the  epistles  to  Polycarp,  to  the  Ephesians,  and  to  the  Romans, 
—  and  that  the  ordinary  copies  of  these  have  been  largely  interpolated.  The 
results  of  the  inquiry  are  presented  to  the  public  in  a  work  recently  pub- 
lished, entitled  "  Corpus  Ignatianum  ;  a  complete  collection  of  the  Ignatian 
Epistles,  genuine,  interpolated  and  spurious,  in  Syriac,  Greek  and  Latin, 
by  William  Cureton,  M.A.,  F.R.S."  London,  Rivingtons,  18i9. 
14* 


1(32  ANTlOCli    AM)    IGNATIUS. 

more  understanding  than  what  thou  (already)  hast.  Be  watch- 
ful, for  thou  possessest  a  siDirit  that  sleepeth  not.  Speak  with 
all  men  according  to  the  will  of  Grod.  Bear  the  infirmities  of 
all  men  like  a  perfect  combatant ;  for  where  the  labor  is  much, 
much  also  is  the  gain.  If  thou  love  the  good  disciples  only, 
thou  hast  no  grace ;  rather  subdue  those  who  are  evil  by  gentle- 
ness. All  wounds  are  not  healed  by  one  medicine.  Allay 
cutting  by  tenderness.  Be  wise  as  the  serpent  in  everything, 
and  innocent  as  the  dove  as  to  those  things  which  are  requisite. 
On  this  account  art  thou  (both)  of  flesh  and  spirit,  that  thou 
mayest  be  lacking  in  nothing,  and  mayest  abound  in  all  gifts. 
The  time  requireth,  as  a  pilot  a  ship,  and  as  he  who  standeth  in 
the  tempest  the  haven,  that  thou  shouldest  be  worthy  of  God. 
Be  vigilant  as  a  combatant  of  God.  That  which  is  promised  to 
us  is  life  eternal,  incorruptible,  of  which  things  thou  art  also 
persuaded.  In  everything  I  will  be  instead  of  thy  soul,  and  my 
bonds,  which  thou  hast  loved.  Let  not  those  that  seem  to  be 
something,  and  teach  strange  doctrines,  astound  thee,  but  stand 
in  truth,  like  a  combatant  who  is  smitten  ;  for  it  is  the  (part) 
of  a  great  combatant  that  he  should  be  smitten,  and  conquer. 
More  especially  on  God's  account  it  behoveth  us  to  endure 
everything,  that  he  may  endure  us.  Be  diligent  (even)  more 
than  thou  art.  Be  discerning  of  the  times.  Expect  him  who 
is  above  the  times ;  Him  to  whom  there  are  no  times ;  Him  who 
is  unseen ;  Him  who  for  our  sakes  was  seen  ;  Him  who  is  pal- 
pable ;  Him  who  is  impassible ;  Him  who  for  our  sakes  suffered ; 
Him  who  endured  everything  in  every  form  for  our  sakes."  ^ 


*  The  epistles  of  Ignatius  to  the  Magnesians,  to  the  Trallians,  to  the 
Philadelphians,  to  the  Smyrueans  (mentioned  somewhat  hypothetically  by 
Eusebius),  and  those  of  Mary  of  Cassobelse  to  the  martyr,  with  his  reply, 
the  epistles  to  the  Tarsians,  to  the  Antiochans,  to  Hero  the  Deacon,  to  the 
Philippians,  to  St.  John,  and  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  may  pass  without  notice, 
aa  spurious.  As  it  regards  many  of  the  churches  supposed  to  be  addressed, 
it  is  manifest  that  they  did  not  lie  in  the  course  of  the  journey  which  the 
martyr  was  now  taking. 


A.  D.    116,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  16o 

About  the  same  time,  he  addressed  the  Ephesiuns  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms : 

"  Ignatius,  who  is  Theophorus,  to  the  church  which  is  blessed 
in  the  greatness  of  Grod  the  Father,  and  perfected ;  to  her  who 
was  separated  from  eternity  to  be  at  all  times  for  glory  that 
abideth  and  changeth  not,  and  is  perfected  and  chosen  in  the 
purposes  of  truth  by  the  will  of  the  Father  of  Jesus  Christ,  our 
God;  to  her  who  is  worthy  of  happiness;  to  her  who  is  at 
Ephesus  in  Jesus  Christ  in  joy  unblamable,  much  peace. 

"  Forasmuch  as  your  well-beloved  name  is  acceptable  to  me 
in  God,  which  ye  have  acquired  by  nature,  by  a  right  and  just 
will,  and  also  by  faith  and  love  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour; 
and  ye  are  imitators  of  God  and  fervent  in  the  blood  of  God, 
and  have  speedily  accomplished  a  work  congenial  to  you  ;  for 
when  ye  heard  that  I  was  bound  from  actions  for  the  sake  of 
the  common  name  and  hope,  —  and  I  hope,  through  your 
prayers,  to  be  devoured  of  beasts  at  Rome,  that  by  means  of  this, 
of  which  I  am  accounted  worthy,  I  may  be  empowered  with 
strength  to  be  a  disciple  of  God,  —  ye  were  diligent  to  come  and 
see  me.  Forasmuch,  therefore,  as  we  have  received  your  abun- 
dance in  the  name  of  God,  by  Onesimus,  who  is  your  bishop  in 
love  unutterable,  \Yhom  I  pray  that  ye  love  in  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord,  and  that  all  of  you  be  like  him ;  for  blessed  is  he  who 
hath  given  you,  worthy  as  ye  are,  such  a  bishop  ;  but  forasmuch 
as  love  suffereth  me  not  to  be  silent  respecting  you  on  this  ac- 
count, I  have  been  forward  to  entreat  you  to  be  diligent  in  the 
will  of  God;  for  so  long  as  no  one  lust  is  implanted  in  you 
which  is  able  to  torment  you,  lo,  ye  live  in  God.  I  rejoice  in 
you,  and  offer  supplication  on  account  of  you  Ephesians,  a 
church  to  be  held  in  everlasting  remembrance.  For  those  who 
are  carnal  are  not  able  to  do  spiritual  things,  neither  the  spirit- 
ual carnal  things ;  likewise  neither  faith  those  things  which  are 
foreign  to  faith,  nor  lack  of  faith  what  is  faith's.  For  those 
things  which  ye  have  done  in  the  flesh,  even  they  are  spiritual, 
because  ye  have  done  everything  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  ye  are 


164  ANTIOCn    AND    IGNATIUS. 

prepared  for  the  building  of  God  the  Father,  and  are  raised 
upon  high  by  the  engine  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  is  the  cross; 
and  ye  are  drawn  by  the  cord,  which  is  the  Holy  Ghost ;  and 
your  pulley  is  your  faith,  and  your  love  is  the  way  that  leadeth 
upon  high  to  God.  Pray  for  all  men,  for  there  is  hope  of  re- 
pentance for  them,  that  they  may  be  accounted  worthy  of  God. 
By  your  words  rather  let  them  be  instructed.  Against  their 
harsh  words  be  ye  conciliatory  in  meekness  of  mind  and  gentle- 
ness ;  against  their  blasphemies  do  ye  pray  ;  and  against  then- 
error  be  ye  armed  with  faith ;  and  against  their  fierceness  be  ye 
peaceful  and  quiet ;  and  be  ye  not  astounded  by  them.  Let  us, 
then,  be  imitators  of  our  Lord  in  meekness,  and  (emulous)  as  to 
who  shall  be  injured,  and  depressed,  and  defrauded  (more  than 
the  rest).  The  work  is  not  of  promise  unless  a  man  be  found 
in  the  power  of  faith  even  to  the  end.  It  is  better  that  a  man 
be  silent  when  he  is  something,  than  that  he  should  be  speaking 
when  he  is  not ;  that  by  those  things  which  he  speaks  he  should 
act,  and  by  those  things  of  which  he  is  silent  he  should  be 
known.  My  spirit  boweth  down  to  the  cross,  which  is  an  offence 
to  those  who  do  not  believe,  but  to  you  salvation  and  life 
eternal.  There  was  concealed  from  the  ruler  of  this  world  the 
virginity  of  Mary,  and  the  birth  of  our  Lord,  and  the  three 
mysteries  of  the  shout,  which  were  done  in  the  quietness  of  God 
from  the  star.  And  here,  at  the  manifestation  of  the  Son,  magic 
began  to  be  destroyed,  and  all  bonds  were  released,  and  the 
ancient  kingdom  and  the  error  of  evil  were  destroyed.'  From 
hence  all  things  were  moved  together,  and  the  destruction  of 
death  was  devised,  and  there  was  the  commencement  of  that 
which  was  perfected  in  God."  =^ 

♦  No  expositions  given  of  this  passage  are  satisfactory.  The  mysteries 
of  the  shout  may  refer  to  the  song  of  the  angels  at  Bethlehem,  &c.,  and  the 
star  appears  to  have  some  relation  to  that  seen  by  the  wise  men.  These 
and  some  other  passages  would  lead  us  to  infer  that,  great  as  has  been  the 
reduction  made  in  the  amount  of  the  genuine  writings  of  Ignatius,  a  further 
excision  may  yet  follow.  The  close  of  the  epistle  to  Polyoarp  is  omitted  in 
one  Latin  version,  and  has  been  excluded  here  as  incongruous. 


A.  D.   116,    TRAJAN    EMPEKOR.  165 

The  third  epistle  of  the  same  St.  Ignatius : 

"  Ignatius,  who  is  Theophorus,  to  the  church  which  has  been 
pitied  in  the  greatness  of  the  Father  Most  High ;  to  her  who 
presideth  in  the  place  of  the  country  of  the  Romans,  who  is 
worthy  of  God,  and  worthy  of  life,  and  happiness,  and  praise, 
and  remembrance ;  and  is  worthy  of  prosperity,  and  presideth 
in  love ;  and  is  perfected  in  the  law  of  Christ  blameless,  much 
peace.^ 

"  Long  since  have  I  prayed  to  God  that  I  might  be  accounted 
worthy  to  behold  your  faces,  which  are  worthy  of  God ;  now, 
therefore,  being  bound  in  Jesus  Christ,  I  hope  to  meet  you  and 
salute  you,  if  there  be  the  will  that  I  should  be  accounted 
worthy  to  the  end.  For  the  beginning  is  well-disposed,  if  1  be 
accounted  worthy  to  attain  to  the  end,  that  I  may  receive  my 
portion  without  hindrance,  through  suffering.  For  I  am  afraid 
of  your  love,  lest  it  should  injure  me.  For  you,  indeed,  it  is 
easy  for  you  to  do  what  you  wish  ;  but  for  me,  it  is  difficult  for 
me  to  be  accounted  worthy  of  God ;  neither  will  ye,  if  ye  be 
silent,  be  found  in  a  better  work  than  this.  If  ye  leave  me,  I 
shall  be  the  word  of  God ;  but  if  ye  love  my  flesh,  again  am  I 
to  myself  a  voice.  Ye  will  not  give  me  anything  better  than 
this,  that  I  should  be  sacrificed  to  God  while  the  altar  is  ready ; 
that  ye  may  be  in  one  concord  in  love,  and  may  praise  God  the 
Father  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  because  he  has  accounted 
a  bishop  worthy  to  be  God's,  having  called  him  from  the  east  to 
the  west.  It  is  good  that  I  should  set  from  the  world  in  God, 
that  I  may  rise  in  Him  in  life. 

"  You  have  never  envied  any  one      Ye  have  taught  others. 


♦  An  argument  has  been  derived  in  favor  of  Rome  as  the  metropolitan 
see  from  the  inscription  to  the  church  of  the  Romans,  as  being  longer  and 
more  emphatic  than  that  to  the  other  churches.  This  is  proved,  by  the 
recent  discovery,  to  be  a  fallacy.  The  inscription  to  the  church  at  Ephesus 
is  not  very  different  from  that  to  Rome.  The  words  "  in  the  place  of  the 
country  of  the  Romans  "  clearly  designate  the  city  itself  as  that  over  which 
the  church  presided,  not  the  Roman  territory  in  general. 


166  ANTIOCH    AND    IGNATIUS. 

Pray  only  for  strengtb  to  be  given  to  me  from  within  and  from 
without,  that  I  may  not  only  speak,  but  also  may  be  willing ; 
and  not  that  I  may  be  called  a  Christian  only,  but  also  that  I 
may  be  found  to  be  (one)  ;  for  if  I  am  found  to  be  (one),  I  am 
also  able  to  be  called  (so).  Then  (indeed)  shall  I  be  faithful 
when  I  am  no  longer  seen  in  the  world.  For  there  is  nothing 
which  is  seen  that  is  good.  The  work  is  not  a  matter  of  per- 
suasion, but  Christianity  is  great  when  the  world  hateth  it.  I 
write  to  all  the  churches,  and  declare  to  all  men  that  I  die  wil- 
lingly for  God,  if  it  be  that  ye  hinder  me  not.  I  entreat  you 
be  not  (affected)  towards  me  by  love;  this  is  unseasonable. 
Leave  me  to  the  beasts,  that  through  them  I  may  be.  accounted 
worthy  of  God.  I  am  the  wheat  of  God,  and  by  the  teeth  of 
the  beasts  I  am  ground,  that  I  may  be  found  the  pure  bread  of 
God.  With  provoking,  provoke  ye  the  beasts,  that  they  may 
make  a  grave  for  me,  and  may  leave  nothing  of  my  body,  that 
even  then  after  I  am  fallen  asleep  I  may  not  be  a  burden  upon 
any  one.  Then  shall  I  be  in  truth  a  disciple  of  Jesus  Christ, 
when  the  world  seeth  not  even  my  body.  Entreat  our  Lord  for 
me,  that  through  these  instructions  I  may  be  found  a  sacrifice  to 
God. 

"  I  do  not  charge  you  like  Peter  and  Paul,  who  are  apostles, 
but  I  am  one  condemned  ;  they,  indeed,  are  free,  but  I  am  a 
slave  even  until  now.  But  if  I  suffer  I  shall  be  the  freedman 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  I  shall  rise  from  the  dead  in  him  free. 
And  now,  being  bound,  I  learn  to  desire  nothing.  From  Syria, 
and  even  to  Kome,  I  am  cast  among  beasts  by  sea  and  by  land, 
by  night  and  by  day,  being  bound  between  ten  leopards,  which 
are  the  band  of  soldiers,  who,  even  while  I  do  good  to  them,  do 
evil  more  to  me.  But  I  am  the  rather  instructed  by  their 
injury,  but  not  on  this  account  am  I  justified  to  myself  What 
is  expedient  for  me  ?  Let  nothing  envy  me  of  those  that  are 
seen  and  that  are  not  seen,  that  I  should  be  .accomited  worthy 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Fire  and  the  cross,  and  the  beasts  that  are 
prepared,  amputation  of  the  limbs,  and  scattering  of  the  bones, 


A.  D.   116,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  167 

and  crushing  of  the  whole  body,  hard  torments  of  the  devil,  — 
let  these  come  upon  me,  and  only  may  I  be  accounted  worthy 
of  Jesus  Christ.  The  pains  of  the  birth  stand  over  me,  and  my 
love  is  crucified,  and  there  is  no  fire  in  me  for  another  love.  I 
do  not  desire  the  food  of  corruption,  neither  the  desires  of  this 
world.  The  bread  of  Grod  I  seek,  which  is  the  flesh  of  Jesus 
Christ ;  and  his  blood  I  seek,  a  drink  which  is  love  incorrupt- 
ible. My  spirit  saluteth  you,  and  the  love  of  the  churches, 
which  received  me  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ ;  for  even  those 
who  were  near  to  the  way  in  the  flesh  preceded  me  in  every 
city. 

"  Now,  therefore,  being  about  to  arrive  shortly  at  Rome,  I 
know  many  things  in  God  ;  but  I  moderate  myself  that  I  may 
not  perish  through  boasting,  for  now  it  behoveth  me  to  fear  the 
more,  and  not  to  regard  those  who  pufi"  me  up.  For  they  who 
say  to  me  such  things  scourge  me ;  for  I  love  to  sufibr,  but  I  do 
not  know  if  I  am  worthy.  For  to  many  zeal  is  not  seen,  but 
wath  me  it  has  war.  I  have  need,  therefore,  of  meekness,  by 
which  the  ruler  of  this  world  is  destroyed.  I  am  able  to  write 
to  you  of  heavenly  things;  but  I  fear  lest  I  should  do  you  an 
injury.  Know  me  from  myself.  For  I  am  cautious  lest  ye 
should  not  be  able  to  receive  it,  and  should  be  perplexed.  For 
even  I,  not  because  I  am  bound  and  am  able  to  know  heavenly 
things  and  the  places  of  angels,  and  the  station  of  the  powers 
that  are  seen  and  that  are  not  seen,  on  this  account  am  I  a  dis- 
ciple ;  for  I  am  far  short  of  the  perfection  which  is  worthy  of 
God.  Be  ye  perfectly  safe  in  the  patience  of  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord." 

Among  the  most  remarkable  remains  which  still  distinguish 
the  city  of  Rome  is  a  relic,  which,  whether  regarded  by  the 
historian,  the  antiquarian,  the  architect,  or  the  Christian,  can 
never  fail  to  give  rise  to  a  thrill  of  interest.  It  is  the  amphi- 
theatre, projected  by  Augustus,  but  erected  in  the  reigns  of 
Vespasian  and  Titus,  though  not  perfectly  complete  till  the 
accession   of  Domitian.     Unlike  most   preceding  works  of  its 


1G8 


ANTIOCIl    AND    IGNATIUS. 


kind,  which  were  placed  in  a  natural  hollow,  affording  the,  ad- 
vantage of  a  rising  ground  for  their  tier  upon  tier  of  seats,  this 
erection,  built  of  tiburtine  stone,  stands  on  a  level  area  in  the 
midst  of  the  citj  itself.  The  Palatine  Hill,  which  rises  behind 
it,  supplies  a  rich  back  screen  of  evergreens,  nobly  enhancing 
the  beauty  of  the  red  ruin  ;  whilst  the  moss  and  lichens,  which 
have  crept  undisturbed  over  the  enormous  structure,  record  the 
many  centuries  which  have  elapsed  since  its  gigantic  propoi-- 
tions  first  towered  before  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  people.  But 
though  the  external  of  this  structure  is  substantially  entire,  its 
interior  affords  melancholy  evidence  of  the  spoiler's  hand.    The 


FLAVIAN    AMPHITHEATRE,    OR    COLISEUM. 


marbles  which  decorated  it  —  the  vomitories  through  which  the 
crowd  of  living  population  once  poured  its  rejoicing  masses  — 
the  astonishing  pageants  which  delighted  the  .barbarous  eyes  of 
a  sight-loving  people,  together  with  the  crowds  of  spectators 
themselves,  who  presented  in  the  days  of  its  glory  an  uprising 


A.    D.    116,    TRAJAN   EMPEROR.  169 

wall  of  human  faces,  now  sportive  with  mirth,  now  plaintive  with 
sympathy,  and  now  exulting  with  the  fiendish  expressions  of  dia- 
bolical cruelty,  —  all  are  gone,  and  the  Coliseum  remains  a  mel- 
ancholy spectacle  of  Rome's  majesty  and  of  Rome's  barbarity. 
Time  was  when  that  pile  resounded  with  the  yells  and  roars  of 
ferocious  beasts  turned  loose  upon  each  other ;  when  within  that 
circle  the  gladiator  turned  his  dying  thoughts  to  the  far-distant 
home  he  was  never  more  to  behold ;  when  the  bleeding  and  sup- 
pliant athlete  awaited,  in  the  anguish  of  solicitude,  the  sign  of  the 
people's  thumb  bent  downward,  which  should  announce  his  par- 
don, or  its  upturning,  which  should  decree  his  death.  And, 
more  than  this,  often  has  the  multitude  gathered  within  those 
walls  to  witness  the  last  dying  agonies  of  noble-minded  men, 
whose  only  crime  was  that  they  were  true  to  their  God  against 
a  world  in  arms,  and  whose  spirits,  here  passing  from  their  tor- 
tured bodies,  rose  firm,  amidst  the  yells  of  an  infuriated  popu- 
lace, to  the  songs  of  angels,  the  welcome  of  their  Master,  and 
the  repose  of  eternity. 

In  this  building,  which  would  accommodate  eighty-seven 
thousand  spectators,  and  which  was  then  crowded  by  "  the 
whole  city,"  Ignatius,  if  the  traditional  account  may  be  re- 
ceived, was  brought  by  the  Roman  prefect,  who  had  caused  it  to 
be  announced  that  the  Bishop  of  Antioch  was  on  this  day  to 
combat  with  wild  beasts.  When  he  was  in  the  ample  theatre, 
turning  to  the  people  as  one  who  gloried  in  the  ignominy  which 
was  before  him,  Ignatius  cried  out,  "  Romans,  spectators  of  this 
present  scene,  I  am  here  not  because  of  any  crime,  nor  to 
absolve  myself  from  any  charge  of  wickedness,  but  to  follow 
Grod ;  by  the  love  of  whom  I  am  impelled,  and  whom  I  long 
for  irrepressibly.  For  I  am  his  wheat,  and  must  be  ground  by 
the  teeth  of  beasts,  that  I  may  become  his  pure  bread."  When 
he  had  uttered  these  words,  the  lions,  being  let  loose,  instantly 
flew- upon  him  and  devoured  him  altogether,  with  the  exception 
of  his  larger  bones ;  thus  fulfilling  his  prayer  that  the  beasts 
might  be  his  sepulchre,  and  that  nothing  might  be  left  of  his 
15 


170  ANTIOCH   AND   IGNATIUS. 

body ;  the  Lord  receiving  greater  glory  from  his  sufferings  than 
would  have  followed  his  escape  from  the  wild  beasts."^ 

The  bones  of  this  faithful  servant  were  gathered  up  by  the 
Roman  Christians  after  the  assembly  was  dismissed,  and  depos- 
ited without  the  city.  They  were  afterwards  transported  to 
Antioch  "on  the  shoulders  of  all  the  cities,"!  and  were  buried 
in  the  cemetery  without  the  Daphnean  gate.  In  the  reign  of 
Theodosius  they  were  transferred  with  great  pomp  to  a  church 
consecrated  to  Christianity  from  haA,dng  been  a  temple  of  For- 
tune ;  and  a  public  festival  was  instituted  in  annual  commem- 
oration of  the  event,  t  To  mark  still  more  the  degenerate  state 
of  Christianity  as  it  then  existed,  Chrysostom  invited  all  people 
to  visit  them,  describing  the  benefits  which  would  accrue  from 
such  an  inspection.  The  Romanists  declare  that  when  Antioch 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracens  the  bones  of  St.  Ignatius 
were  rescued,  and  that  many  of  them  are  now  deposited  in  the 
church  of  St.  Clement  at  Rome.  In  this,  and  similar  cases, 
there  is  no  test  by  which  the  pretension  can  be  tried.  The  tra- 
ditions respecting  the  body  of  the  saint  are  perhaps  no  better 
founded  than  the  hierarchical  assumptions  which  the  name  of 
Ignatius  is  called  up  to  maintain.  But  whether  the  legend  be 
true  or  otherwise,  the  fact  has  certainly  no  moral  value. 

The  Bishops  of  Antioch  who  immediately  succeeded  Ignatius 
are  related  by  Eusebius  to  have  been.  Heron  Cornelius,  Eros, 
and  Theophilus.  The  last  was  converted  from  paganism  to 
Christianity,  and  published  works  in  defence  of  it,  as  well  as  in 
opposition  to  the  heresies  of  Marcion  and  Hermogenes.  The 
church  of  Antioch  is  said  to  have  been  prosperous. 

Eusebius  records,  in  the  commencement  of  his  ecclesiastical 
history,  a  correspondence  —  which  he  declares  he  had  seen 
among  the  records  of  Edessa  in  Mesopotamia  —  between  King 

*  Martyrium  SS,  Martyris  Ignatii.  The  Syriac  version  is  imperfect 
towards  the  close,  leaving  the  true  reading  therefore  only  traditionary,  and, 
it  must  be  owned,  doubtful. 

t  Chrysostom.  :}:Evagriu8,  lib.  i.  c.  xvi. 


A.    D.    116,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  171 

Agbarus  and  Christ  himself.  This  tradition  related  that  the 
monarch,  being  seized  with  a  violent  disorder,  sent  a  message  to 
Christ  entreating  a  cure,  and  that  our  Lord,  in  reply,  promised 
to  send  him  a  certain  disciple  to  remove  his  disease.  It  further 
relates  that  after  the  ascension,  Thaddeus,  one  of  the  seventy, 
was  despatched  to  him  by  a  miraculous  message,  and,  after  per- 
forming many  miracles,  cured  the  king  himself.  The  tradition 
has  no  historical  attestation,  but  is  a  pious  fraud,  though  unques- 
tionably invented  before  the  time  of  Eusebius.  It  may,  however, 
be  regarded  as  a  proof  that  Christianity  was  known  at  a  very 
early  period  in  that  district. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


JUSTIN   (MARTYR)   AND   HIS   TIMES. 


The  early  part  of  the  second 
century  Avas  remarkable  not 
only  for  the  agitation  which 
existed  in  many  parts  of  the 
Roman  empire  against  Chris- 
tianity, but  for  the  conversion 
to  the  truth  of  a  remarkable 
man  named  Justin,  called  some- 
times, from  his  early  profes- 
sions, a  philosopher,  but  more 
usually,  from  his  ultimate  fate, 
the  Martyr.  He  was  born 
about  the  year  103,^  in  Flavia, 
a  new  city  which  had  been  built 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
He  was  not,  however,  in  his  re- 
ligious opinions,  a  Samaritan,  but  a  pagan,  the  son  of  Prisons, 
a  Gentile.  His  youth  was  spent  in  acquiring  the  various 
branches  of  a  polite  education,  and  in  forming  an  acquaintance 
with  the  poets,  orators  and  historians,  of  the  classical  period. 
He  especially  studied  philosophy  —  a  term  used  by  Pythagoras, 
and  employed  to  comprehend  physics,  ethics,  and  dialectics.  He- 
himself  relates  the  history  of  his  studies.  At  first  he  sought 
instruction  from  a  Stoic,  who,  believing,  according  to  the  princi- 


ancient  Shechem  or  Sychar. 


Some  prefer  the  year  89,  A.  D. 


A.  D.    CIRC.    110,    TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  173 

pies  of  that  sect,  which  held  external  events  to  be  subject  to 
fate,^  the  law  of  nature  to  be  the  Deity  himself,  that  all  things 
were  governed  by  necessity,  and  that  the  soul  of  man  was  per- 
ishable, was  able  to  teach  hira  nothing  concerning  the  true  nature 
of  Grod.t  Indeed,  Justin  tells  us  that  his  instructor  neither 
knew  this  himself,  nor  deemed  this  knowledge  at  all  essential. 
He  therefore  left  the  Stoic,  and  betook  himself  to  a  philosopher 
of  the  Peripatetic  school  —  one  who  was,  in  his  own  estimation 
at  least,  remarkably  acute.  Before  this  instructor  propounded 
to  him  the  Aristotelian  dogmas,  which  held  death  to  be  the 
extinction  of  being,  that  the  soul  after  its  separation  from  the 
body  ceased  to  possess  any  passions,  and  that  nature  is  an  un- 
conscious impulse,  he  demanded  to  be  informed  what  rate  of 
payment  he  was  to  receive ;  on  which  Justin,  believing  him  to 
be  no  true  philosopher,  left  him  abruptly ;  but  burning  still  with 
a  desire  to  pursue  his  inquiries,  next  addressed  himself  to  a 
Pythagorean  who  boasted  much  wisdom,  and  from  whom  he 
might  expect  to  learn  metaphysics,  or  the  dogma  that  the  Deity 
was  the  pervading  soul  of  the  universe,  from  whom  all  souls 
derived  their  origin  ;  but  the  tutor,  as  preliminary  to  the  Py- 
thagorean system,  which  involved  such  knowledge,  dismissed  the 
pupil  till  he  had  become  acquainted  with  music,  astronomy  and 
geometry,  asking  him  whether  he  thought  it  possible  for  him  to 
understand  those  things  which  were  conducive  to  the  blessed 
life,  unless  he  had  first  learned  the  things  which  render  the 
mind  able  to  contemplate  goodness  and  beauty  ?  I     Justin  was 

*  Arriani,  Epict.  1.  iv. 

t  The  Stoics,  like  Epictetus,  one  of  their  best  specimens,  had  for  their 
maxim,  avixov  xul  J/is^ow  — Sustain  and  abstain.  An  admirable  specimen 
of  the  latter  stoical  system  is  afforded  by  this  philosopher.  His  morality 
might  have  been  learned  from  Christianity  itself.  Plutarch,  however, 
accused  many  of  the  Stoios,  even  Zeno  himself,  of  leading  a  voluptuous  life. 

X  The  Pythagorean  system  found  in  musical  relations  their  principles  of 
the  harmony  of  the  universe  ;  in  astronomical  ones,  their  notions  of  heaven 
and  of  infinitude  ;  in  geometrical  ones,  many  of  their  expositions  of  reli- 
gion and  virtue. 

15* 


174  JUSTIN    MARTYR   AND   HIS   TIMES. 

disappointed  mucli  at  this,  especially  as  he  thought  the  Pytha- 
gorean really  possessed  some  knowledge ;  but  he  felt  that  he 
could  not  defer  for  the  time  which  such  studies  would  cost  him 
that  divine  knowledge  he  sought  so  eagerly.  He  therefore 
turned,  as  a  last  resource,  to  a  professor  recently  arrived  in  his 
neighborhood,  from  whom  he  hoped  to  learn  the  Platonic  phi- 
losophy, then  in  great  vogue.  He  pursued  this  study  with  much 
earnestness,  and  congratulated  himself  on  his  progress  from  day 
to  day.  "  The  knowledge,"  he  tells  us,  "  of  incorporeal  things 
much  delighted  me,,  and  the  contemplation  of  ideas  gave  wings 
to  my  mind,  and  in  a  short  time  I  seemed  to  myself  to  have 
become  wise,  and  I  stupidly  thought  that  forthwith  I  should 
behold  God,  —  for  this  is  the  end  of  the  Platonic  philosophy." 

Whilst  seeking  solitude  in  this  state  of  mind,  he  one  day 
wandered  near  the  sea.  There  he  met  an  aged  man  of  grave 
and  comely  appearance,  who  followed  him  a  little  distance. 
Justin  turned  round,  confronting  him,  and  fixing  his  eyes 
inquiringly  upon  him.  After  some  preliminary  conversation,  in 
which  Justin  told  the  stranger  the  purpose  which  had  led  him 

Tt  ri  ^s  fiultara  otSiv  ;  "^ Eq.  j^QiQuiirixlj,  aargovofiiar,  rBQarrtiav,  ye- 
wnsTQiav,  ^ovaiy.iv^  yorjrsiav. —  LrciAN,  Vitarum  Audio. 

The  five  years'  silence  which  Pythagoras  is  represented  to  have  pre- 
scribed (though  the  time  was  not  uniform)  is  often  the  subject  of  Lucian's 
satire.  Pythagoras  is  in  the  following  scene  put  up  to  auction  by  Mercury. 
Speaking  of  the  five  years'  silence,  the  merchant  says,  speaking  to  the 
philosopher  whom  he  is  invited  to  buy  : 

"Merc.  Thou  shalt  have  the  son  of  Croesus  (who  is  dumb)  for  a  pupil  :  as 
iifr  me,  I  am  talkative,  and  do  not  wish  to  be  a  statue.  But  what  will  come 
after  the  five  years'  silence  1 

"Pyth.  Thou  shalt  be  exercised  in  music  and  geometry, 

"Merc.  That  is  an  odd  thing,  to  become  a  harper  before  I  am  a  philoso- 
pher. 

"Pyth.  After  this,  thou  wilt  learn  numeration. 

"Merc.  But  that  I  know  already, 

"Pyth.  How  dost  thou  numerate  1 

"Merc.  One,  two,  three,  four. 

"Pyth.  But  what  thou  thinkest  to  be  four  thou  shalt  learn  to  be  ten." 
(Referring  to  the  tngnn.) 


A.  D.  CIRC.  110,  TRAJAN  EMPEROR.  175 

to  seek  so  retired  a  situation,  the  following  interlocution  began, 
as  Justin  himself  relates  : 

"  Art  thou,"  said  the  stranger,  "  a  lover  of  talk,  but  not  of 
deeds  and  of  truth ;  and  dost  thou  prefer  the  sophistical  to  the 
practical  ? " 

Then  I  said,  "  What  can  any  one  do  better  than  to  show  how 
reason  {loyoi)  governs  all  things ;  so  that  he  who  seizes  it  and 
rides  upon  it  shall  look  down  upon  the  mistakes  and  occupa- 
tions of  others,  and  see  that  they  do  nothing  healthily,  nothing 
well-pleasing  to  God  ?  But  without  philosophy  and  right  reason 
no  one  can  be  wise.  It  therefore  becomes  every  man  to  be  a 
philosopher,  and  such  an  occupation  should  be  esteemed  the 
most  important  and  the  most  honorable;  other  things  only 
holding  the  second  or  third  place.  The  things  which  belong  to 
philosophy  are  reasonable  and  worthy  of  being  received,  and 
the  things  which  are  severed  from  it,  and  do  not  accompany  it, 
are  burdensome  and  vulgar  to  those  who  take  them  in  hand."  ^ 

A  little  more  of  this  conversation  will  illustrate  the  unsatisr 
factory  processes  of  the  Gentile  philosophy. 

"  Does  philosophy,  then,  confer  blessedness  ?  "  said  the  stran- 
ger. 

"  Yes,  verily,"  said  I,  "  and  it  alone." 

"  What,  then,  is  philosophy  ?"  said  he,  "  and  what  is  its  bless- 
edness ?     Tell  me,  if  there  be. nothing  to  prevent." 

"  Philosophy,"  said  I,  "  is  the  science  of  the  existent  and 
of  the  true ;  and  blessedness  is  the  prize  of  understanding  and 
wisdom." 

"  What  dost  thou  call  God  ?  "  said  he. 

"  That  which  always  exists  the  same,  and  in  the  same  man- 
ner, and  which  is  the  cause  why  all  other  things  are,  this  indeed 
is  God."  So  I  replied  to  him ;  he  was  pleased  at  hearing  me, 
and  asked  me  thus  again : 

"  Is  not  science  a  common  name  for  differing  things  ?  for  in 

♦  Dial.  cum.  Typh.,  iii. 


176  JUSTIN   MARTYR   AND   HIS   TIMES. 

all  arts  he  who  has  a  scientific  knowledge  of  any  of  them  is 
called  a  scientific  person;  in  strategy,  and  government,  and 
medicine  ;  and  equally  in  things  divine  and  human.  Is  it  not 
true  that  science  is  that  which  confers  the  knowledge  of  things 
human  and  divine  ?  " 

"  Most  true,"  said  I. 

"  What  then  ?  Is  a  man's  knowing  God  the  same  thing  as 
knowing  music  and  arithmetic  and  astronomy,  or  anything  of 
that  kind  ?  " 

"  By  no  means,"  said  I.  ' 

"  Thou  hast  not  rightly  answered  me,"  said  he ;  **  for  if  any 
one  should  tell  thee  that  there  is  in  India  an  animal  in  its 
nature  unlike  all  other  animals,  but  of  such  and  such  a  kind, 
multiform  and  many  colored,  thou  co^ldst  not  know  what  it  was 
unless  thou  hadst  seen  it,  nor  wou'dst  thou  be  able  to  speak 
about  it  if  thou  hadst  not  heard  it  described  by  some  one  who 
had  seen  it." 

"  True,"  said  I. 

"  How,  then,"  said  he,  "  do  the  philosophers  think  rightly 
about  God,  or  speak  the  truth  concerning  Him,  when  they  have 
neither  seen  Him  nor  heard  Him  ?  " 

"  But,"  said  I,  "  Father,  the  Divinity  is  not  to  be  seen  with 
the  eyes  like  other  living  substances,  but  only  to  be  compre- 
hended by  the  mind ;  —  so  Plato  says,  and  I  believe  him." 

"  Is  there,  then,"  said  he,  "  in  the  mind  such  a  power  as  is 
superior  to  that  of  the  senses ;  or  can  the  mind  of  man  ever 
perceive  God,  not  being  prepared  previously  by  the  Holy 
Spirit?" 

The  conversation,  pursued  after  the  method  of  the  ancient 
schools,  was  thus  conducted  step  by  step,  until  the  dogmas  of 
heathen  philosophy  were  undermined,  and  Justin  was  brought 
at  length  to  see  that  there  was  a  race  of  men  more  worthy  of 
attention  than  the  philosophers  of  his  fond  idolatry,  and  to  seek 
for  the  true  knowledge  of  God  in  the  writings  of  the  ancient 
Scriptures,  and  in   the  doctrines  of  Jesus  himself.     "  When  I 


A.    D.   113,  TRAJAN    EMPEROR.  177 

turned  over  his  remarks  in  my  mind,"  observes  Justin,  "  I  found 
this  to  be  the  only  true,  safe,  and  useful  philosophy." 

Justin  now  became  a  disciple  of  the  Cross.  "  I  found,"  said 
he,  "  that  the  doctrines  of  salvation  have  in  them  a  certain 
terrible  majesty  most  useful  to  affect  those  who  have  turned 
aside  from  the  ways  of  righteousness,  and  that  those  who  medi- 
tate upon  them  find  the  sweetest  peace." 

Such  was  the  process  by  which  this  great  man  was  made  to 
bend  down  his  spirit  before  the  power  of  revealed  religion. 

Previous  to  this  crisis,  and  whilst  he  was  yet  a  disciple  of 
Plato,  the  lives  of  Christians  appear  to  have  left  the  most 
favorable  impression  on  his  mind.  "I  heard,"  he  tells  us,*= 
"  of  the  accusations  brought  against  Christians,  yet  I  saw 
them  fearless  in  the  midst  of  death,  and  of  all  other  calamities 
which  seemed  terrible,  nor  could  I  understand  how  it  was  pos- 
sible that  they  could  be  guilty  of  the  wickedness  and  licentious- 
ness with  which  they  were  charged." 

Being  now  a  Christian,  Justin  employed  his  pen  and  his 
great  talents  in  the  vindication  of  his  newly-adopted  faith.  He 
speaks  of  Alexandria  as  one  who  was  familiar  with  its  locali- 
ties, and  he  perhaps  may  have  visited  it  with  the  view  of  pro- 
mulgating in  that  city  the  principles  he  had  been  divinely 
taught  to  adopt.!  Eusebius  informs  us  that  he  had  made  use 
of  his  profession  as  a  philosopher  to  proclaim  the  truth. |: 

If  the  commonly  received  account  does  not  refer  to  another 
Justin,  this  philosopher  twice  visited  Rome.  In  that  city  he 
wrote  his  treatise  against  Marcion,  a  native  of  Pontus,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  heretics  of  the  early  centuries.  This 
man,  the  son  of  a  bishop,  and  himself  a  convert  to  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  had  been  excommunicated  from  the  church, —  perhaps 
from  his  unsafe  views  of  truth,  though  Epiphanius  declares  for 
immorality,  —  by  his  father,  who  refused  to  restore  his  criminal 

*  Apologia,  ii.  and  xii.  f  Cohortat.  ad  Gentes,  §  12. 

4:  Hist.  Eccl.,  iv.  §  11. 


178  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND   HIS    TIMES. 

son,  thougli  he  avowed  his  penitence.  Marcion,  therefore, 
journeyed  to  Rome,  where  he  made  a  more  successful  attempt 
to  be  readmitted  to  communion.  His  persistence  in  his  old 
errors,  however,  notwithstanding  their  temporary  abjuration, 
caused  him  to  be  more  than  once  excommunicated  by  the  church 
in  that  city. 

Marcion's  doctrinal  system  was  peculiar.  According  to 
Theodoret,  he  held  ''four  unbegotten  existences."  God,  the 
Creator,  Matter,  which  he  declared  to  be  eternal,  and  the 
Devil.  He  held  that  the  manifestation  of  the  Creator,  the  God 
of  the  Old  Testament,  and  of  Jesus,  were  at  variance,  and  that 
the  former  had  been  overturned  by  the  latter ;  he  condemned 
marriage ;  denied  the  resurrection ;  rejected  much  of  the  New 
Testament ;  acknowledged  only  one  gospel,  —  that  of  Luke,  — 
in  which  he  made  retrenchments  of  all  which  did  not  suit  his 
views,  omitting  all  passages  which  asserted  the  sonship  of 
Christ.  In  a  similar  way  he  received  only  such  parts  of  the 
Epistles  as  squared  with  his  singular  opinions.  That  his  fol- 
lowers were  sincere  may  be  inferred  from  the  number  of  their 
martyi's.  Yet,  though  he  held  these  views,  Marcion  could  see 
no  reason  why  he  should  be  deprived  of  communion  with  the 
Christian  church.  The  treatise  which  Justin  wrote  against  him 
is  now  lost;  a  fact  to  be  much  regretted,  since  it  must  have 
thrown  much  light  on  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  early 
church. 

The  Emperor  Trajan  ended  his  reign  in  the  year  117,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Hadrian,  an  active,  restless,  resolute  monarch, 
as  watchful  to  maintain  the  limits  of  his  dominions  as  Trajan 
had  been  to  increase  them  by  military  acquisition.  The  edicts 
of  Trajan  had  rendered  Christianity  —  always  liable  to  per- 
secution as  a  new  and  strange  religion  —  a  positively  illegal 
one,  condemned  by  imperial  decree.  Though  Hadrian  is  not 
reported  to  have  added  any  express  edicts  to  those  previously 
existing,  he  did  not  interpose  to  restrain  his  governors,  always 
indifferent  to  blood,  and  never  indisposed  to  sacrifice  individuals. 


A.  D.  124,    HADRIAN    EMPEROR.  179 

especially  those  whose  name  was  a  reproach,  to  the  policy  which 
their  own  interests  might  suggest.  At  this  time,  accordingly, 
began  The  Fourth  General  Persecution. 

Yet,  though  exposing  its  disciples  to  all  kinds  of  torture  and 
obloquy,  the  Christian  religion  continued  to  spread.  In  the 
year  124  Hadrian  visited  Greece,  and  was  initiated  into  all  the 
mysteries  of  Hellenic  mythology.  Whilst  there,  Quadratus, 
Bishop  of  Athens,  who  had  succeeded  Publius,  —  a  martyr, 
whose  preaching  and  government,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  Origen,  had  produced  important  effects  in  checking  the  per- 
secution against  Christianity  which  was  then  raging  with  remark- 
able virulence,  —  addressed  to  the  emperor  an  apology,  which 
seems  to  have  been  received  with  some  attention,  especially  as 
it  was  seconded  by  another  from  Aristides,  an  Athenian  Christian 
of  those  times.  An  extract  from  the  former  of  these  may  be 
quoted  as  tending  to  show,  what  indeed  is  apparent  from  all  the 
apologies  of  those  times,  that  the  miracles  of  our  Lord  were  not 
objected  to  by  their  opponents  because  the  facts  themselves 
were  disputed,  but  only  because  they  were  attributed  to  an 
agency  not  divine.  "  The  deeds  of  our  Saviour  were  always 
before  you,  for  they  were  true  miracles ;  those  that  were  healed, 
those  that  were  raised  from  the  dead,  were  seen,  not  only  when 
healed  and  when  raised,  but  were  always  present.  They  re- 
mained living  a  long  time,  not  only  whilst  our  Lord  was  on 
earth,  but  likewise  when  he  had  left  the  earth ;  so  that  some  of 
them  have  also  lived  to  our  own  times."  "^ 

Yet,  though  these  apologies  were  not  perhaps  without  their 
influence,  a  much  greater  effect  was  produced  on  the  mind  of 
the  emperor  by  Serenius  Granianus,  the  proconsul  of  Asia 
Minor,  who  complained  that  it  seemed  to  him  unreasonable  for 
the  Christians  to  be  persecuted  only  to  gratify  the  clamors  of 
the  people,  without  trial  and  without  crime.     To  this  remon-- 

*  Eusebius,  book  iv.  c.  3. 


180  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

strance  the  emperor  replied  as  follows,  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
the  successor  of  the  remonstrant  proconsul. 

To   MiNUCIUS   FUNDANUS. 

"  I  have  received  a  letter  written  to  me  by  the  very  illustrious 
Serenius  Granianus,  whom  you  have  succeeded.  To  me  then 
the  affair  seems  by  no  means  fit  to  be  slightly  passed  over,  that 
men  may  not  be  disturbed  without  cause,  and  that  sycophants 
may  not  be  encouraged  in  their  odious  practices.  If  the  people 
of  the  province  will  appear  publicly,  and  make  open  charges 
against  the  Christians,  so  as  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
answering  for  themselves,  let  them  proceed  in  that  manner 
only,  and  not  by  rude  demands  and  mere  clamors;  for  it  is 
much  more  proper,  if  any  person  will  accuse  them,  that  you 
should  take  cognizance  of  these  matters.  If  any  then  accuse, 
and  show  that  they  actually  break  the  laws,  do  you  determine 
according  to  the  nature  of  the  crime.  But,  by  Hercules,  if  the 
charge  be  a  mere  calumny,  do  you  estimate  the  enormity  of 
such  calumny,  and  punish  it  as  it  deserves." 

Yet  the  temper  of  the  emperor  was  very  far  from  being 
favorable  to  the  Christian  faith.  This  is  shown  by  a  letter 
which  he  addressed,  about  this  time,  to  the  consul  Servianus. 
"  Those  who  worship  Serapis  are  Christians,  and  those  who  call 
themselves  bishops  of  Christ  are  worshippers  of  Serapis. .  There 
is  no  ruler  of  a  synagogue,  no  Samaritan,  no  presbyter  of  the 
Christians,  who  is  not  an  astrologer  —  a  soothsayer.  The 
Patriarch  of  the  Jews  himself,  when  he  comes  to  Egypt,  is 
forced  by  one  party  to  worship  Serapis,  —  by  the  other,  Christ. 
Their  one  God  is  none  ;  Him,  Christians,  Jews  and  all  races, 
worship  alike."  Such  indefinite  Pantheism  is  consistent  with 
no  true  regard  for  Christianity.^ 

Not  long  after  this,  Justin  wrote  another  treatise,  which  has 

*  Flavius  Vopiscus  apud  Neander. 


A.  D.    138,    ANTONINUS    PIUS    EMPEROK.  181 

been  happily  preserved,  and  which  constitutes  one  of  the  most 
precious  relics  of  antiquity.  It  is  designated  ' '  The  First  Apology 
for  the  Christians,"  and  is  addressed  to  Antoninus  Pius  and  to 
his  adopted  sons,  Verissimus  (afterwards  M.  Aurelius,  the  em- 
peror) and  Lucius  (afterwards  the  Emperor  Yerus).^ 

The  character  of  Antoninus,  who  ascended  the  imperial  throne 
A.  D.  138,  and  reigned  twenty-two  years,  was  highly  distinguished 
for  public  and  private  virtues.  The  name  Pius  bears  reference 
to  the  filial  regard  shown  by  the  emperor  for  the  memory  of  his 
adopted  father,  Hadrian.  So  wise  and  moderate  was  the  reign 
of  Antoninus,  and  so  successfully  were  the  energies  of  the 
monarch  directed  to  the  discouragement  of  informers,  the  relief 
of  want  and  woe,  the  maintenance  of  peace,  and  the  improve- 
ments of  the  administrative  power,  as  to  gain  for  him  the  title 
of  a  second  Numa. 

In  addressing  this  emperor,!  Justin  appeals  to  the  title 
borne  by  him  as  a  reason  why  he  ma}'^  be  expected  to  give  a 
fair  hearing  to  the  Christian  cause ;  declaring  that  the  Christians 
desired  no  favor,  merely  simple  justice,  and  that  the  only  evil 
which  could  befall  them  was  to  be  proved  guilty  of  crime.  Till 
then  the  civil  power  might  kill  but  could  not  injure  them ;  they 
asked  a  fair  examination,  and  that  they  should  be  no  longer 
condemned  unheard ;  for,  as  the  case  now  stood,  the  confession 
of  Christianity  constituted  of  itself  the  highest  offence.  In  this 
treatise  Justin  disposes  of  the  charge  of  atheism  brought  against 
the  Christians,  showing  that  the  only  ground  for  the  accusation 
was  that  Christians  did  not  worship  a  multitude  of  gods.  He 
then  gives  a  succinct  view  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  showing 
that  it  consisted  in  the  practice  of  the  moral  virtues,  and  that  it 

*  The  conjecture  of  some  of  the  best  critics  is,  that  this  apology  was 
written  A.  d.  139.  See  Smith's  Diet,  of  Greek  and  Roman  Biography,  art. 
Justin. 

t  The  second  apology  of  Justin,  as  it  is  usually  designated,  is  here, 
according  to  the  best  authorities,  regarded  as  the  first,  and  vice  versa,  though 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Eusebius,  who  appears  misty  on  this  subject. 

16 


182  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

encouraged  no  expectations  of  temporal  dignities ;  at  the  same 
time  enumerating  the  various  points  of  its  excellence  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  false  systems  of  the  heathens,  and  repudiating  the 
charge  brought  against  them  of  wickedness,  exposing  new-born 
children,  and  other  similar  atrocities.  He  clearly  expounds  the 
doctrine  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  quoting  the  passage,  "  Behold 
a  virgin  shall  conceive,"  &c.,  and  defends  this  article  of  belief 
against  supposed  heathen  objections.  He  traces  the  events  of 
Christ's  birth  and  death,  comparing  them  with  the  productions 
of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  He  states  the  practices  of  the 
Christians  regarding  baptism,  which  he  declares  to  have  been 
imitated  by  the  heathen  religions  from  the  predictions  of  the 
prophets.  He  speaks  of  the  received  and  baptized  convert 
admitted  by  the  kiss  of  peace,  and  of  the  administration  of  the 
eucharist  to  the  convert  so  baptized  by  the  presiding  bishop ; 
which  observance  he  declares  the  heathens  to  have  imitated  in 
the  Mithryan  mysteries. 

"  And  after  this  time,"  says  he,  "  we  commemorate  continually 
these  truths,  and  they  who  have  property  succor  all  the  rest, 
I  and  we  are  always  together.  And  in  all  our  oblations  we 
praise  the  Maker  of  all  things,  by  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  and  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  And  on  Sunday  (as  it  is  called)  a  convocation 
is  made  of  all  who  remain  in  the  cities  or  in  the  country  into 
one  spot;  and  the  memoirs  of  apostles,  or  the  writings  of 
prophets,  are  read  as  long  as  there  is  time.  When  the  reader 
ceases,  the  president  gives  an  exhortation,  and  admonishes  to 
remember  such  excellent  things.  Then  we  all  rise  together  and 
send  up  our  prayers,  and,  as  I  before  said,  ceasing  from  prayer, 
bread  is  brought,  and  wine  and  water,  and  the  president  sends 
up  prayers  and  thanks  with  all  his  power,  and  the  people  shout 
applause,  saying  Amen.  Then  distribution  and  communion  is 
made  by  those  who  have  given  thanks  to  those  present,  and  is 
sent  by  the  deacons  to  those  who  have  been  absent.  And  those 
who  have  abundance  are  willing  to  contribute  according  to  the 
inclination  of  each ;  and  what  is  collected  is  laid  aside  by  the 


A.  D.   138,    ANTONINUS    PIUS    EJIPEROR.  183 

president,  and  lie  relieves  the  orphans  and  widows,  and  those 
who  are  in  distress,  from  disease  or  any  other  cause,  and  those 
who  are  in  prison,  and  strangers  from  home  ;  —  in  one  word,  he 
cares  for  all  who  are  in  need.  But  we  meet  on  Sunday  because 
that  is  the  first  day,  when  God,  having  changed  darkness  and 
matter,  made  the  world,  and  because  Jesus  Christ,  our  Saviour, 
arose  on  that  day  from  the  dead."  ^ 

This  treatise  exhibits  some  unmistakable  indications  of  the 
decline  of  the  church  from  the  pristine  purity  of  its  doctrine. 
Not  only  do  we  discover  traces  of  those  forced  interpretations 
of  scripture  for  which  a  subsequent  age  was  so  remarkable,  but 
the  traces  of  celibacy  as  meritorious,  the  identification  of 
baptism  with  regeneration  and  illumination,  the  use  of  wine 
mingled  with  water  in  the  Supper,  and  an  approximation,  at  the 
least,  to  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  are  visible  in  these 
pages.  Already  the  tarnish  was  gathering  upon  the  brightness 
of  the  once  pure  gold. 

This  apology  —  an  able  production,  though  by  no  means  of 
the  highest  class  —  appears  to  have  produced  its  desired  efiect. 
Eusebius  relates  that  soon  after,  when  earthquakes  in  various 
quarters,  and  destructive  fires  in  Rome,  Antioch  and  Carthage, 
excited  the  popular  feeling  against  the  body  of  Christians,  and 
caused  the  ancient  enmity  to  be  revived  with  more  than  usual 
bitterness,  the  emperor  issued  the  following  rescript : 

"  The  Emperor  Csesar  Marcus  Aurelius  Antonius  Augustus, 
Armenicus,  Pontifex  Maximus,  Tribune  of  the  People  XY., 
Consul  III.,  sends  greeting  to  the  Assembly  of  Asia.  I  know, 
indeed,  that  the  gods  themselves  will  take  care  that  such  men  as 
these  shall  not  escape  detection;  for  it  would  more  properly 
belong  to  them  to  punish  those  who  will  not  worship  them,  than 
to  you.  And  whilst  you  drive  them  into  a  tumult,  you  only 
confirm  them  the  more  in  their  mind,  by  accusing  them  as  im- 
pious.    And  thus  to   them  it  would  be  more  desirable,  when 

J,  *  Apoiog.  prima,  p.  68. 


184  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

arraigned,  to  appear  to  die  for  their  God,  than  to  live.  Whence, 
also,  they  may  come  oflF  in  triumph  when  they  yield  up  their 
lives  in  preference  to  a  conformity  with  those  things  which  you 
exact  of  them.  But  as  to  those  earthquakes  which  have  taken 
place,  and  still  continue,  it  is  not  wrong  to  admonish  you  who 
are  cast  down,  whenever  these  things  happen,  to  compare  your 
own  deportment  with  theirs.  They  indeed  become,  on  these 
occasions,  so  much  the  more  cheerful  towards  God;'  but  you, 
the  whole  of  this  time  in  which  you  seem  not  to  have  correct 
knowledge,  neglect  both  the  gods  and  other  duties,  especially 
the  worship  of  the  Immortal.  But  the  Christians  who  worship 
him  you  expel  and  persecute  to  death.  Respecting  these,  how- 
ever, many  of  the  governors  of  the  provinces  also  wrote  to  our 
divine  father ;  to  whom,  also,  he  replied,  not  to  trouble  them  at 
all,  unless  they  appeared  to  make  attempts  against  the  Roman 
government.  Many  also  have  sent  communications  to  me  re- 
specting them,  to  whom  I  also  wrote  in  reply,  following  the 
course  pursued  by  my  father.  But  if  any  still  persevere  in 
creating  diflSculties  to  any  one  of  those,  because  he  is  of  this 
description,  let  him  that  is  thus  arraigned  be  absolved  from 
crime,  although  he  should  appear  to  be  such,  but  let  the  accuser 
be  held  guilty." 

In  the  year  161,  Marcus  Aurelius,  designated  as  the  philos- 
opher, succeeded  Antoninus  Pius.  This  distinguished  man  had 
imbibed  the  lessons  of  the  stoical  philosophy,  and  has  received 
the  character  of  one  "  severe  to  himself,  indulgent  to  the  imper- 
fections of  others,  just  and  beneficent  to  all  mankind."^  His 
conduct  towards  his  Christian  subjects  little  justifies  this  favor- 
able verdict.  During  his  reign  the  enmity  against  the  disciples 
of  Christ  was  inflamed  by  the  occurrence  of  a  terrible  pestilence, 
which  committed  great  ravages  throuohout  the  circuit  of  the 
Roman  empire,  attributed,  by  the  enemies  of  the  faith,  to  the 
increasing  tenets  of  the  followers  of  Jesus.     This  was  in  precise 

*  Gibbon.  * 


A.  D.  167,    MARCUS    ANTONINUS    EMPEROR.  185 

accordance  with  the  language  afterwards  employed  by  Tertul- 
lian,  in  his  celebrated  Apology. 

"  You  take  it  for  granted  that  Christians  are  the  cause  of  all 
public  misfortune,  and  even  of  all  popular  inconvenience.  If 
the  Tiber  shall  rise  against  the  walls,  or  if  the  Nile  shall  not 
rise  in  the  fields,  —  if  the  heavens  stand  still,  or  if  the  earth 
moves,  —  if  there  be  famine,  or  if  there  be  pestilence,  —  the 
cry  instantly  is,  '  Cast  the  Christians  to  the  lions  ! '  Are  so 
many  deserving  of  one  punishment?     But  I  pray  you  did  no 

misfortunes  befall  the  world  and  the  city  before  Tiberius, that 

is,  before  the  advent  of  Christ  ?  ^  #  #  Was  there  no  true  God 
worshipped  at  Rome  when  Hannibal  measured  out  Roman  rings 
as  his  prey  by  the  bushel  at  Cannae  ?  Were  not  all  your  gods 
worshipped  by  the  people  when  the  Gauls  occupied  the  Capitol 
itself?  ^  #  # 

"  What  verdict  do  you  not  give  in  this,  that  you  rather  con- 
demn a  Christian  ad  lenonem  than  ad  leonem  ?  You  believe  us 
to  fear  sin  more  than  death.  Crucify,  torture,  condemn  us. 
This  harvest  is  our  increase,  —  the  blood  of  Christians  is  our 
seed." 

The  moderation  of  Marcus  xlntoninus  was  not  displayed  in 
allaying  the  fury  of  this  popular  feeling.  On  the  contrary,  we 
learn  from  the  testimony  of  Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardis,=^  that 
new  edicts,  of  greater  force  and  stringency  than  those  of  pre- 
ceding periods,  were  employed  against  the  Christians.  Inform- 
ers were  encouraged  to  prefer  accusations  against  them,  and 
those  who  were  arraigned  suffered  the  severity  of  the  law.  The 
emperor,  by  the  testimony  of  his  own  "  meditations,"  regarded 
the  firmness  of  the  believers  as  mere  obstinacy,  —  an  obstinacy 
only  to  be  overcome  by  the  terrors  of  physical  suffering. 

To  this  emperor  Justin  addressed  a  second  apology,!  less 
comprehensive  than  the  first,  though  partaking  of  the  same  gen- 

*  Euseb.  Eccl.  Hist.,  lib.  iv.  126. 

f  Usually  called,  according  to  the  authority  of  Eusebius,  the  first. 

16^ 


186  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIDIES. 

eral  character.     The  exciting  cause  of  his  address  is  related  by 
Justin  himself,  in  nearly  the  following  words : 

"  A  woman  was  living  with  a  profligate  husband.  She  had 
been  herself,  at  one  time,  profligate  also  ;  but,  after  she  had 
been  made  acquainted  with  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  had  betaken 
herself  to  a  better  course  of  life ;  and,  by  expounding  to  him 
the  Christian  system,  had  endeavored  to  persuade  him  to  con- 
duct himself  as  she  did,  pointing  out  to  him  the  eternal  punish- 
ment which  awaited  those  who  lived  licentiously,  and  beyond 
the  bounds  of  right  reason.  But  he,  continuing  still  in  the  same 
course  of  flagitiousness,  alienated  the  affections  of  his  wdfe. 
Imagining  it  to  be  impious  to  remain  in  association  with  a  man 
who  violated,  in  his  wickedness,  all  laws,  she  desired  to  be 
separated  from  him.  But,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  her 
friends,  who  persuaded  her  that  there  was  hope  of  her  husband's 
reformation,  she  consented  to  remain  with  him.  But,  upon  her 
husband's  coming  to  Alexandria,  his  wickedness  became  still 
greater ;  till  she,  fearing  lest  she  should  become  an  accomplice 
in  his  wickedness,  procured  a  divorce.  Then  that  illustrious 
and  virtuous  husband,  when  he  ought  to  have  rejoiced  that  his 
wife,  formerly  the  associate  of  slaves  and  mercenaries  in  drunk- 
enness and  all  kinds  of  debauchery,  had  been  gained  over  from 
such  atrocities,  and  was  endeavoring  to  persuade  him  to  adopt 
the  same  course,  accused  her  of  being  a  Christian.  She  pre- 
sented a  memorial  to  you,  0  emperor,  that  she  might  have 
liberty  to  look  after  her  household,  promising  that  when  her 
domestic  aifairs  were  arranged  she  would  reply  to  the  accusa- 
tion. This  was  granted ;  but  her  husband,  who  could  not  then 
proceed  further  against  her,  took  measures  against  one  Ptolemy 
(whom  Urbicus  had  already  punished),  the  instructor  of  his  wife 
in  the  Christian  religion.  He  persuaded  a  certain  friend  of  his, 
a  centurion,  to  throw  Ptolemy  into  prison,  and  to  demand  of 
him  whether  he  were  a  Christian.  Ptolemy,  a  man  who  wor- 
shipped truth  and  hated  fraud  and  lies,  havin'g  confessed  this 
fact,  was  bound,  and  held  a  long  time  in  prison.     At  length, 


A.  D.  167,    MARCUS    ANTONINUS    EMPEROR.  187 

being  again  led  before  Urbicus,  he  was  asked  only  this  one 
thing,  —  whether  he  were  a  Christian  ;  and,  on  his  acknowledg- 
ment of  it,  was  ordered  to  be  led  forth  to  death.  But  a  Chris- 
tian, named  Lucius,  who  witnessed  this  unjust  sentence,  thus 
addressed  Urbicus :  '  What  is  the  reason  that  you  have  sen- 
tenced this  man,  neither  accused  of  adultery,  nor  of  fornication, 
nor  of  homicide,  nor  of  theft,  nor  of  plunder,  nor  of  any  crime, 
but  only  of  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Christian  name  ?  Little 
does  it  become  the  emperor  surnamed  the  Pious,  or  the  philos- 
opher the  son  of  Caesar,  or  the  sacred  senate,  to  judge  as  you 
have  done.'  Then  Urbicus,  without  more  rejoinder,  said,  '  You 
also  appear  to  me  to  be  of  the  same  race.'  Lucius  said,  '  It  is 
true ;  '  on  which  Urbicus  commanded  him  also  to  be  seized. 
But  he  was  only  thankful  that  he  was  about  to  be  delivered 
from  such  wicked  tyrants,  knowing  that  he  was  going  to  the 
Father  and  King  of  heaven.  A  third  person,  coming  in  at  the 
same  time,  was  sentenced  to  a  similar  punishment." 

In  this  Apology  Justin  declares  that  he  himself  was  expect- 
ing the  same  fate,  at  the  instance  of  Crescens,  "  that  lover  of 
tumult  and  parade."  This  Crescens  claimed  the  name  of  a 
philosopher  ;  a  title  which  he  contradicted  by  enormous  wicked- 
ness and  insatiable  avarice.  He  found  his  interest  in  accusing 
the  Christians  of  atheism  and  impiety.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  Justin  at  last  met  his  death  through  the  intrigues  of  this 
designing  man. 

Justin,  after  he  had  produced  the  Apologies,  =^  appears  to 
have  visited  Ephesus,  where,  on  the  walks  of  the  Xystus,  he 
encountered  Trypho  the  Jew.t  Trypho,  having  himself  studied 
philosophy,  was  attracted  by  the  coarse  pallium,  forming  part 
of  the  garb  of  a  philosopher,  which  Justin  still  continued  to 
wear,  and  a  prolonged  conversation  took  place  between  them  on 
the  respective  merits  of  Judaism  and  Christianity,  afterwards 
recorded   by  Justin   in    a    treatise    called   "A  Dialogue  with 

*  Neander.  f  Dial,  cum  Triphone,  ab  initio. 


188  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

Trjpho  the  Jew."  In  this  treatise,  the  author  mentions  again 
the  charo-e  which  seems  to  have  been  often  repeated  against 
Christians  of  that  day,  that  they  feasted  on  human  flesh,  and 
that  the  banquet  was  followed  by  abominable  wickedness,=^  In 
this  treatise  he  also  puts  forth  his  millenarian  views,  though  he 
speaks  of  such  views  as  by  no  means  universal  among  real 
Christians. 

Justin,  as  he  had  conjectured,  met  with  death  as  the  recom- 
pense of  his  second  apology;  and,  when  he  had  returned  from 
Ephesus  to  Rome,  was  apprehended  at  the  instigation  of  Cres- 
cenSjt  and  brought  before  Rusticus,  one  of  the  emperor's 
instructors  in  philosophy,  and,  perhaps,  an  accurate  reflector 
of  the  imperial  opinions  regarding  Christianity, 

Rusticus :  "  Obey  the  gods,  and  comply  with  the  edicts  of 
the  emperor." 

Justin :  "  None  can  be  justly  blamed  for  obeying  the  com- 
mands of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

Rusticus  :  "  In  what  kind  of  learning  and  discipline  hast  thou 
been  instructed  ?  " 

Justin  :  "  In  all  kinds ;  but  though  it  is  little  esteemed  by 
those  who  are  led  away  into  error,  I  have  at  least  embraced  the 
Christian  religion." 

Rusticus :  "  Wretch,  art  thou  then  captivated  by  that  re- 
ligion ? " 

Justin  :  "  I  am ;  because  I  gain  from  it  the  consolation  of 
being  in  the  right  path." 

Rusticus:  "What  are  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion ?  " 

Justin  :  "  We  Christians  believe  one  God,  Creator  of  all 
things  visible  and  invisible ;  we  acknowledge  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  as  the  Son  of  God;    foretold  by  prophets,  the  author 

*  In  an  excited  state  of  society  the  most  incredible  reports  readily  obtain 
credence.  In  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth,  reports  affixed  a  similar 
stigma  to  the  Cavaliers. 

t  Euseb.  Eccl.  Hist.,  lib.  iv.  c.  16. 


A.  D.   167,    MARCUS    ANTONINUS    EMPEROR.  189 

and  teacher  of  salvation,  and  the  future  Judge  of  man- 
kind." 

Rusticus :  "  Where  do  the  Christians  assemble  ? "  ^ 

Justin  :  "  "Where  they  please  and  are  able.  God  is  not  con- 
fined to  place;  he  is  unseen,  and  fills  heaven  and  earth,  and 
can  therefore  be  everywhere  adored  by  the  faithful." 

Kusticus  :  *'  In  what  place  do  you  instruct  your  disciples?  " 

Justin :  "  I  have  lived,  till  now,  near  the  house  of  Martin, 
at  the  Timothean  Baths.  I  have  come  to  Rome  for  the  second 
time,  and  know  no  other  place  in  the  city." 

The  judge  then  asked  of  Justin  the  question  once  more, 
whether  he  were  a  Christian.  He  put  the  same  question,  also, 
to  others  who  had  been  apprehended  at  the  same  time.  These 
were  Chariton  and  Charitana;  Evelpistus,  a  servant  of  the 
emperor,  and  a  Cappadocian  by  birth;  Hierax,  a  Phrygian; 
Peon  and  Liberianius.  They  all  answered  that  "  by  the  divine 
mercy  they  were  Christians ;  "  and  Evelpistus  said  that  "  though 
his  parents  had  taught  him  this  faith,  he  had  heard  Justin's 
discourses  with  much  profit." 

Rusticus :  "  Hear,  thou  who  art  called  an  orator,  and  who 
thinkest  thou  hast  gained  the  true  philosophy  ;  if  I  scourge  thee 
from  head  to  foot,  thinkest  thou  that  thou  wilt  go  to  heaven  ?  " 

Justin :  "  Should  I  suffer  what  thou  threatenest,  I  hope  to 
receive  the  reward  of  true  Christians." 

Rusticus:  '^Thou  imaginest,  then,  that  thou  shalt  go  to 
heaven,  and  be  there  rewarded  ?  " 

Justin  :  "  I  do  not  only  imagine  it,  but  know  it,  and  cannot 
entertain  the  least  doubt  respecting  it." 

The  prefect  commanded  them  to  go  together,  and  sacrifice  to 
the  gods ;  declaring  that,  in  case  of  refusal,  they  should  be  tor- 
mented without  mercy. 

Justin :  "  There  is  nothing  which  we  more  earnestly  desire 

*  This  was  a  searching  question,  implying  the  suspicion  and  treachery 
under  which  Christians  were  at  this  time  living,  and  a  direct  answer  to  it 
would  have  compromised  the  safety  of  the  worshippers. 


190  JUSTIN    MARTYR   AND   HIS   TIMES. 

than  to  endure  torments  for  the  sake  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ; 
it  is  this  which  will  advance  our  happiness,  and  impart  courage 
before  his  bar,  at  which  the  whole  world  must  appear." 

The  other  Christians  added,  "  Accomplish  thy  purpose 
quickly ;  we  are  Christians,  and  will  never  sacrifice  to  idols." 

Rusticus  :  "As  for  those  who  refuse  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods, 
and  to  obey  the  imperial  commands,  they  shall  be  first  scourged, 
and  then  beheaded  according  to  the  law."^ 

These  pious  Christians  were,  in  obedience  to  this  order,  led 
forth  to  the  usual  place  of  execution,  and  the  severity  of  this 
sentence  was  executed  upon  them.  They  were  whipped  and 
beheaded.  After  their  death,  their  bodies  were  taken  by  their 
Christian  companions,  and  interred. 

So  died  Justin,  "  the  most  celebrated  of  those  who  flourished 
in  those  times  ;"t  the  "man  of  Cod;"  "the  living  specimen 
of  manifold  virtues."  t  The  Romish  church  celebrates  his  honor 
on  the  1st  of  June ;  and  the  church  of  Lorenzo  at  Rome,  and 
the  church  of  the  Jesuits  at  Eystadt  (Cermany),  are  rivals  in 
the  claim  of  possessing  his  remains.  Justin  appears  never  to 
have  assumed  any  ecclesiastical  character,  but  to  have  made 
use  of  the  philosophic  dress  in  order  to  promulgate  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity.  He  was  a  man  of  high  devotedness  in  the  cause 
of  Christ ;  but  a  habit  of  speculation,  derived  from  early  educa- 
tion, rendered  him  in  many  respects  an  unsafe  guide.  From 
the  Platonic  system,  which  he  had  previously  adopted,  he  trans- 
ferred many  opinions  to  Christianity.  He  believed,  also,  in  the 
temporal  restoration  of  the  Jews  to  Jerusalem,  and  that  the 
redeemed  would  dwell  in  that  city,  after  the  Resurrection,  during 
a  thousand  years.  He  regarded  the  souls  of  the  righteous  as 
having  been  held  till  the  Advent  in  the  power  of  Satan,  who 
could  cause  them  to  reappear  at  his  pleasure ;  and  he  held  that 

*  Most  ecclesiastical  historians  have  agreed  to  place  confidence  in  this 
account,  handed  down  by  Simeon  the  Metaphrast.  It  is  not  disfigured  by 
the  miraculous  stories  which  are  usually  to  be  found  in  such  accounts. 

t  Eusebius,  lib.  iv.  c.  11.  ^  Irenaeus. 


A.  D.    167,    MARCUS   ANTONINUS    EMPEROR.  191 

till  then  the  fallen  spirits  were  ignorant  of  their  condemnation, 
and  had  not  been  thrust  down  into  their  actual  place  of  punish- 
ment. He  regarded  the  virtuous  heathen  as  having  been  wit- 
nesses  to  the  truth  before  th^  Incarnation,  and  says  that 
Socrates,  Heraclitus,  and  others  like  them,  maj  be  ret^arded  as 
Christians.^ 

Many  works  ascribed  to  Justin  are  spurious,  or  at  least  dis- 
puted. The  only  treatises  supported  by  evidences  of  the  highest 
class  are  his  two  Apologies,  and  the  Dialogue  with  Trypho.t 
Several  of  his  works  are  lost. 

The  courageous  fortitude  with  which  Christians  sustained 
their  persecutions  at  this  trying  season  is  worthy  of  our  special 
notice.  Justin  bears  the  most  distinct  reference  to  their  liber- 
ality, their  contempt  of  death,  their  love  of  truth,  their  holiness 
of  life,  and  their  desire  to  extend  the  gospel. 

One  of  the  disciples  of  Justin  was  Tatian.  From  his  master 
he  had  probably  learned  those  germs  of  Platonic  philosophy  by 
which  his  Christianity  became  corrupted.  Yet,  so  long  as  his 
instructor  lived,  he  remained  in  communion  with  the  church. 
After  Justin's  death,  however,  his  mind  became  perverted  with 
Gnostic  tendencies,  and  lapsed  into  a  belief  in  the  efficacy  of 
celibacy  and  renunciation  of  worldly  propert3\  Such  views, 
indeed,  began  about  this  time  to  pervade  Christians  in  all 
directions. 

The  dispute  about  the  proper  time  for  observing  Easter  con- 
siderably agitated  the  church  at  this  period.  The  churches  of 
Asia  Minor  believed  that,  as  the  Paschal  lamb  was  a  type  of 
the  sufferings  of  Christ,  the  day  of  the  Passover  —  that  is,  the 
fourteenth  day  of  the  month  Nisan  —  ought  to  be  observed  in 
commemoration  of  Christ's  death.     But  this  of  necessity  involved 

*  Dupin,  Bibl.  Patrum,  art.  Justin. 

t  The  reader  is  referred  to  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman 
Biography  for  further  details.  The  epistle  to  Diognetus,  usually  ascribed 
to  Justin,  is  unquestionably  of  an  earlier  age.  See  Hefele,  Prolegom. 
Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  &g. 


192  JUSTIN    MARTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

that  the  feast  would  often  fall  on  other  days  than  Friday.  In 
opposition  to  these  views,  the  Western  churches  determined  that 
the  Friday  was  of,  greater  importance  in  the  commemoration 
than  the  precise  position  of  the  day  in  the  month,  and  that  the 
following  Sunday  ought  to  be  devoted  to  the  remembrance  of 
the  resurrection.  Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardis,  appears  as  one  of 
the  authors  who  wrote  much  at  this  period,  as  also  Claudius 
Apollinaris.     Their  works  have  perished. 

It  was  perhaps  about  this  time  that  the  persecuted  Christians 
began  to  use,  for  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  those  subter- 
ranean parts  of  ancient  Home  since  designated  the  Catacombs. 
Jerome,  writing  about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  describes 
them  as  they  existed  in  his  day ;  declaring  that  he  "  was  accus- 
tomed, as  a  youth,  when  studying  in  Rome,  to  visit  these  dark 
and  dreary  spots  on  Sundays,  in  order  to  see  the  tombs  of 
apostles  and  martyrs,  and  often  to  enter  the  crypts  which  are 
dry,  in  the  depths  of  the  earth,  where  the  walls  on  each  side  of 
the  visitors  are  lined  with  bodies  of  the  dead,  and  all  is  so  dark 
as  to  seem  almost  to  fulfil  the  prophecy,  '  They  go  down  alive 
into  hell ; '  for  the  light,  being  admitted  at  few  intervals  from 
above,  and  then  not  by  a  window  but  a  hole,  renders  the  dark- 
ness horrible,  and,  in  advancing  cautiously,  surrounded  by  dark 
night,  the  line  of  Virgil  occurs  to  the  mind  : 

'  Horror  ubi  auiinos  simvil  ipsa,  silentia  terrent.'  "  * 

These  excavations  were  first  formed  by  quarrying  the  volcanic 
iandy  rock,  in  order  to  supply  the  materials  necessary  for  the 
buildings  of  ancient  Rome.     They  were  afterwards  increased,  in 

*  "  All  things  were  full  of  horror  and  affright. 
And  dreadful  even  the  silence  of  the  night." 

Dryden's  Virgil,  jEneid,  I. 
This  quotation  is  made  in  Maitland's  "  Church  in  the  Catacombs,"  from 
Jerome,  who  introduces  it  by  a  tour  deforce  into  his  commentary  on  Ezekiel's 
Temple,  declaring  that  the  scene  in  the  Catacombs  gave  him  a  distinct 
notion  of  those  passages,  "  He  had  darkness  under  his  feet,"  "  His  pavilion 
was  darkness."  —  Psalms  xo.  i.  and  xviii. 


A.  D.    167,    MARCUS    ANTONINUS    EMPEROR. 


193 


order  to  procure  the  sand  used  for  cement,  until  at  length  they 
formed  an  area  of  very  extensive  dimensions.  They  are  men- 
tioned by  Horace  and  Varro,  by  Cicero  and  Suetonius.  Origin- 
ally infants,  whose  bodies  were  never  burned  by  the  llomans, 
and  the  poor,  who  were  unable  to  afford  the  expense  of  crema- 
tion, were  interred  here.  In  a  part  of  these  caves,  near  the 
present  Basilica  of  St.  Stephen,  the  early  Christians  deposited 
their  dead.  As  the  "  Arenarii,"  or  sand-diggers,  were  among 
the  poorer  orders  of  the  people,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Chris- 
tianity made  many  converts  among  them,  as  it  usually  did  among 
the  less  opulent.  It  appears  certain  that  the  early  Christian 
confessors  were  sometimes  sentenced  to  sand-digging  and  stone- 
quarrying,  as  degrading  punishments;  and  Romish  traditions 


CATACOMBS. 

report  ti-.t  the  baths  of  Dioolesian  were  erected  from  materials 
hu  procured.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  first  Roman 
discipL  regarded  these  vaults  as  an  ^^^' ^^^^^^^ 
because  the  tortuosity  of  the  passages,  wh.ch  extended  to.  fifteen 

17 


194  JUSTIN    MAIiTYR    AND    HIS    TIMES. 

miles,  made  it  easy  to  form  them  into  a  kind  of  labyrinth,  and 
because  the  openings  for  egress  as  well  as  ingress  were  very- 
numerous.  Wells,  found  in  certain  parts  of  these  grottoes, 
would  supply  not  only  water  for  thirst,  but  for  baptism. 

Among  the  sepulchral  remains  which  the  museum  of  the 
Vatican  has  derived  from  the  catacombs  is  the  following,  found 
in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus,  and  strongly  illustrative  of  early 
Christian  history ;  it  relates  to  the  period  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
and  the  persecutions  sanctioned  by  him. 

ALEXANDER   MORTVVS   NON    EST    SED    VIVIT    SVPEE,    ASTRA 

ET   CORPVS   IN   HOG   TUMVLO    QUIESCIT   VITAM   EXPLEVIT   SVB 

ANTONINO    IMPo    QVI    VBI    MVLTVM    BENEFITII    ANTEVENIRE 

PRAEVIDERET  PRO  GRATIA  ODIVM 

V  t3^    REDDIDIT  GENVA  ENIM  FLECTENS 

^^j^     VERO    DEO     SACRIFICATVRVS     AD 
Jf^       SUPPLIOIA    DVCITVR    0    TEMPORA 

/^*  >      INFAVSTA    QUIBUS    INTER    SACRA 
ET     VOTA    NE    IN    CAVERNIS     QUIDEM     SAL- 
VARI    POSSIMUS    QUID    MISERIVS    VITA    SED 
QUID      MISERIUS     IN      MORTE     CVM     AB     AMICIS 
PARENTIBUS      SEPELIRI      NEQVEANT      TANDEM 
COELO   CORVSCANT   PARVM   VIXIT    QUI    VIXIT    IN 
TEM. 

IN   CHRIST, 

Alexander  is  not  dead,  but  lives  beyond  the  stars,  and  his  body  rests  in 
this  tomb.  He  lived  under  the  Emperor  Antoninus,  who,  foreseeing  that 
great  benefit  would  result  from  his  services,  returned  evil  for  good.  For, 
while  on  his  knees,  and  about  to  sacrifice  to  the  true  God,  he  was  led  away 
to  execution.  0  sad  times  !  in  which  sacred  rites  and  prayers;  even  in 
caverns,  afford  no  protection  to  us.  What  can  be  more  wretched  than  such 
a  life,  and  what  than  such  a  death  ']  When  they  could  not  be  buried  by 
their  friends  and  relations,  at  length  they  are  resplendent  in  heaven.  He 
has  scarcely  lived  who  has  lived  in  Christian  times.* 

"  A  number  of  circumstances  in  this  inscription  are  worthy 
of  notice  ;  the  beginning,  in  which  the  first  two  words  (Alex- 
ander mortuus),  after  leading  us  to  expect  a  lamentation,  break 
out  into  an  assurance  of  glory  and  immortality.;  the  description 

*  Maitland's  "  Church  in  the  Catacombs,"  pp.  32,  33. 


A.  D.  167,  MARCUS  ANTONINUS  EMPEROR.         195 

of  the  temporal  insecurity  in  which  the  believers  of  that  time 
lived ;  the  difficulty  of  procuring  Christian  burial  for  the 
martyrs;  the  certainty  of  their  heavenly  reward ;  and,  lastly, 
the  concluding  sentence,  forcibly  recalling  the  words  of  St.  Paul, 
*  as  dying,  yet  behold  we  live,'  and  again,  *  I  die  daily.'  It 
must  be  confessed  that  the  epitaph  does  not  directly  affirm  that 
Alexander  was  put  to  death  on  account  of  his  religion,  but 
would  imply  that  the  private  hatred  of  the  emperor  found  in  it 
a  pretext  for  his  destruction."  ^ 

The  addition  of  the  names  of  the  existing  consuls  to  certain 
epitaphs  renders  it  sometimes  possible  to  fix  the  date  with 
exactness. 

AVRELIA  DVLCISSIMA  FILIA  QVAE  DE  SAECVLO  RECESSIT 
VIXIT  ANN.  XV.   M.  IIII.   SEVERO    ET  QVINTIN.   COSS. 

Aurelia,  our  sweetest  daughter,  who  departed  from  the  world.  Severus 
and  Quintinus  being  consuls.     She  lived  fifteen  years  and  four  months. 

Sometimes  a  victorious  crown  —  not  a  royal  diadem,  as  popu- 
larly imagined,  but  one  of  laurel  —  is  intended  to 
mark  that  the  interred  had  passed  through  the 
agony  and  strife  of  his  Christian  conflict,  and 
was  triumphant. 

Sometimes  the  simplest  words  indicated  the 
last  bed  of  the  departed,  and  remained  a  me- 
morial of  the  affection  or  veneration  of  the  survivors. 


LOCVS'TlMOTHEl 

These  tributes  are  sometimes  imperfectly  spelled,  indicating 
to  what  class  the  survivors  belonged,  and  that  the  early  Chris- 
tians were  not  distinguished  by  greatness. 

*  Maitland,  p.  34. 


196 


JUSTIN    MARTYR   AND   HIS   TIMES. 


"  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  premise  generally  that  in  the  in- 
scriptions contained  in  the  Lapidarian  gallery,  selected  and 
arranged  under  Papal  superintendence,  there  are  no  prayers  for 
the  dead,  unless  the  forms,  '  May  you  live,'  '  May  God  refresh 
you,'  be  so  construed ;  no  addresses  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  nor  to. 
the  apostles  or  earlier  saints,  and,  with  the  exception  of '  eternal 
sleep,'  '  eternal  home,'  no  expression  contrary  to  the  plain  sense 
of  Scripture."  ^ 


The  monogram 
of  the  word 
in   these    inscrip- 

The  following 
senting    probably 


signifying  the  first  two  letters 

XPI2  T02,  frequently  occurs 

tions. 

is  another  form  of  it,  repre- 

the   triumphant  end  of  some 


martyr  whose  robes  were  "  made  white  in  the  blood  of  the 
Lamb." 


Not  less  frequent  are  the  following  emblems :  the  fish,  emblem 
of  a  Christian  living  in  baptismal  water;  the  dove,  signifying 
peace  ;  the  anchor,  hope ;  the  ship,  an  allusion  to  St.  Peter ; 
the  crown  or  palm  branch,  emblems  of  martyrdom.  One  in- 
scription commemorates  Exuperantius,  the  deacon ;  another, 
Candidus,  the  neophyte ;  another,  Bacius  Valerius,  a  catechumen  ; 
and  many  stones  represent  the  Good  Shepherd  as  carrying  upon 
his  shoulders  the  recovered  sheep. 


*  Maitland,  p.  34. 


A.  D.    167,    MARCUS    ANTONINUS    EMPEllOR.  197 

The  Romanist  traditions  make  mention  of  St.  Praxedcs,  one 
of  the  daughters  of  Pudens,  a  Koman  senator  already  mentioned, 
who  lived  at  this  period,  and  edified  the  church  by  her  virtues. 
She,  with  her  sister  Pudentiana,  spent  considerable  sums  in 
burying  the  martyrs  of  the  persecution  under  Aurelian. 
17# 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


SMYRNA    AND    POLYCARP, 


The  persecution  under  Marcus  Aurelius  did  not  cease  with 
the  death  of  Justin,  but  extended  itself  to  the  Asiatic  churches, 
and  soon  afterwards  involved  Poly  carp,  bishop  of  the  church 
of  Smyrna.  We  have  already  mentioned  this  city  as  one  of  the 
six  churches  immediately  adjoining  Ephesus,  to  which,  together 
with  that  metropolis  itself,  special  messages  were  addressed 
through  the  apostle  John  by  the  glorified  Saviour.  The  predic- 
tion of  coming  trials  was  now  to  receive  its  accomplishment. 

The  situation  of  Smyrna  is  eminently  delightful.  At  the 
head  of  a  deep  bay,  the  shores  of  which  are  varied  by  moun- 


A.  D.    167,    MARCUS   AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  190 

tains  in  every  picturesque  form,  it  was  pronounced  by  Strabo  to 
be  the  most  beautiful  city  in  Asia.  Its  streets  were  well 
arranged,  its  palaces  superb,  its  population  very  numerous.  It 
derived  abundant  fame  from  having  been  the  bkthplace  of 
Homer,  whose  name  was  here  canonized  by  a  temple  built  to  his 
memory.  Smyrna  boasted  of  high  antiquity ;  but  having  been 
destroyed  by  the  Lydians,  it  lay  desolate  during  many  year.=:, 
till  it  was  rebuilt  by  Alexander,  who  is  reported  to  have  been 
directed  by  a  dream  to  found  a  city  on  the  spot.  By  the 
ancients  Smyrna  was  called  "  the  lovely,"  "  the  ornament  of 
Asia,"  "  the  crown  of  Ionia."  It  is  still  one  of  the  most  flour- 
ishing cities  of  the  Turkish  empire.  "  Here  the  traveller,  in 
coming  from  Europe,  first  feels  that  he  is  in  the  East,  —  the 
land  of  his  dreams.  In  the  voluptuous  air  of  soft  Ionia,  the 
novel  vegetation,  —  the  palm,  loveliest  of  trees,  gently,  waving  in 
the  perfumed  air,  —  the  clustering  fig  and  pomegranate,  —  the 
Tcamel,  symbol  of  the  desert,  here  seen  for  the  first  time,  —  all 
strike  upon  his  senses  with  an  intoxication  of  novelty  impossible 
to  describe."  =^ 

But  the  plagues  and  earthquakes  to  which  Smyrna  has  been 
repeatedly  subject  have  rendered  its  history  not  a  little  tragical. 
It  has  been  rebuilt  ten  times,  and  the  ruins  of  its  ancient 
grandeur  have  been  almost  wholly  removed  from  their  original 
sites  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  the  modern  city,  which  stauud 
at  some  distance  from  the  spot  once  occupied  by  its  ancient 
predecessors. 

The  second  Christian  Bishop  of  Smyrna  was  Poly  carp,  who  i.; 
reported  to  have  received  his  appointment  from  the  apostle 
John,  his  Christian  instructor  and  father  in  Christ.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  Polycarp  was,  as  Usher  supposes,  the  angel  of 
the  church  to  whom  the  message  in  the  book  of  the  Revelation 
was  conveyed ;  if  it  were  so,  he  must  have  occupied  the  post  of 

*  Footsteps  of  our  Lord  and  his  Apostles,  by  W.  H.  Bartlett. 


200  SMYRNA    AND    POLYCARP. 

bishop  over  the  church  for  seventy-four  jears.^  It  appears 
that  Polycarp  visited  Rome  during  the  episcopacy  of  Anicetus, 
with  whom  he  is  reported  to  have  discussed  the  question  then 
beginning  to  be  agitated  respecting  the  observance  of  Easter.t 
It  was,  however,  a  very  friendly  controversy ;  for  Anicetus 
invited  Polycarp  to  officiate  in  his  own  church.  Whilst  in 
Rome,  he  contended  vigorously  against  the  errors  of  Valentinus 


*  Certain  it  is  that  "  he  lived  a  long  time  and  to  a  very  advanced  age." 
—  Euseb.,  lib.  iv.  §  xiv. 

The  author  of  the  article  Polycarp,  in  Smith's  "  Dictionary  of  Greek  and 
Roman  Biography,"  gives  the  following  account  of  the  bishop's  early  life, 
from  the  "  Acta  Sanctorum  Januarii,"  some  parts  of  which  he  thinks  may 
be  a  genuine  tradition  : 

"  According  to  this  account,  the  apostle  Paul  visited  Smyrna  in  his  way 
from  Galatia,  and,  having  collected  the  believers,  insti'ucted  them  in  the 
proper  time  of  keeping  Easter.  After  Paul's  departure,  his  host,  Strateeus, 
the  brother  of  Timotheus,  became  bishop  of  the  infant  church  ;  or  (for  the 
passage  is  not  clear),  Stratseus  became  an  elder,  and  Bucolus  was  bishop. 
It  was  during  the  episcopate  of  Bucolus  that  Callisto,  a  female  member  of 
the  church,  was  warned  of  God  in  a  dream  to  go  to  the  gate  of  the  city 
called  the  Ephesian  gate,  where  she  would  find  a  little  boy  named  Polycarp, 
of  Eastern  origin,  who  had  been  reduced  to  slavery,  and  was  in  the  hands  of 
two  men,  from  whom  she  was  to  redeem  him.  Callisto,  obedient  to  the  vision, 
rose,  went  to  the  gate,  found  the  two  men  with  the  child,  as  it  had  been 
revealed  to  her  ;  and,  having  redeemed  the  boy,  brought  him  home,  edu- 
cated him  with  maternal  affection  in  the  Christian  faith,  and,  when  he  attained 
to  manhood,  first  made  him  ruler  over  her  house,  then  adopted  him  for  her 
son,  and  finally  left  him  heir  to  her  wealth.  Polycarp  had  been  from  child- 
hood distinguished  by  his  beneficence,  piety  and  self-denial,  by  the  gravity 
of  his  deportment,  and  his  diligence  in  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
These  qualities  early  attracted  the  notice  and  regard  of  the  bishop,  Bucolus, 
who  loved  him  with  fatherly  affection,  and  was  in  return  regarded  by  him 
with  filial  love.  By  Bucolus  he  was  ordained  first  to  the  office  of  deacon,  in 
which  he  labored  diligently,  confuting  heathens,  Jews,  and  heretics  ;  deliv- 
ering catechetical  homilies  in  tlie  church,  and  writing  Epistles,  of  which 
that  to  the  Philippians  is  the  only  extant  specimen.  He  was  subsequently, 
when  of  maturer  age  (his  hair  was  already  turning  gray),  and  still  maturer 
conduct,  ordained  presbyter  by  Bucolus,  on  whose  death  he  was  elected  and 
consecrated  bishop." 

t  Dupin.  art.  Polycarp. 


A.    D.    167,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  201 

and  Marcion,^^  and,  on  meeting  the  latter  in  the  streets,  and 
being  asked  by  him  whether  he  remembered  him  (they  had  met 
before  in  Smyrna),  Poly  carp  replied,  "  Yes,  I  know  thee  to  be 
the  first-born  of  Satan." 

Polycarp  was  accustomed  to  relate  to  his  disciples  anecdotes 
respecting  the  sayings  and  doings  of  the  apostles,  especially 
those  of  John,  his  master ;  and  when  told  of  the  heresies  which 
began  in  his  days  to  abound,  he  frequently  exclaimed,  with  a 
spirit  which,  perhaps,  set  authority  above  argument,  "  To  what 
times,  0  Grod,  hast  thou  reserved  me !  "  The  errors  of  Mar- 
cion  were  indeed  most  grave,  as  they  struck  away  large  portions 
of  the  sacred  volume.  His  views  appear,  however,  to  be 
attributable,  not  so  much  to  a  wicked  heart,  as  to  the  too  eager 
speculations  of  a  mind  full  of  unrest,  and  prone  to  lean  to 
hypothesis  rather  than  authority,  even  when  that  authority  was 
divine. 

When  Ignatius  visited'  Polycarp  at  Smyrna,  on  his  way  to 
Rome,  he  had  been  received  with  peculiar  affection  by  his  former 
fellow-disciple.  Soon  after  this  event,  Polycarp  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  church  at  Philippi,  which  is  still  preserved,  and  is  a  beau- 
tiful specimen  of  Christian  antiquity,  abounding  with  quotations 
from  the  writings  of  the  apostles,  enforcing  strongly  all  practical 
virtues,  and  much  resembling  in  some  of  its  parts  the  epistles 
of  John  himself     An  extract  from  this  epistle  may  be  given  :  t 

"  I  therefore  beseech  you  all  that  ye  will  be  obedient  to  the 
word  of  righteousness,  and  that  ye  will  exercise  the  same  pa- 
tience which  ye  have  seen  displayed  before  your  eyes,  not  only 


*  Marcion's  heresy  was  characterized  in  the  last  chapter.  The  raanner 
in  which  similar  doctrines  were  regarded  by  the  early  Christians  may  be 
learned  from  a  passage  in  Justin  Martyr.  He  speaks,  with  little  discrim- 
ination, of  "  the  Marcians,  Valentinians,  Basilidians,  Saturni^lians,  and 
others,  as  atheists,  impious  and  unjust,  and  excommunicated  men,  who  do 
not  really  worship  Jesus,  but  only  confess  him  in  words."  —  Dial,  cum  Try- 
phone,  §  XXXV. 

f  This  epistle  exists  imperfectly  in  the  Greek  version. 


202  SMYRNA    AND   POLYCARP. 

in  the  blessed  Ignatius,  and  Zosimus,  and  Rufus,=^  but  also  in 
others  who  were  found  among  yourselves,  and  in  Paul  and  the 
other  ai30stles,  in  order  that  ye  may  be  persuaded  that  these 
men  did  not  receive  in  vain,  but  in  truth  and  righteousness,  and 
that  they  are  in  the  place  reserved  for  them  with  the  Lord, 
with  whom  they  also  suffered.  For  they  did  not  love  this  pres- 
ent world,  but  Him,  who  died  for  us,  and  on  our  behalf  [rose 
again].  ...  I  am  much  afflicted  for  Valens,  who  was  once  con- 
stituted a  presbyter  with  you,  because  he  proved  himself  so 
ignorant  of  the  place  which  was  given  to  him.  I  therefore  ex- 
hort you  to  abstain  from  avarice,  and  to  be  just  and  truthful. 
Abstain  yourselves  from  all  evil.  He  who  cannot  govern  him- 
self, how  shall  he  enforce  this  on  others  ?  He  who  does  not 
abstain  from  avarice  is  guilty  of  idolatry,  and  shall  be  judged 
as  one  of  the  heathen.  For  who  is  ignorant  of  the  judgment  of 
the  Lord  ?  '  Do  we  not  know  that  the  saints  shall  judge  the 
world  ?  '  as  Paul  teaches  us.  I  have  neither  seen  nor  heard 
anything  of  this  kind  in  you,  among  whom  the  blessed  Paul 
labored,  and  who  are  applauded  in  the  beginning  of  his  letter. 
For  he  glories  of  you  in  all  the  churches,  which  alone  had  at 
that  time  known  Grod ;  for  then  we  ourselves  did  not  know  him. 
I  truly  grieve,  brethren,  both  for  him  and  his  wife  ;  to  whom 
may  God  grant  true  repentance  !  Be  moderate  yourselves  even 
in  this  matter,  and  '  count  not '  such  as  '  enemies,'  but  reclaim 
them  as  suffering  and  erring  members,  that  you  may  save  the 
whole  body.  For  in  doing  this  you  will  build  up  yourselves."! 
In  the  conclusion  of  the  letter  he  mentions  that  he  had  sent  with 
it  "  the  letter  of  Ignatius  which  he  sent  to  me,  as  well  as  other 
letters,  which  we  possess,  at  your  desire,"  and  asks  to  be  informed 


*  According  to  the  Roman  martyrology,  the  commemorative  day  of  Zosi- 
mus and  Rufus  was  observed  at  Philippi  on  the  18th  December. —  Hefele, 
p.  268. 

t  Hefele,  Patres  Apost.  pp.  272,  273. 


A    D.    167,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  203 

of  anything  the  Phiiippians  might  know  of  the  martyr  him- 
self.=^ 

The  rescript  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  under  which  Polycarp  prob- 
ably sufiered,  is  thus  characterized  by  Neander :  "  If  now  we 
put  together  all  that  is  most  peculiar  in  the  character  of  the 
persecutions  of  this  time,  we  find  two  things  particularly  worthy 
of  notice :  first ^  that  search  was  made  for  the  Christians,  by  ex- 
press command ;  although,  indeed,  such  search  was  often  antici- 
pated by  the  popular  fury.  We  have  seen  above  that,  according 
to  Trajan's  rescript,  the  Christians  had  been  expressly  dis- 
tinguished from  those  criminals  for  whom  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
provincial  authorities  to  make  search.  Now,  on  the  contrary, 
diligent  search  was  made  for  them ;  and,  to  save  their  lives,  they 
were  often  obliged  to  conceal  themselves,  as  appears  both  from 
several  accounts  of  the  persecutions,  and  from  the  assertions  of 
Celsus.  In  the  second  place,  the  practice  hitherto  had  been 
this  —  when  the  Christians  loere  accused,  if  after  repeated  sum- 
mons they  persisted  in  refusing  to  deny  their  faith,  then  they 
were  executed  without  torture.  Now  it  was  attempted  to  force 
them  to  recant  by  the  use  of  torture.  An  edict,  which  agrees 
in  all  respects  with  this  practice,  is  still  extant,  under  the  name 
of  the  Emperor  Aurelian  (conjectured  to  stand  for  Aurelius), 
and,  as  in  style  and  matter  it  bears  every  mark  of  authenticity, 
may  doubtless  be  the  edict  against  the  Christians  originally 
addressed  by  the  Emperor  Aurelius  to  the  presidents  of  the 
provinces.     It  runs  thus  : 

"  '  We  have  heard  that  the  laws  are  violated  by  those  who  in 
our  times  call  themselves  Christians.  Let  them  be  arrested  ; 
and,  unless  they  offer  to  the  gods,  let  them  be  punished  with 
divers  tortures ;  yet  so  that  justice  may  be  mingled  with  sever- 
ity, and  that  the  punishment  may  cease  as  soon  as  the  end  i8 
gained  of  extirpating  the  crime.' 

*  These  letters  have  probably  perished,  and  are  not  to  be  identified  with 
those  which  bear  their  name. 


204  SMYRNA    AND    POLYCARP. 

"The  last  clause  is  altogether  in  the  character  of  Marcus 
Aurelius.  The  governors  were  to  keep  steadily  in  view  the  one 
object,  which  was  to  put  down  Christianity,  as  being  at  variance 
with  the  religion  of  the  state,  and  to  bring  men  back  to  the 
worship  of  the  Roman  gods.  The  magistrates  were  charged, 
indeed,  not  to  act  on  the  promptings  of  blind  passion ;  but  such 
a  caution  was  plainly  insufl&cient  to  restrain  them  from  cruel 
and  arbitrary  measures."  =^ 

This  edict  appears  to  have  been  enforced  in  Asia  Minor,  not 
so  much  by  the  zeal  of  the  proconsul  himself,  as  by  the  ungov- 
ernable fury  of  the  heathen  populace.  Instigated  by  the  excited 
multitude,  that  officer  put  every  ascertained  Christian  to  a  violent 
death.  The  stadium  (appropriated  to  public  games)  witnessed 
continual  victims  ;  many  were  exposed  to  beasts  of  prey,  and 
others  were  burned.  Some  of  these  executions  called  forth  the 
pity  even  of  the  heathen  spectators.  But  the  courage  of  the 
Christians  was  proof  even  against  all  torments.  "  Who  did  not 
admire  the  nobleness  and  23atience,  and  love  to  God,  of  those 
who  were  so  lacerated  with  scourges  that  the  structure  of  their 
body  might  be  seen  even  to  the  hidden  veins  and  arteries,  yet 
they  bore  it  with  courage ;  so  much  so,  that  even  the  bystanders 
pitied  and  lamented,  whilst  no  one  of  them  either  moaned  or 
groaned ;  showing  to  all  that  as  martyrs  for  Christ  in  that  very 
hour  in  which  they  were  tormented  they  were  beyond  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  flesh,  or  rather,  that  God  with  his  help  was  present 
with  them,  and,  waiting  for  the  grace  of  Christ,  they  spurned  the 
sufferings  of  the  flesh,  redeeming  themselves  from  eternal  pain 
by  the  torments  of  a  single  hour.t  The  fire  of  their  cruel  exe- 
cutioners seemed  cold  to  them.  For  they  had  before  their  eyes 
the  prospect  of  escape  from  that  fire  which  is  eternal,  and  can 
never  be  extinguished,  and  with  the  eyes  of  their  minds  they 


*  Neander's  Ch.  Hist.  ;  Bohn's  ed.  vol.  i.  p.  129. 

t  The  reader  will  mark  in  this,  and  in  other  passages  of  a  similar  kind, 
the  first  gerros  of  a  belief  in  the  meritoriousness  of  suffering. 


A.    D.    167,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEKOll.  205 

looked  for  those  good  things  which  are  reserved  for  the  suffer- 
ing, 'which  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear  heard,  neither  have 
entered  into  the  heart  of  man.'  "    ^ 

Some  of  these  martyrs  were  transfixed  on  sharp  shells  or 
impaled  on  spears ;  and,  when  exhausted  by  suffering,  were 
thrown  to  the  wild  beasts.  Among  them  a  youth  of  noble 
birth,  named  Germanicus,  was  especially  distinguished.  The 
proconsul  endeavored  to  persuade  him  to  renounce  his  Chris- 
tianity, urging  on  him  the  consideration  of  his  youth,  and  entreat- 
ing him  to  spare  himself.  But,  instead  of  yielding  to  these 
solicitations,  he  irritated  the  beasts  of  prey,  that  his  tortures 
might  be  more  quickly  terminated.  At  length  the  multitude 
cried  out,  "  Take  aw^ay  the  atheists  ;  let  Polycarp  be  sought !  " 
On  this  occasion,  a  Phrygian  named  Quintus,  who  had  professed 
Christianity,  "  made  shipwreck."  Terrified  by  the  tumult,  he 
forgot  the  loud  and  boasting  professions  he  had  previously  made, 
and  was  flattered  by  the  proconsul  into  a  denial  of  his  religion. 

When  news  was  brought  to  Polycarp  of  his  danger,  he  was 
perfectly  calm,  and  refused  to  leave  the  city.  But  the  persua- 
sion of  his  friends  at  length  induced  him  to  retire  to  a  neighbor- 
ino-  villa o-e,  where  he  took  refuge  in  a  farm-house,  and  spent  his 
whole  time  in  praying  by  day  and  night  for  the  universal  church, 
according  to  his  usual  practice.  One  morning  he  told  his  friends 
that,  whilst  he  was  praying,  the  pillow  under  his  head  seemed  to 
be  on  fire ;  and  he  then  said,  prophetically,  "  I  must  be  burned 
alive."  He  was,  however,  prevailed  upon  to  retreat  (as  one  of 
his  servants,  under  the  torture,  had  discovered  the  place  of  his 
retirement),  and  to  seek  another  asylum.  At  length,  however, 
whilst  the  aged  man  was  taking  repose  .in  an  upper  room,  his 
enemies  found  out  his  abode.  Though  escape  was  yet  possible, 
Polycarp  refused  to  make  the  necessary  effort,  saying,  "The 
will  of  the  Lord  be  done ;"  and  he  made  himself  known  to  his 
pursuers.     His  venerable  appearance,  together  with  the  cheer- 

*  Eccles.  Smyrnie  lit.  de  Polycarpi  Martyriu,  §  ii. 
IS    " 


206  SMYRNA   AND    POLYCARP. 

fulness  and  firmness  of  his  addi-ess,  impressed  even  his  enemies 
with  admiration.  Polycarp,  with  generous  hospitality,  ordered 
food  to  be  set  before  them,  pressing  them  to  partake  of  it ;  and 
he  only  asked  that  they  would  allow  him  one  unmolested  hour 
for  prayer.  This  being  granted,  the  holy  man  offered,  standing, 
a  fervent  supplication  for  all  whom  he  had  ever  known  or 
loved,  and  for  the  universal  church,  whilst  the  bystanders  were 
so  much  impressed  by  his  devotion  that  they  could  not  refrain 
from  expressing  their  regret  at  being  obliged  to  conduct  so 
remarkable  a  saint  to  death.  Polycarp's  devotions  ended,  they 
placed  him  on  an  ass,  and  conducted  him  towards  the  city. 

As  he  thus  approached  Smryna,  he  was  met  by  Herod  the 
Irenarch,  the  chief  officer  of  police,  who  was  seated  in  a  chariot 
with  his  father  Nicetes.  Desirous  of  conversation,  they  took 
Polycarp  into  the  vehicle  with  them.  "  What  injury  will  it  do 
thee,"  said  they,  "  to  say  Lord  Csesar,  and  to  offer  sacrifice  ? 
Thou  wilt  thus  be  safe."  Polycarp  answered  nothing.  The 
question  was  repeated.  "I  cannot  do,"  said  the  saint,  " what 
you  ask  of  me."  Irritated  by  the  failure  of  their  attempt,  they 
abused  him,  and  threw  him  violently  out  of  the  chariot,  wound- 
ing his  thigh.  Heedless  of  the  pain,  however,  the  old  man 
cheerfully  walked  on,  and  was  conducted  to  the  stadium.  His 
arrival  there  produced  a  great  sensation  among  the  people,  who, 
it  would  appear,  had  been  already  collected.  The  proconsul 
inquired  if  his  name  were  Polycarp,  and  urged  him  by  the  con- 
sideration of  his  age  to  renounce  Christ,  and  to  swear  by  the 
genius  of  Cassar.^  "  Repent,"  he  exhorted,  "  say,  away  with 
the  impious  !  "  The  countenance  of  the  old  man  grew  grave 
and  severe.  He  looked  around  on  the  multitude  who  were 
intent  on  his  destruction ;  then,  pointing  to  them,  he  said,  with 
uplifted  eyes,  "  Away  with  the  impious  I  "  The  proconsul  still 
urged  him  to  renounce  Christ.  "  Renounce  Christ !"  said  the 
aged  patriarch ;  "  I  have  served  him  eighty-six  years,  and  he 

*  Epictetus  said  that  each  one  had  his  demon, —  the  inward  prophet 
indicating  good  and  evil.     Arrian,  Epict.,  ii.  7.  2. 


A.    D.   167,  MARCUS   AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  207 

never  wronged  me;  how  can  I  now  reproach  my  King  and 
Saviour  ?  " 

Still  the  proconsul  entreated  him,  "  Swear  by  the  genius  of 
Caesar!  "  At  length  the  bishop  said,  "I  am  a  Christian!  If 
thou  desirest  to  learn  what  is  the  Christian  religion,  appoint 
me  a  day  and  hear  !  "  Though  it  was  evidently  the  desire  of 
the  proconsul  to  spare  the  aged  man,  his  difficulty  lay  in 
appeasing  the  multitude.  He  therefore  replied  to  Polycarp, 
•'  Endeavor  to  persuade  the  people." 

Poly.  "  I  feel  bound  to  give  an  account  of  myself  to  thee,  for 
our  religion  teaches  us  to  give  due  honor  to  the  powers  ordained 
of  God,  as  far  as  possible.  But  I  hold  these  unworthy  of  any 
reason  I  might  render." 

Proc.  "  I  have  wild  beasts  ready.  Unless  thou  repentest  I 
will  expose  thee  to  them." 

Poly.  "  Let  them  come  !  We  are  not  accustomed  to  repent 
with  that  repentance  which  changes  from  better  to  worse.  On 
the  contrary,  I  hold  it  good  to  pass  from  worse  to  better." 

Proc.  "  Since  thou  despisest  beasts,  I  will  cause  thee  to  be 
consumed  by  fire,  unless  thou  changest  thy  mind." 

Poly.  "  The  fire  thou  threatenest  burns  for  an  hour  and  is 
soon  afterwards  extinguished.  Thou  knowest  not  that  penal 
fire  of  future  judgment  and  punishment  which  is  reserved  for 
the  ungodly.     But  why  dost  thou  delay  ?     Do  thy  will !  " 

The  proconsul  was  perplexed.  The  finnnews  and  beaming 
countenance  of  the  Christian  martyr  embarrassed  the  heathen 
magistrate.  He  sent,  however,  a  herald  to  proclaim  up  and 
down  the  stadium  the  mortal  fact,  —  "  Polycarp  has  confessed 
that  he  is  a  Christian  !  "  Jews  and  Gentiles  set  up  a  universal 
shout,  —  "  This  is  the  teacher  of  Asia  !  This  is  the  father  of 
the  Christians !  This  is  the  overturner  of  our  gods !  This  is 
he  who  teaches  people  to  sacrifice  and  not  to  adore  the  gods !  " 
They  asked  the  Asiarch,  as  the  president  of  the  games,  that  a 
lion  might  be  set  loose  upon  Polycarp.  But  the  Asiarch  re- 
fused, for  the  gladiatorial  spectacles  were  ended.     A  universal 


208  SMYRNA    AND    POLYCARP. 

demand  then  arose  that  Polycarp  should  be  burned  alive.  The 
consent  was  granted,  and  the  preparations  were  instantly  made. 
Wood  and  straw  were  collected  by  the  populace  from  the  work- 
shops and  baths,  —  the  Jews  being  the  most  eager  in  the  move- 
ment.=^  The  pile  was  soon  complete.  Polycarp,  laying  aside 
his  outer  vestments,  and  loosening  his  girdle,  began  to  take  off 
his  shoes,  —  an  office  usually  performed  for  him  by  some  one  of 
his  disciples,  who  showed  by  the  slight  attention  their  respect 
for  him  and  his  office.  The  apparatus  of  death  was  placed 
around  him.  But  when  they  were  about  to  nail  him  to  the 
stake,  the  aged  Christian  said,  "  Suffer  me  to  be  thus.  For  He 
who  allows  me  to  undergo  the  fire  will  enable  me  to  remain 
unmoved  without  your  fastenings."  Instead  of  being  nailed,  he 
was,  therefore,  only  bound. 

The  spectacle  was  most  sublime ;  though  it  has  been  often 
since  repeated.  With  his  hands  behind  him  the  patriarch 
uttered  a  last  prayer :  —  "  Omnipotent  Lord  God,  Father  of 
Thy  beloved  and  blessed  son,  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  we 
have  received  the  knowledge  of  Thee ;  God  of  angels,  and 
powers,  and  of  all  creatures,  and  of  the  family  of  the  just  who 
live  in  Thy  sight ;  I  bless  Thee  that  on  this  day  and  hour  thou 
hast  counted  me  worthy  to  make  one  of  the  number  of  Thy 
martyrs,  to  partake  of  the  cross  of  Christ,  and  to  look  for  the 
resurrection  to  eternal  life  both  of  soul  and  body,  through  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  praying  that  I  may  be  received  to-day 
among  the  number  of  thy  saints,  as  a  rich  and  acceptable  sac- 
rifice, according  as  Thou  the  true  God  hast  prepared  me  by  Thy 
forewarnings  and  their  fulfilment.  Therefore,  for  all  things,  1 
bless  and  glorify  Thee,  through  the  everlasting  and  heavenly 
Jesus  Christ,  Thy  beloved  son ;  with  whom,  to  Thee,  and  the 
Holy  Spirit,  be  glory,  now  and  through  all  ages.     Amen." 

The  attendants  now  set  fire  to  the  pile,  and  the  flames  rose 
furiously :  t  but  either  a  light  wind  blew  away  the  flames  from 

♦  They  usually  bore  a  most  prominent  part  in  similar  transactions. 

t  The  account  of  the  miraculous  appearance  of  the  Sre,  which  was  said 


A.    D.    1G7,  MARCUS    AURELIUS    JiMI'EKOR.  209 

the  martyr,  or,  from  some  other  cause,  his  body  did  not  consume. 
The  confector,  therefore,  whose  business  it  was  to  destroy 
unmanageable  beasts  in  the  arena,  was  ordered  to  stab  the  old 
man  to  death.  So  perished  Polycarp,  in  a  death  which  is  one 
of  the  most  impressive  upon  record !  "  The  noble  army  of 
martyrs  praise  Thee !  " 

The  Christians  endeavored  to  obtain  the  remains  of  their 
murdered  bishop.  To  prevent  this,  they  were  again  placed  in 
the  flames  and  consumed.  But  the  zeal  of  Polycarp's  disciples 
gathered  up  his  ashes. 

Though  the  narration,  of  which  the  above  is  the  substance, 
dwells  with  especial  emphasis  on  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp 
himself,  eleven  Philadelphians  sufi"ered  with  him. 

The  death  of  Polycarp  gave  peace  to  his  flock.  The  insane 
eagerness  which  at  first  possessed  the  multitude  had  now  become 
glutted  with  victims,  and  the  proconsul  took  care  to  give  them 
no  new  stimulus.^ 

It  was  probably  about  this  time  that  Hermas,  whom  the 
similarity  of  names*  led  some  of  the  Fathers  to  conclude  to  be 
the  companion  of  the  apostle  Paul,  produced  his  "  Pastor,"  if 
it  be  not  entirely  an  imposture.  Its  style  of  extravagant  alle- 
gory is  extremely  unlike  the  apostolic  age.t 

Before,  we  close  this  chapter  it  is  necessary  to  notice  a  nar- 
rative which  may  be  found  in  the  pages  of  Eusebius  and  Ter- 
tuUian,  and  which  relates  to  a  transaction  well  known  to  the 
students  of  ecclesiastical  history  by  the  name  of  the  "  thunder- 
ing legion." 

The  following  is  the  relation  of  Eusebius : 

to  have  formed  an  arch  around  the  martyr,  like  the  sails  of  a  ship  ;  the 
appearance  of  the  body  in  the  flames,  as  if  it  had  been  pure  gold  ;  and  of 
the  fragrant  odor  diffused  around,  may  be  safely  omitted,  since  it  is  attested 
by  no  divine  authority,  as  referable  to  the  imagination  of  some  of  the 
spectators. 

*  The  materials  of  this  narrative  are  in  Eusebius,  and  in  the  circular 
epistle  of  the  church  at  Smyrna.  —  Hefele,  Pat.  Apes.  p.  276. 

■j-  See  Hefele,  —  Prologomena. 

18^ 


210  SMYRNA    AND   POLYCARP. 

"  It  is  said  that  when  Marcus  Aurelins  Caesar  was  about  to 
engage  in  battle  with  the  Glermans  and  Sarmatians,  he  and  his 
army  were  overcome  by  thirst,  and  were  greatly  distressed, 
when  those  soldiers  that  belonged  to  the  Melitine  legion,  as  it 
was  called,  by  a  belief  surviving  from  that  time  to  the  present, 
bent  their  knees  upon  the  earth  whilst  drawn  up  in  battle  array 
against  the  enemy,  according  to  our  custom  of  prayers,  and 
lifted  up  their  supplications  to  Grod.  But  this  being  a  marvel- 
lous spectacle  to  the  enemy,  a  still  more  singular  circumstance 
is  reported  to  have  immediately  taken  place ;  the  lightning 
drove  the  enemy  into  flight  and  destruction,  while  a  shower 
came  down  and  refreshed  the  God-invoking  army,  the  whole  of 
which  was  on  the  point  of  perishing  with  thirst.  This  history 
is  related,  indeed,  by  historians  who  are  strangers  to  our  doc- 
trine, who,  however,  took  an  interest  in  the  writings  of  those 
whom  we  have  mentioned;  and  it  is  also  stated  by  our  own 
writers,  whilst  the  wonderful  event  is  also  added  by  historians 
who  differ  from  our  faith,  but  who  do  not  admit  that  this  hap- 
pened by  the  prayers  of  our  party.  But  the  fact  is  handed 
down  on  record  by  our  brethren,  as  lovers  of  truth,  in  a  plain 
and  undisguised  manner.  Of  these  we  might  mention  Apolli- 
naris,  who  says  that  from  that  time  the  legion  at  whose  prayers 
the  wonder  took  place  received  an  appellation  appropriate  to 
the  event  from  the  emperor,  being  called  the  fulminea,  or 
'  thundering  legion.'  "  ^ 

Tertullian  refers,  also,  to  "  letters  of  that  most  harsh  emperor, 
Marcus  Aurelius,  in  which  he  bears  witness  that  the  thirst  of 
his  array  in  Germany  was  possibly  stopped  by  the  rain,  granted 
in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christians."  t  He  says  again, 
"  Marcus  Aurelius,  too,  in  the  German  war,  when  the  prayers 
of  the  Christian  soldiers  were  made  to  God,  obtained  showers  to 
relieve  their  thirst."  X 


♦  y.tQavvo(ihX()v-  —  Euseb.  lib.  v.  c.  5.  f  Tertull.,  Apoleget.  c.  §  v. 

X  Tertull.,  in  Scapulam,  c.  iv. 


A.  D,   175,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  till 

But  many  difficulties  beset  this  narrative,  and  have  been 
pointed  out  by  successive  eccle,siastical  historians.  The  name 
"  fulminea,"  said  by  Eusebius  to  have  been  given  to  the  legion 
in  token  of  this  event,  is  proved  to  have  existed  as  early  as  the 
time  of  Augustus.  Dio  Cassius,  enumerating  the  legions, 
speaks  of  "  the  twelfth,  that  in  Cappadocia,  the  thundering  one." 
The  war  with  the  Alemanni  and  Quadri,  which  is  fixed  as  the 
date  of  this  event,  took  place  in  a.  d.  175 ;  and  the  next  chapter 
will  show  that  at  .that  date  the  persecution  of  the  Christians 
was  by  no  means  suspended,  as  Eusebius  asserts  it  to  have  been 
in  consequence  of  this  transaction.  So  that  the  inference  that 
a  season  of  peace  was  granted  to  the  believers,  because  of  the 
impression  derived  from  the  miracle  of  the  "  thundering  legion  " 
on  the  mind  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  is  by  no  means  warranted. 
The  whole  story  was  probably  a  fiction ;  and  even  the  language 
of  Tertullian,  cited  above,  is  not  positive,  though  he,  perhaps, 
believed  the  narration. 


CHAPTER    IX. 


LYONS   AND    IREN^US. 


The  excitable  and  insurrectionary  town  of  Lyons,  wMch  has 
figured  so  prominently  in  all  the  revolutionary  histories  of 
modern  France,  is  the  first  point  at  which  the  traveller  from 
}?aris,  journeying  southward,  encounters  the  remnants  of  the 
ancient  Roman  empire.  It  was  anciently  constituted  by  Augus- 
tus the  capital  of  Celtic  Gaul,  then  called  by  the  name  of 
Lugdumensis ;  was  entirely  burnt,  and  rebuilt  in  the  days  of 
Nero ;  and,  when  that  emperor  was  pursued  by  the  hatred  of 
the  Roman  people,  formed  an  almost  singular  'exception  to  the 
mass  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire,  by  manifesting  zeal  and 


A.  D.   177,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  213 

devotion  in  his  cause.  The  notoriety  which  it  afterwards  ac- 
quired as  the  seat  of  early  Protestantism,  when  the  Romish 
church  afterwards  corrupted  by  its  errors  the  pure  faith  of  the 
gospel,  had  been  foreshadowed  by  the  zeal  it  had  displayed  in 
the  cause  of  Christianity  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church.  The 
Emperor  Claudius,  who  was  born  in  it,  bestowed  on  it  important 
privileges,  and  promoted  it  to  the  dignity  of  a  colony.  Hither 
Domitian  came,  when  Vitellius  was  overthrown,  to  maintain,  by 
the  aid  of  its  inhabitants,  the  authority  of  Vespasian,  his 
father. 

By  what  means  the  gospel  was  first  introduced  into  Gaul  is 
uncertain.  It  is  probable  that  the  commercial  facilities  which 
the  river  Rhone  afforded  may  have  led  to  its  early  importation 
from  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor.  We  have  already  mentioned 
the  legend  that  Mary  of  Magdala,  with  some  of  her  Christian 
sisters,  came  to  settle  at  Marseilles.  Small  credit  is,  however, 
due  to  this  tradition. 

One  of  the  first  authentic  events  connected  with  ecclesiastical 
history  in  this  district  is  the  death  of  Symphorian,  which  took 
place  in  the  town  of  Augustodunum,  now  Autun.  The  facts 
relative  to  it  were  the  following  :  A  festival  was  held  in  honor 
of  Cybele,  whose  worship  had  been  probably  derived  from  Asia 
Minor;  and,  at  this  commemoration,  an  image  of  the  goddess 
was  carried  in  procession.  One  Christian  alone,  named  Sym- 
phorian, refused  to  pay  to  it  the  homage  which  the  popular 
feeling  exacted.  He  was  seized,  and  conducted  before  the 
tribunal  of  the  governor.  "  Are  you  a  Christian  ?  "  was  the 
peremptory  inquiry  to  which  he  was  subjected.  The  charge  m 
that  district  was  equally  unprecedented  and  alarming.  "  I  am 
a  Christian,"  was  the  answer;  "I  worship  the  true  God,  who 
reigns  in  heaven,  but  your  idol  I  cannot  worship  ;  nay,  if  per- 
mitted, I  will  dash  it  in  pieces  on  my  own  responsibility!" 
The  protester  was  declared  guilty  of  having  rejected  the  re- 
ligion, and  of  having  broken  the  laws,  of  the  state;  and 
Symphorian  received  the  sentence  of  death.     Few  as  were  the 


214  LYONS    AND    IREN^US. 

Christians  in  that  territory,  there*  was  one,  however,  who  sym- 
pathized with  the  denounced  criminal ;  —  it  was  his  mother  ! 
Seeing  her  son  led  forth  to  crucifixion,  she  cried  out,  "  My  son, 
my  son,  keep  the  living  God  in  thy  heart.  Be  steadfast.  There 
is  nothing  fearful  in  the  death  which  conditcts  thee  to  life.  My 
son,  let  thy  heart  be  above  :  look  up  to  Him  who  dwells  in 
heaven.  Thy  life  is  not  to-day  taken  from  thee,  but  raised  to 
a  better.  Thou  art  this  day  passing,  by  a  blessed  e?: change,  to 
the  life  of  heaven  !  " 

At  the  time  of  which  we  write,  the  celebrated  Irenseus,  a 
Greek,  was  presbyter  of  Lyons,  which,  with  its  adjacent  city, 
Vienne,  was  distinguished  by  its  possession  of  gospel  truth.  A 
disciple  of  Polycarp,  Irengeus  had  early  learned  from  that  ven- 
erable Christian  the  doctrines  of  life  and  salvation.  He  himself 
describes  the  impression  which  the  lessons  of  his  instructor  made 
upon  his  mind  :  "  What  we  heard  in  childhood,"  says  he,  "  goes 
along  with  the  soul,  and  becomes  one  with  it ;  so  that  I  can 
describe  the  place  where  the  blessed  Polycarp  sat  and  spake ; 
his  goings  in  and  out ;  his  manner  of  life,  his  form,  his  conver- 
sations with  the  people,  and  his  familiar  intercourse  with  John, 
as  he  was  accustomed  to  tell,  as  also  his  familiarity  with  those 
that  had  seen  the  Lord.  How  also  he  used  to  relate  their  dis- 
courses, and  what  things  he  had  heard  from  them  concerning 
the  Lord.  Also  concerning  his  miracles,  —  his  doctpne,  —  all 
these  were  told  by  Polycarp,  in  consistency  with  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  as  he  had  received  them  from  the  eye-witnesses  of 
the  doctrine  of  salvation.  These  things,  by  the  mercy  of  God, 
and  the  opportunity  then  afibrded  me,  I  attentively  heard, 
noting  them  down,  not  on  jDaper,  but  in  my  heart;  and  these 
same  facts  I  am  always  in  the  habit,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of 
recalling  faithfully  to  mind."  ^  On  the  martyrdom  of  Pothinus, 
Bishop  of  Lyons,  whose  death  the  present  chapter  will  relate, 
Irenaeus  succeeded  him  as  bishop. 

*  Euseb.  V.  §  X.     (Bagster's  ed.) 


A.  D.  177,    MARCUS   AURELIUS   EMPEROR.  215 

The  persecutions  of  Marcus  Aurelius  extended,  in  the  second 
century,  into  these  regions  of  Glaul,  and  raged  with  great  severity. 
Christians  were  prohibited  from  appearing  in  public,  and  even 
from  frequenting  the  baths  and  the  market.  The  populace  rose 
against  them ;  plundered  their  houses,  stoned  their  persons,  and 
loaded  them  with  every  kind  of  indignity.  They  were  dragged 
before  the  tribunals  under  the  accusation  of  being  Christians,  and 
^on  their  confession  of  the  fact  were  imprisoned  with  great  severity. 
One  Christian,  Veltius  Epigathus,  a  man  of  quality,  and  of 
extraordinary  integrity  and  piety,  roused  by  the  insults  heaped 
on  the  community,  undertook  to  prove  that  this  rage  was  unjust, 
and  that  the  Christians  were  neither  atheists  nor  wicked  per- 
sons. But  this  only  excited  still  more  the  indignation  of  the 
people ;  and  the  question  was  directly  put  to  him  if  he  were  a 
Christian.  As  he  acknowledged  that  title,  he  was  put  to  death. 
He  bore  the  sentence  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness.  But  his 
courage  was  not  imitated  by  all  who  professed  the  name  of 
Jesus ;  some  of  the  weaker  brethren  gave  way  in  the  moment 
of  trial,  thereby  causing  great  discouragement  to  their  com- 
panions, who  trembled  not  so  much  from  the  fear  of  suffering 
as  at  the  danger  of  apostasy.  Yet  the  backsliding  of  the  timid 
was  abundantly  supplied  by  a  fresh  accession  of  those  whom  no 
fear  of  martyrdom  could  deter  from  an  avowal  of  their  true 
character.  The  persecution  was  deepened  by  the  defection  of 
some  of  the  heathen  servants  from  the  side  of  their  Christian 
masters.  These  men,  when  brought  within  view  of  the  tortured 
Christians,  declared,  at  the  instigation  of  the  military  persons 
who  guarded  them,  that  the  Christians  were  accustomed  to  eat 
human  flesh,  and  to  perpetrate  other  abominable  crimes.  Sanc- 
tus,  a  deacon,  and  Maturus,  a  recent  convert,  suffered  peculiar 
torments.  The  former,  on  being  examined,  refused  to  tell  his 
name  or  condition,  whether  it  were  that  of  a  freeman  or  a 
slave ;  replying  to  every  interrogation,  "  I  am  a  Christian," 
and  declaring  this  to  be  his  only  and  sufficient  representation. 
This  martyr  had  red-hot  brazen  plates  afl&xed  to  his  body,  till 


216  LYONS    AND    IREN^US. 

his  form  was  so  burnt  and  shrivelled  as  not  to  retain  the  simili- 
tude of  the  human  figure;  and  when,  after  some  days,  his 
wounds  were  so  inflamed  that  he  could  not  bear  a  hand  to  touch 
them,  he  was  yet  exposed  to  a  repetition  of  the  same  tortures. 
After  this,  he  and  Maturus  were  brought  into  the  amphitheatre. 
They  were  beaten  ;  were  exposed  to  wild  beasts  ;  were  made  to 
sit  in  a  heated  iron  chair,  till  the  spectators  could  scarcely 
endure  the  disgusting  odor  of  their  burning  bodies.  Stiil^ 
Sanctus  would  not  utter  a  word  more  than  he  had  already  pro- 
nounced, saying  continually,  as  before,  "  I  am  a  Christian !  " 
At  length  death  mercifully  released  these  servants  of  Christ, 
and  the  agonies  of  the  cross  yielded  to  the  glories  of  the  crown. 

Well  does  Tertullian  say,  in  reference  to  such  scenes, — 
"  Crudelitas  vestra  gloria  est  nostra."  "  Your  cruelty  is  our 
glory  !  " ^ 

Blandina  was  a  slave,  possessed  of  a  weak  constitution,  who 
had  been  the  domestic  of  a  martyred  mistress.  Great  fears 
were  entertained  lest  she  should  yield  to  the  terrors  of  her 
position.  But  it  was  far  otherwise.  She  was  tortured  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  executioners  declared  themselves  exhausted 
by  the  work  they  performed,  yet  without  moving  the  firmness  of 
this  servant  of  the  Lord.  Her  body  was  torn  and  laid  open  in 
every  direction ;  but  her  declaration,  amidst  every  variety  of 
suffering,  uniformly  was,  "  I  am  a  Christian,  and  no  evil  is  com- 
mitted among  us !  "  She  was  suspended  on  a  cross  and  exposed 
to  beasts,  herself  praying  most  earnestly.  But  the  beasts  did 
not  touch  her. 

The  denial  of  Christ,  into  which "  many  had  been  terrified 
through  fear  of  martyrdom,  did  not  avail  to  screen  them  from 
injury.  In  many  cases  the  recusants  were  exposed  to  greater 
sufferings  than  some  even  of  the  confessors  themselves;  the 
paugs  of  a  mind  ill  at  ease  being  superadded  to  their  other  tor- 
tures.    So  that  even  the  spectators  could  not  fail  to  mark  the 

*  In  Scapulam. 


A.  D.   177,    MARCUS    AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  217 

contrast  between  the  downcast  visages  of  the  traitors  and  the 
calm  and  heroic  courage  of  the  suffering  Christians ;  whilst  the 
believers,  who  witnessed  the  scorn  with  which  even  the  heathens 
regarded  the  pusillanimity  of  the  backsliders,  were  thereby 
encouraged  to  a  bolder  confession  of  their  risen  Lord. 

Biblias  was  one  who  had  been  tempted  by  fear  of  torture 
into  a  denial  of  her  Christian  faith.  But  her  inconstancy  was 
only  momentary :  and,  being  exposed  to  suffering  in  order  to 
prompt  her  to  further  discoveries,  she  recovered  her  courage ; 
and,  when  an  accusation  of  the  brethren  was  demanded  of  her, 
said,  "  How  can  it  be  that  they  eat  infants,  when  it  is  not  law- 
ful for  them  to  taste  the  blood  of  any  animal  ?  "  She  died  a 
martyi-. 

Pothinus  was,  as  we  have  seen,  bishop  of  the  church  at 
Lyons.  He  was  now  ninety  years  old,  and  was  extremely 
infirm,  yet  a  martyr's  courage  burned  brightly  within  his  soul. 
The  soldiers  bore  him  before  the  judicial  tribunal,  the  multitude 
execrating  him  "  as  if  he  had  been  Christ  himself."  When 
asked  "  Who  is  the  Christian  God  ?  "  his  reply  was,  "  When 
thou  art  worthy  thou  shalt  know."  He  suffered  the  extremest 
insults;  he  was  bruised  by  the  hands  and  feet  of  those  who 
could  reach  him,  whilst  the  more  distant  threw  at  him  all  kinds 
of  missiles,  till  life  was  almost  extinct.  He  was  then  thrown 
into  prison,  where,  after  two  days,  he  died. 

The  cries  of  the  multitude  were  loud  for  Attains,  a  native  of 
Pergamus,  a  man  held  in  great  esteem  among  the  Christians. 
He  was  exhibited  to  the  mob,  wearing  a  tablet,  whereon  was 
written,  "This  is  Attains  the  Christian."  Like  Paul,  he  was  a 
Roman  citizen,  and  the  legate  thought  it  wiser  to  report  him, 
and  others  who  pleaded  the  same  privilege,  to  the  capital,  and 
to  await  the  emperor's  orders  respecting  them.  The  reply  was, 
that  those  who  recanted  should  be  liberated,  but  that  on  the 
rest  the  law  should  take  its  course.  As  a  general  festival  was 
held  about  this  time  in  the  city  of  Lyons,  the  legate  chose  the 
season  to  bring  the  backsliders  before  the  populace,  that  the 
19 


218  LYONS    AND    IKEN^US. 

mob  might  enjoj  the  pleasure  of  hearing  the  Christians  traduced 
by  their  former  associates.  They  were  therefore  submitted  to  a 
last  interrogation  before  their  release.  To  the  surprise  and 
consternation  of  the  multitude,  many  of  them  now  confessed 
their  Christianity,  and  few  maintained  their  previous  apostasy. 
The  rage  of  the  bystanders  was  extreme.  These  men  were 
immediately  put  to  death  :  some  by  exposure  to  wild  beasts ; 
those  who  were  Roman  citizens  by  beheading.  In  the  course 
of  their  examination,  a  physician,  a  native  of  Phrygia,  named 
Alexander,  had  happened  to  stand  near  the  tribunal,  where  he 
encouraged  the  apostate  Christians  boldly  to  assert  their  faith. 
He  too  was  seized,  and  conducted,  together  with  Attains,  to  the 
tribunal.  They  underwent  a  variety  of  torments,  during  which 
Attains  neither  spoke  nor  groaned,  but  looked  as  one  already 
translated  to  heaven.  Attains  was  placed  upon  the  heated 
chair.  In  the  midst  of  his  tortures  he  cried  out  to  the  multi- 
tude :  "  This  is  the  way  in  which  ye  devour  men ;  but  we 
neither  devour  them,  nor  do  any  kind  of  evil."  When  asked 
"  What  is  the  name  of  Grod  ? "  he  composedly  exclaimed,  "  God 
has  not  a  name,  as  men  have." 

The  last  day  of  the  spectacles  was  now  arrived.  Blandina 
was  again  exposed,  together  with  Ponticus,  a  youth  of  fifteen. 
They  had  been  daily  brought  to  witness  the  torments  of  the 
others,  and  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to  renounce  their  faith. 
Still  refusing,  the  people  became  incensed,  and  the  executioners 
heaped  on  them  every  variety  of  torture.  Ponticus  sOon  died, 
encouraged  during  •  his  sufferings  by  the  exhortations  of  his 
sister,  who  was  in  the  crowd.  But  Blandina  yet  held  out.  She 
had  been  whipped,  torn  by  beasts,  scorched  by  the  iron  chair ; 
at  length  she  was  enclosed  in  a  net,  and  thrown  to  a  wild  bull. 
Her  agony  was  thus  ended.  "  Even  her  enemies  confessed  that 
no  woman  existed  among  them  who  could  have  endured  such 
great  and  numerous  tortures." 

The  mind  sickens  at  the  recital  of  such  sufferings.  But  the 
rage  of  the  brutal  mob  was  not  yet  appeased.     Many  bodies  of 


A.  D.  177,    MARCUS   AURELIUS    EMPEROR.  219 

those  wlio  had  been  stifled  in  close  and  unwholesome  prisons 
were  thrown  to  dogs,  and  great  vigilance  was  exercised  lest  the 
Christians  should  possess  themselves  of  any  of  the  remains  of 
their  companions.  Mangled  portions,  such  as  decapitated  heads, 
separated  limbs,  and  scorched  trunks,  were  exhibited  in  various 
parts  of  the  city,  watched  by  soldiers,  and  derided  by  spectators, 
though  regarded  with  pity  by  others,  who  could  not  refrain 
from  sorrowfully  asking  what  good  such  men  had  derived  from 
their  religion.  The  answer  was  found  only  in  a  doctrine  of 
which  these  men  had  no  conception  —  a  future  life !  The 
remains  of  the  bodies  of  the  Christian  martyrs  were  burncJ,  and 
their  ashes  thrown  into  the  Rhone,  whilst  they  exclaimed, 
"Let  us  see  now  whether  they  will  rise  again,  and  whether 
their  God  will  come  to  them  and  take  them  out  of  our  hands." 

"  These  things,"  says  the  document,  the  course  of  which  we 
have  closely  followed,  "  befell  the  church  in  the  time  of  the 
before-named  emperor  [Marcus  Aurelius],  from  which  a  con- 
jecture may  be  formed  of  the  occurrences  in  other  parts  of  the 
empire." 

Never  was  the  power  of  Christianity  more  gloriously  dis- 
played than  during  this  fearful  visitation.  The  modesty,  the 
meekness,  the  magnanimity  of  the  sufferers,  were  superhuman. 
They  uttered  no  upbraiding  word ;  they  neither  showed  revenge 
towards  those  who  persecuted  them,  nor  enmity  towards  those 
who  betrayed.  They  died  in  peace  and  in  prayer,  rejoicing 
that  they  were  accounted  worthy  to  suffer  in  the  name  of  Him 
who,  "  being  in  the  form  of  Grod,  thought  it  not  robbery 
to  be  equal  with  God;"  and  we  are  informed  that,  though 
many  suffered  greatly  for  Christ,  they  rejected,  with  a  noble 
humility,  the  name  of  martyrs,  and  reproved  those  wko  gave 
them  that  designation.  What  must  have  been  that  heathenism 
which  could  reject  such  demonstrations  of  power  and  love? 
And  what  that  Christianity  which,  in  the  hope  of  "  a  better 
resurrection,"  could  render  the  spirit  indifferent  to  such  excru- 
ciating sufferings  of  the  body  ?     If  some  symptoms  of  a  declining 


220  LYONS    AND    IREN^US. 

religion  had  begun  about  this  season  of  the  church's  history  to 
develop  themselves,  such  instances  as  these,  bj  teaching  the 
grandeur  of  first  principles,  would  exhibit  more  vividly  the 
doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith  in  Christ's  name ;  would  tend  to 
break  the  ties  which  bound  Christians  to  the  unholy ;  would 
brighten  their  hopes  and  promote  their  communion  with  a  world 
to  come.  Such  are  those  "  of  whom  the  world  is  not  worthy." 
Glorious  is  that  religion  by  means  of  which  these  primitive 


COIN    OP   MARCUS    AURELIUS. 

believers  found,  in  the  very  arenas  formed  for  contests  in 
behalf  of  a  corruptible  crown,  an  incorruptible !  Such  were 
the  transactions  in  the  reign  of  an  emperor  whose  boast  was, 
that  "  the  people  were  happy  whose  philosophers  were  kings,  or 
whose  kings  were  philosophers."^ 

In  the  year  193  Marcus  Aurelius  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Commodus.  This  detestable  miscreant,  intent  upon  his  own 
vices  and  incredible  follies,  was  induced,  through  the  influence 
of  his  mistress,  Marcia,  to  abstain  from  persecuting  the  Chris- 
tians.!    Yet,  as   no  express   law  existed   in   their   favor,  the 

*  Did  Gibbon  mean  to  excuse  Marcus  Aurelius'  cruel  persecutions  when 
he  said,  "  During  the  whole  course  of  his  reign  he  despised  the  Christians 
as  a  philosopher,  and  punished  them  as  a  sovereign  "  1 

f  See  next  chapter  but  one.  Marcia  regarded  her  protection  of  Chris- 
tianity probably  as  a  kind  of  atonement  for  her  sins.  The  case  is  not 
uncommon. 


A.  D.   193,    L.    S.    SEVERUS    EMl'EllOU.  221 

duration  of  their  tolerance  was  extremely  uncertain,  and  it  was 
greatly  dependent  upon  local  accidents.  But  when  Arrius 
Montanus,  proconsul  of  Asia,  began  a  theomachia  (a  fighting 
against  God),  to  use  a  portable  phrase  happily  adopted  by 
Tertullian  ^  from  Gamaliel,  all  the  Christian  inhabitants  of  his 
vicinity  presented  themselves  before  his  tribunal,  to  show  how 
great  was  their  number,  and  to  warn  him  against  the  conse- 
quences of  commencing  proceedings.  This  course  was  attended 
with  the  desired  effect.  The  proconsul,  calling  some  of  them 
near  to  him,  contented  himself  with  this  reproach :  "  Slaves,  if 
ye  will  die,  have  ye  not  precipices  and  ropes  for  that  purpose  ?  " 
In  some  quarters  the  course  of  martyrdom  went  on  as  before. 

The  reign  of  Commodus  was  short :  his  welcome  assassination 
took  place  in  a.  d.  192.  Then  followed  an  interval  of  tumult 
and  disorder,  during  which  four  names  of  emperors  are  found 
on  the  annals  of  the  distracted  Roman  empire,  and  the  Chris- 
tians suffered  greatly  from  the  consequent  disorganizations.  At 
length,  in  the  year  193,  Septimus  Severus  was  proclaimed  by 
the  army,  and  soon  afterwards  victoriously  ascended  the  throne. 
Tertullian  relates  that  Severus  had  been  healed  when  sick  by 
the  anointing  t  of  one  Proculus,  surnamed  Torpacion,  whom  he 
retained  in  his  family  till  his  death,  and  that  by  this  man  the 
Prince  Caracalla  was  educated  in  the  knowledge  of  Christianity. 
He  adds  that  "  Severus,  knowing  that  many  distinguished  men 
and  women  were  of  this  sect,  not  only  did  not  injure  the  Chris- 
tians, but  even  distinguished  them  by  his  favor,  and  kept  back 
the  people,  who  were  raging  against  us."  1:  But  this  peace  was 
not  universal :  for  elsewhere  Tertullian  mentions  the  renewal 
of  the  old  charges  of  infanticide  and  incest  against  the  Chris- 
tians ;  ^  speaks  of  their  being  impaled  on  crosses  and  stakes  ; 
their  bodies  being  torn  by  nails,  and  tormented  by  sharp  instru- 
*  In  Scapulam  :  "  Velim  ut  omnes  salvos  facere  possimus,  monendo  ^- .? 

James  5  :  \^ 
§  Apologet.  V! 


't  James  5  :  14.  X  Tertull.  in  Scapulum,  sect.  iv. 


19^ 


222  LYONS    AND    IRENiEUS. 

ments ;  their  being  thrown  to  beasts,  burned  with  fire,  and 
banished  to  remote  islands,*  or  consigned  to  the  mines;  and 
concludes  with  this  striking  address  to  the  persecutors  of  his 
brethren  : 

"  Pursue  this  course,  ye  good  (?)  governors,  held  in  increasing 
esteem  among  the  people  if  ye  immolate  the  Christians  to 
them  ;  torture,  rack,  condemn,  tear  us  to  pieces.  Your  wicked- 
ness is  the  proof  of  our  innocence  ;  for  this  cause  God  allows  us 
thus  to  sufi'er,  and  .  .  .  you  have  confessed  that  a  stain  on  our 
chastity  is  more  terrible  to  us  than  punishment  or  death.  No 
cruelty  of  yours,  however  exquisite  it  may  be,  will  be  of  advan- 
tage to  you ;  it  is  rather  an  enticement  to  our  cause.  The  more 
you  mow  us  down,  the  more  powerful  we  are;  the  blood  of 
Christians  is  as  seed.f  Many  of  your  men  exhort  to  the 
endurance  of  pain  and  death,  —  as  Cicero,  Seneca,  Diogenes, 
Pyrrhon,  Callinicus.  But  their  instructions  cannot  gain  so 
many  disciples  as  Christians  make  who  teach  by  deeds.  The 
very  obstinacy  you  reprehend  is  an  instructress.  For  who  is 
not  driven  by  beholding  it  to  ask  what  is  the  inward  principle 
of  it  ?  Who,  when  he  has  inquired,  does  not  come  over  to  us  ? 
Who,  having  come  over  to  us,  does  not  desire  to  suffer,  that  he 
may  experience  the  whole  grace  of  God,  that  he  may  purchase 
all  freedom  from  him  at  the  price  of  his  blood  ?  for  all  faults 
are  forgiven  for  this  deed.t  Therefore  it  is  that  we  give 
thanks  to  you  for  your  judicial  sentences ;  for  there  is  such  a 
rivalry  between  the  human  and  the  divine,  that  when .  we  are 
condemned  by  you  we  are  absolved  by  God."  § 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  name  of  Irenagus  in  connec- 
tion with  the  church  at  Lyons.  The  place  and  time  of  the  birth 
of  this  "light  of  the  Western  Gauls,"  as  Theodoret  calls  him, 

*  lb.  xii. 

t  This  is  probably  the  original  of  the  well-known  motto  :  "  The  blood  of 
the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church." 

X  Another  instance  of  the  false  doctrine  we  have  elsewhere  indicated. 
§  Tertull.  Apol.  L. 


CIRC.  A.  D.  200,  L.  S.  SEVERUS  EMPEROR.         223 

are  conjectural.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  a  native  of  Smyrna, 
and  was  born  between  a.  d.  120  and  140.  His  eminence  is 
greatly  derived  from  the  opposition  offered  by  him  to  the 
heresies  of  the  period.  Some  of  these  deserve  a  transient 
notice,  though  the  nature  of  the  present  work  forbids  an  enlarged 
or  elaborate  reference. 

The  Gnostics  derived  their  name  from  yrSGn  (knowledge),  a 
term  originally  employed  by  heathen  philosophers  to  distinguish 
those  who  possessed  the  secrets  of  wisdom  from  the  vulgar  and 
ignorant,  and  applied  afterwards  by  Christian  writers  to  mark 
an  "  intellectual "  knowledge  of  Christianity,  as  distinguished 
from  a  more  ordinary  and  literal  faith.  Opposed  to  Judaism, 
and  hence  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Ebionites  and  Nazarenes,  as 
forms  of  religion  degraded  by  contact  with  the  material.  Gnosti- 
cism allied  itself  to  philosophy  wherever  it  found  it,  whether  in 
the  Jewish  Cabbala  or  the  oriental  theosophy,  but  principally  to 
the  Greek  philosophy,^  and  exhibited  various  varieties,  accord- 
ing to  the  proportion  in  which  either  of  these  systems  was 
predominant. 

"  The  philosophical  basis  of  this  speculation  was  the  old  ques- 
tion, nodev  TO  xaxoi^  (whence  comes  evil  ?).  In  proportion  as 
the  idea  of  the  highest  divinity  had  developed  itself,  the  less 
did  philosophy  believe  itself  right  in  venturing  to  consider  him 
as  a  world-creator  [dr^iiuovQyoi),  and  the  more  strongly  was  it 
disposed  to  derive  the  important  good  in  the  world  from  a  lower 
being,  but  the  evil  from  an  evil  principle.  Among  the  spec- 
ulating; Christians  these  ideas  maintained  a  firm  existence  in  the 
Christian  view  taken  of  Christianity,  Judaism,  and  Heathenism, 
as  the  complete,  the  incomplete,  and  the  evil.  These  three 
religions  appeared  as  revelations  of  three  corresponding  prin- 
ciples, which  were  first  perceived  in  their  true  light  from  the 
position  of  Christianity.  Matter  {vlr,)  was  the  evil  principle, 
which,  considered   either  with  original  or  first-developed  con- 

*  Hippolytus  strongly  asserts  this.     De  H«res. 


224  LYONS    AND    IREN^US. 

scioTisness,  had  revealed  itself  in  heathenism.  The  creation  of 
the  world  belonged,  according  to  Gen.  i.,  to  the  God  of  the 
Jews,  who,  commonly  regarded  as  the  first  of  the  seven-planet 
princes,  proceeded  from  the  highest  God  only  at  an  infinite 
distance,  and  was  as  incapable  of  willing  the  perfect  as  of 
restraining  the  opposition  of  matter.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
highest  divinity  was  revealed  by  Christ,  who,  elevated  above  all 
beings,  had  produced  out  of  himself  only  the  world  of  light,  — 
a  world  of  blessed  spirits.  Human  spirits  (nvevfiaja)  are  rays 
of  light  proceeding  from  this  blessed  spirit,  whose  object  is  con- 
sequently to  free  themselves  from  the  fetters  of  the  demiurgus 
and  matter,  in  order  that  they  may  return  into  the  world  of 
light.  To  effect  this  was  the  object  of  Christ,  who  was  thought 
by  most  Gnostics  to  be  one  of  the  highest  spirits  of  light.  As 
the  means  of  doing  so,  he  left  behind  to  his  genuine  disciples 
the  yfSaii.  These  general  ideas  were  carried  out  specifically  in 
the  separate  schools,  on  which  account  they  received  different 
forms  and  modifications."^ 

The  Gnostic  system  was  first  broached  by  Simon  Magus,! 
and  by  Menander,  his  pupil.  It  was  also  held  by  Nicolaus, 
founder  of  the  sect  called  Nicolaitanes,  and  identified  by  Hip- 
polytus  t  with  one  of  the  seven  deacons  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  who  appears  to  have  exhibited  it  in  a  licentious  form, 
which  set  at  defiance  the  rules  of  moral  obligation.  Saturnilus, 
or  Saturninus,  and  Basilides,  gave  to  Gnosticism  an  Asiatic, 
and  perhaps  an  Egyptian,  costume.  Theodotus,  the  banker, 
founder  of  the  Melchisedecites,  based  his  system,  probably,  on 
the  110th  Psalm,  contending  that  Christ  descended  on  Jesus, 
the  latter  being  merely '  a  man.  Besides  these  were  Certo, 
Lucianus,  and  Hermogenes,  with  many  others. 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  of  these  Gnostieal  teachers 

*  Gieseler's  Eccl.  Hist.,  Clarke's  edition,  sect.  44. 

t  This  opinion,  though  denied,  is  doubtless  the  correct  one.  See  Hippol. 
adv.  Hacres.  passim. 

X  Hippol.  adv.  Heeres.,  sect.  XXI. 


CIRC.  A.  D.  200,  L.  S.  SEVERUS  EMPEROR.         225 

was  Yalentinus,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned.  His  doc- 
trines were  so  clouded  in  mjsterj  as  to  be  extremely  difficult  to 
seize,  and  they  were  held,  as  Tertullian  tells  us,  with  gi-eat 
dissimulation.^  The  following  is  the  description  given  by  Hip- 
polytus  of  the  Yalentinian  heresy  : 

"  For  the  beginning  of  their  system  is  an  unbegotten,  incor- 
ruptible, inconceivable,  incomprehensible,  creative  Monad,  the 
cause  of  the  existence  of  all  existing  things.  This  said  Monad 
is  called  by  them  the  Father  :  and  here  may  be  discerned  a 
great  difference  between  them  (that  is,  the  various  systems),  for 
some  of  them,  that  they  may  retain  the  Pythagorean  doctrine  • 
of  Valentinus  in  its  purity,  believe  it  masculine  and  unmatched, 
and  that  it  is  the  Father  alone ;  others  add  a  Syzygos,  or  con- 
sort." t 

By  this  extract  the  reader  will  have  ascertained  enough 
regarding  this  blasphemous  doctrine,  and  we  may  well  spare 
him  further  details. 

Against  these  Gnostic  heresies,  Irenaeus,  "  the  blessed  pres- 
byter," t  composed  a  treatise  in  five  books.  As  these  questions 
are,  except  to  the  learned,  mainly  devoid  of  interest,  we  shall 
not  attempt  an  analysis  of  that  laborious  production,  originally 
written  in  Greek,  but  now  preserved  only  in  Latin.  Yet  some 
of  its  points  are  worthy  of  remark.  Irenseus  complains  of  the 
manner  in  which  these  heretics  quoted  scripture,  which,  he 
declares,  it  is  impossible  to  understand  aright  except  by  means 
of  tradition  !  However  naturally  such  a  sentiment  might  come 
from  one  who  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  apostles  themselves,  we 
here  behold  the  commencement  of  an  error  which  has  proved, 
since  that  day,  full  of  deadly  poison.  "  We  have  not  received," 
says  the  Bishop  of  Lyons,  "  the  gospel  by  letters  alone,  but  by 
the  living  voice ;  as  Paul  has  said,  '  We  speak  wisdom  among 
them  that  are  perfect,  yet  not  the  wisdom  of  this  world.'     And 

*  Adv.  Marcionem.  t  Hippol.  adv.  Haeros.  p.  185. 

:}:  Prolegomena,  vi.  41. 


226  LYONS   AND   IREN^US. 

when  we  meet  them  ^  (the  heretics)  by  the  tradition  which  is 
from  the  apostles,  and  which  is  kept  in  churches  by  the  suc- 
cession of  presbyters,!  they  oppose  the  tradition,  saying  that 
they  are  not  only  wiser  than  presbyters,  but  even  than  the 
apostles  themselves." 

Other  errors  are  not  indiscernible  in  the  writings  of  this 
illustrious  man,  who  was  much  more  distinguished  for  learning 
than  for  discriminating  common  sense.  One  of  his  dogmas, 
"  Ubi  ecclesia,  ibi  Spiritus,"  is  pregnant  with  mischief.  He 
affirms  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  because  that  cannot  be  cor- 
ruptible which  is  nourished  by  the  blood  of  Christ.  He  declares, 
in  opposition  to  Tatian,  that  Adam  was  certainly  saved,  and  not 
lost ;  and  made  way  for  the  opinion  broached  by  some  of  the 
later  fathers,  that  this  progenitor  of  the  human  family,  after 
wandering  about  the  earth,  came  at  last  to  Calvary,  and,  dying 
there,  was  buried  where  Christ  was  afterwards  crucified.  He 
declares  that  Christ  descended  actually  into  hell,  to  preach  the 
faith  to  the  ancient  patriarchs.  He  confirms  the  opinion  of 
Justin  that  Satan  w^as  not  aware  of  his  condemnation  till  the 
coming  of  Christ,  and  asserts  that  God  sent  Enoch  to  preach  to 
the  angel s.t 

One  of  the  tenets  of  Irenseus  was,  that  Christ's  millennial 
reign  should  precede  the  last  judgment,  and  that  during  a  thou- 
sand years  the  saints  should  live  in  the  flesh  in  spiritual  pleas- 
ures. 

On  some  of  the  substantial  doctrines  of  Christianity  the 
statements  of  Irengeus  are  extremely  clear.  He  strongly  asserts 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  the  fall  of  man,  and  the  atonement. 
Most  of  Irenaeus'  Avorks  have,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
fragments,  utterly  perished. 

*  It  is  strange  to  see  Milner  justifying  this  sentiment. 

f  The  dogma  of  apostolical  succession,  as  now  interpreted,  is  not  neces- 
sarily meant,  though  the  Romanists  infer  it  from  this  passage,  and  are 
always  fond  of  quoting  Irenaeus. 

t  Dupin,  Art.  Irenaeus. 


CIRC.  A.  D.   200,  L.  S.  SEVERUS   EMPEllOR.  ti27 

Irenaeus  was  much  engaged  in  the  controversy  respectin*' 
Easter,  which  began  in  his  time  to  constitute  a  serious  differ- 
ence between  the  Eastern  and  Western  churches.  Victor,  who 
was  Bishop  of  Rome,  was  grieved  at  the  division,  and  attempted 
to  settle  it  by  his  own  authority  ;  and  when  Polycrates,  Bishop 
of  Ephesus,  wrote  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  the  Roman 
ecclesiastic,  he  declared  both  him  and  the  Asiatic  churches  to 
be  excommunicated.  In  this  dispute  Irenaeus  interposed  as  a 
peacemaker,  reminding  Victor  that  different  customs  and  ob- 
servances were  natural,  and  that,  though  he,  at  Lyons,  con- 
formed to  the  practice  of  the  church  in  Rome,  he  could  discern 
no  reason  why  the  bonds  of  communion  should  be  broken  for 
so  trifling  a  cause.  Perhaps  this  appeal  was,  at  least  for  the 
present,  successful. 

The  Romish  Church  inserts  the  name  of  Irenaeus  in  its  list 
of  martyrs.  But  the  authorities  of  the  period  make  no  men- 
tion of  his  violent  death,  and  the  report  must  therefore  be 
regarded  as  a  very  vague  and  uncertain  tradition.  He  appears 
to  have  lived  till  the  commencement  of  the  third  century. 

The  spread  of  the  gospel  was  a  remarkable  and  distinguished 
feature  in  the  history  of  the  church  at  this  period.  Whatever 
the  amount  of  truth  which  may  be  concealed  under  the  exag- 
gerated statements  of  the  monks  of  the  middle  ages,  it  seems 
at  least  certain  that  Wales  about  this  time  received  the  truth, 
and  other  evidences  show  its  simultaneous  diffusion  in  Eastern 
India. 

It  is,  however,  very  clear  that  this  century  witnessed  a  rapid 
increase  of  the  hierarchical  power.  The  clergy  began  for  the 
first  time  to  be  distinguished  from  the  laity.  The  bishops 
assumed  the  titles  and  ofl&ces  of  the  Jewish  priesthood.  The 
primitive  virtues  by  which  many  of  the  pastors  of  the  metropol- 
itan churches  were  distinguished  caused  them  to  be  regarded  as 
the  advisers  of  neighboring  churches,  and  paved  the  way  for  an 
assertion  of  superiority  which  speedily  passed  the  bounds  of 
apostolical  prescription.     Yet,  even  in  the  year  180,  Theophi- 


228  LYONS    AND    IREN^US. 

# 

lus,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  compares  the  numerous  churches  exist- 
ing in  the  world  to  a  collection  of  islands  —  a  phrase  indicative 
of  their  independence  of  one  another;  and  the  recently  dis- 
covered work  of  Hippolytus  furnishes,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see, 
sufficient  evidence  that  the  nominal  democracy  of  the  church 
had  not  yet  entirely  passed  away,  nor  been  altogether  absorbed 
by  an  ecclesiastical  prelacy. 


:^P 


CHAPTER   X 


CARTHAGE    AND    TERTULLIAN. 


The  attention  of  the  reader  must  now  be  directed  to  a  very 
different  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  to  a  name  once  great 
in  arts  and  arms,  long  since,  however,  dissociated  from  the  few 
ruins  which,  heaped  in  indistinct  confusion,  disfigure  rather 
than  adorn  the  spot.  We  speak  of  Carthage,  once  the  haughty 
rival  of  Rome  itself,  and  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  Tarshish 
of  which  the  Old  Testament  so  frequently  speaks.  Scarcely 
can  the  traveller  now  discern  even  a  poor  remnant  of  so  much 
greatness.  A  few  stones  of  Roman  Carthage  remain,  not  very 
far  from  Tunis.  As  for  the  Tyrian  city,  the  sea  and  sand  have 
swept  away  or  choked  up  its  last  remnants,  with  the  solitary 
exception  of  the  aqueducts  by  which  water  was  once  supplied. 
20 


230  CARTHAGE  AND  TERTULLIAN. 

The  early  history  of  this  celebrated  city  is  very  indistinctly 
known.  Its  active  and  commercial  character  have  caused  a 
resemblance  to  be  instituted  between  it  and  Venice,  when  the 
institutions  of  that  city  were  more  popular  than  they  afterwards 
became.  Its  people  were  busy  and  thriving,  and  not  addicted 
in  early  times,  as  were  the  Romans,  to  cruel  and  bloody 
pastimes.  The  religion  of  the  Carthaginians  was  originally 
derived  from  Phoenicia,  like  the  first  settlers  themselves,  and 
consisted  probably  in  the  worship  of  Moloch  and  Astarte.  The 
three  Punic  wars,  which  constituted  during  many  years  a  fierce 
contest  between  Rome  and  its  rival  city,  are  known  to  every 
historical  reader.  They  commenced  265  b.  c,  and  ended  in  the 
year  146  b.  c.  in  the  destruction  of  Carthage.  At  the  latter 
time  the  city  was  levelled  to  the  ground.  After  this  desolation 
the  Gracchi  attempted  to  form  a  colony  upon  the  spot,  but  with 
little  success  ;  it  was  not  accomplished  until  the  time  of  Julius 
Caesar.  Carthage  was  soon  after  the  most  important  city  of 
Roman  Africa. 

Tertullian  was  born  in  the  city  of  Carthage  about  a.  d.  160.^ 
His  father  was  a  heathen,  a  centurion,  and  Tertullian  speaks  of 
himself  as  one  of  those  who  were  in  darkness  before  receiving 
the  light  of  the  Lord.  The  moral  corruption  which  at  that 
time  infected  the  city  of  Carthage  appears  to  have  exerted  not 
a  little  influence  over  this  celebrated  man.  Tertullian  was  con- 
spicuously well  educated ;  and  it  is  inferred  that  he  had  origin- 
ally in  view  a  rhetorical  profession,  and  probably  practised  as  a 
jurist.  His  subsequent  declarations  assure  us  that  many  of  the 
observances  of  heathenism  filled  him  with  disgust,  especially  the 
gladiatorial  shows  by  which  under  the  Roman  sway  the  people 
were  so  much  delighted.  As  he  was  by  nature  stern  and  severe, 
he  became  prone  to  observe  with  keen  scrutiny  the  errors  of  the 
surrounding  system,  and,  even  when  converted  to  the  Christian 
religion,  never  ceased  to  be  an  acute  denouncer  of  its  errors, 

*  Smith's  Greek  and  Latin  Biography. 


CIRC.  A  D.  209,  L.  S.  SEVEKUS  EMPEROR.        231 

whether  real  or  imaginary.  Impatience,  he  tells  us,  was  his  dis- 
tinguishing fault  —  a  defect  which  contributed  greatly  to  his 
own  misery.  "  I  confess  before  God  my  Lord,"  says  he  in  his 
Treatise  on  Patience,  "  that  I  venture,  rashly  enough,  if  not 
shamelessly,  to  write  concerning  jDatience ;  for  the  practice  of 
which  I  am  altogether  unfit,  as  a  man  in  whom  there  is  no  good 
thing ;  whereas  it  is  fitting  that  they  who  attempt  to  set  forth 
and  commend  anything  should  first  be  found  in  the  practice  of 
that  thing,  and  should  direct  the  energy  of  their  admonitions 
by  the  authority  of  their  own  conduct,  so  that  their  word  need 
not  blush  for  their  deficient  deeds."  Elsewhere  he  speaks  of 
himself  as  "  always  disordered  by  the  fever  of  impatience." 

The  relation  which  Tertullian  sustained  to  the  church  (proba- 
bly of  Carthage)  was  that  of  presbyter.  But  he  visited  Rome,  and 
Jerome  assigns  to  him  an  ecclesiastical  office  in  that  city.  Ter- 
tullian was  married,  and  a  letter  exists  written  by  him  to  his  wife. 
This  letter,  however,  throws  little  light  on  his  history,  beyond 
the  fact  that  his  wife  was  younger  than  himself.  He  warns  his 
wife  against  a  second  marriage  in  case  of  his  death,  especially 
cautioning  her,  in  that  event,  to  unite  herself  with  a  Christian, 
and  not  a  heathen.  Great  efforts  have  been  made  by  the  Ro- 
mish Church  to  disprove  his  ecclesiastical  functions,  but  to  this 
attempt  the  authority  of  Jerome  stands  in  direct  contradiction. 

Eusebius  mentions,  with  special  approbation,  the  Apology  of 
Tertullian  in  favor  of  Christianity.  It  does  not  appear  at  what 
precise  time  it  was  composed  ;  but  it  bears  reference  to  the  per- 
secutions which  took  place  during  the  reign  of  Severus,  whom 
Tertullian  names  as  then  the  reigning  emperor.  Christianity 
was  at  this  time  treated  with  extreme  rigor,  and  was  suspected 
of  favoring  political  combinations  against  the  reigning  powers. 
Nor  had  the  believers  of  that  day  outlived  the  charge,  so 
repeatedly  brought  against  them  at  an  earlier  period,  of  being 
atheists,  because  they  did  not  serve  the  Roman  or  heathen  gods. 
They  were  subjected,  like  the  Jews  of  later  times,  to  severe 
extortions  ;  they  were  outraged  l^y  the  mobs,  and,  under  unjust 


232  CARTHAGE    AND    TEllTULLIAN. 

accusations,  were  brought  before  the  tribunals  of  the  civil 
government.  In  this  manner  Tertullian  complains  of  such 
injuries :  * 

"  You  hold  the  Christian  to  be  guilty  of  all  manner  of  wick- 
edness ;  to  be  the  enemy  of  gods,  of  emperors,  of  laws,  of 
jjiorals,  —  in  short,  of  universal  nature,  —  and  you  compel  him  to 
deny  the  charge  before  you  can  acquit  him,  nor  can  you  acquit 
him  except  he  denies  it."  Yet  he  states  that  even  whilst  these 
severe  accusations  were  preferred  against  those  who  bore  the 
Christian  name,  the  persecutors  made  unwilling  admissions  in 
their  favor.  "  '  Caius  Seius,'  says  one,  '  is  a  good  man,  only  he 
is  a  Christian  ! '  And  another,  '  I  wonder  that  so  good  a  man 
as  Lucius  has  suddenly  become  a  Christian  ! '  No  one  consid- 
ers whether  Caius  and  Lucius  are  good  because  they  are  Chris- 
tians, or  whether  they  are  Christians  because  they  are  wise  and 
good.  They  praise  what  they  know  ;  they  blame  what  they  do 
not  know  ;  and  they  corrupt  what  they  know  by  that  which  they 
do  not  know  ;  whereas  it  would  be  more  just  to  judge  of  the 
unknown  by  the  known,  than  to  condemn  the  known  by  the 
unknown.  Others  designate  those  whom  they  knew  before  they 
bore  this  name  as  vagrants,  vile  and  wicked  persons,  by  the  very 
thing  which  commends  them  ;  they  stumble  upon  their  com- 
mendation through  the  very  blindness  of  their  hatred.  What  a 
woman  !  how  loose  !  how  gay  !  What  a  youth  !  how  profligate  ! 
(as  if  these  were  commendations.)  But  they  have  become 
Christians !  So  the  improvement  is  imputed  to  Christianity.  .  .  . 
The  no  longer  jealous  husband  turns  out  his  now  modest  wife; 
the  once  suffering  ftither  renounces  his  now  obedient  son  ;  the 
master,  who  was  heretofore  compelled  to  be  lenient,  sends  from 
his  eyes  the  now  faithful  slave.  It  is  an  offence  even  to  be 
reformed  under  the  name  of  Christianity.  Virtue  has  no  merit 
compared  with  the  hatred  of  Christians  !  "  =^ 

The  outrages  committed  on  Christians  at  this  period  closely 

*  Tertull.  Apologet.  sect,  ii.,  iii. 


CIRC.    A.    D.    209,    L.    S.    SEVERUS    EMPEROR.  283 

resembled  the  scenes  with  which  all  eyes  have  been  too  familiar. 
"  Daily  we  are  besieged,  daily  betrayed  ;  especially  are  we  op- 
pressed in  our  very  assemblies  and  congregations."  Soldiers 
plundered  their  property ;  their  slaves  betrayed  them  ;  angry 
mobs  denounced  them  before  the  tribunals.  Sincerity  was  not 
demanded ;  on  the  contrary,  they  were  repeatedly  told  that  if 
they  complied  with  the  external  requisitions  of  the  laws,  they 
might  continue,  if  they  pleased,  secretly  to  adhere  to  their 
religion. 

The  remonstrance  of  Tertullian  is  one  of  the  most  noble  and 
masterly  remains  of  Christian  antiquity.  The  production  is 
distinguished  by  the  eloquence  peculiar  to  a  juris-consult,  and 
bears  throughout  the  traces  of  having  been  designed,  not  for  a 
private  perusal,  but  for  a  public  effect.  It  is,  moreover,  dis- 
tinguished by  that  style  of  African  eloquence  which  Apuleius  so- 
highly  eulogizes,  and  which  comprehended  antithetical,  artificial, 
and  balanced  expressions,  with  a  large  infusion  of  irony.  It  is 
not  so  much  a  collection  of  direct  evidences  of  Christianity,  as 
an  oration  to  stir  up  men's  minds  to  inquire  into  its  claims.  It 
is  throughout  full  of  force  and  fire  ;  it  bears  the  most  unequiv- 
ocal testimony  to  the  morality  and  high  character  of  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  period,  demonstrates  in  pungent  and  biting  phrase 
the  inconsistency  of  those  who  loaded  them  with  infamy. 

Among  the  productions  of  Tertullian  are  two  works,  evidently 
reciprocal  to  each  other,  some  of  the  sentiments  of  which  have 
given  to  the  author  considerable  celebrity  in  ecclesiastical  po- 
lemics. They  are  his  treatises  on  Baptism  and  on  Repentance, 
if  the  title  of  the  latter  may  not  more  appropriately  be  —  on 
Penance.  Two  extracts  from  this  masterly  performance  will 
not  be  regarded  as  inappropriate.  The  first  is  his  remonstrance 
on  behalf  of  liberty  of  conscience : 

"  One  may  worship  God,  another  Jove,  another  may  stretch 
forth  his  supplicating  hands  to  Heaven  ;  another  to  the  altar  of 
Faith,  another  (if  you  so  choose  to  interpret  it)  may  in  his  prayer 
count  up  the  clouds  ;  another  may  count  the  compartments  ot 


234:  CARTHAGE    AND    TEllTULLIAN. 

the  ceiling ;  one  may  vow  his  own  life  to  his  God;  another  the 
life  of  his  heifer.  For  see  whether  it  does  not  conspire  to  the 
praise  of  irreligion  to  take  away  the  liberty  of  religion  and  to 
forbid  my  choice  of  a  divinity,  so  that  it  shall  not  be  permitted 
to  me  to  worship  whom  I  will,  but  I  must  needs  worship  whom 
I  will  not.  For  no  one  wishes  to  be  reverenced  by  an  unwilling 
person,  and  power  over  their  vain  superstitions  was  accorded 
even  to  the  Egyptians  themselves."  =^ 

In  the  following  we  must  make  some  allowance  for  the  exag- 
gerations of  the  rhetorician ;  yet  the  facts,  after  being  thus  sifted, 
are  sufficiently  remarkable : 

"  We  are  beings  of  yesterday,  and  we  have  filled  all  your 
places,  your  cities,  your  islands,  your  castles,  your  boroughs, 
your  council-rooms,  your  very  camps,  your  wards,  your  offices, 
your  palace,  your  senate,  your  forum ;  we  leave  to  you  your 
temples  alone.  What  war  is  there  in  which  we  should  not  be 
serviceable  and  well-prepared,  even  though  unequal  in  numbers ; 
we,  who  submit  to  death  so  readily,  if  it  were  not  that,  accord- 
ing to  our  discipline,  it  is  more  lawful  to  be  killed  than  to  kill  ? 
For  we  have  it  in  our  power  without  arms  and  without  rebel- 
lion, simply  by  separation,  to  fight  against  you  with  the  weapon 
of  a  simple  divorce.  For,  if  so  great  a  multitude  of  men  as  we 
are  were  to  withdraw  ourselves  into  some  distant  corner  of  the 
world,  the  loss  of  so  many  and  such  good  citizens  would  every- 
where cripple  your  administration,  and  you  would  be  punished 
by  their  absence.  Doubtless  you  would  tremble  at  your  own 
solitude  —  you  would  shrink  from  the  silence  and  the  stupor 
as  if  of  a  dead  world  —  you  would  ask.  Of  whom  are  we  the 
governors  ?  " 

The  treatise  on  Baptism  was  occasioned  by  the  following  cir- 
cumstance : 

A  female,  named  Quintilla,  had  propounded  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  church  at  Carthage  the  sentiment  that  the  rite  of 

♦  Tertulliani  Liber  Apolo^t.,  cap.  xxiv. 


A.  D.  CIRC.   210,  CARACALLA  EMPEROR.  285 

baptism  was  neither  beneficial  nor  requisite.  She  was  a 
Gnostic,  described  by  Tertullian  as  a  Cainite ;  perhaps  a  term 
of  reproach,  derived  from  the  antinomian  heresies  for  which 
that  sect  was  remarkable.  Tertullian,  in  terms  of  his  usual 
severity,  terms  her  "  a  viper,  seducing  many  by  her  most 
poisonous  doctrine,  and  principally  hostile  to  baptism ;  follow- 
ing therein  the  custom  of  asps  and  serpents  of  that  kind,  who 
f^eek  for  dry  and  unwatered  places.  But  we,"  he  proceeds, 
"  according  to  that  i/dvi  (fish),  Jesus  Christ,  are  born  in  water, 
nor  are  we  saved  except  by  remaining  in  it.  Thus  that  most 
monstrous  Quintilla,  incapable  of  teaching  any  doctrine  cor- 
rectly, especially  desires  to  kill  the  little  fishes  by  taking  them 
out  of  water."  ^ 

This  passage  may  need  a  little  explanation.  The  attempt  to 
give  it  will  tend  to  illustrate  some  of  the  modes  of  thinking 
adopted  by  the  church  in  the  third  century.  The  fish  was 
regarded  as  a  peculiar  emblem  of  Christ,  and  is  not  unfrequently 
found  sculptured  on  the  tombs  of  the  early  Christians.  It  was 
recommended  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  as  one  of  the  emblems 
suitable  to  the  believer,  and  it  had  a  double  signification,  referring 
first  to  the  water  of  baptism  (and  implying  an  approximation  to 
the  opus  operatum  with  which  the  present  age  has  been  so  much 
nauseated),  and  also  anagrammatically  expressing  the  four 
Greek  words  "  Jesus  Christ,  Son  of  God,  our  Saviour,"  —  Iiioovi 
X^iaxoi  @aov  Yloi  ^ojt^q.  The  decadence  of  primitive  doctrine 
is  painfully  apparent  in  the  latter  part  of  the  preceding  extract. 
"  0  happy  sacrament  of  water,"  says  the  same  writer  in  his 
introductory  sentence,  "  by  which  we  are  washed  from  the  sins 
of  our  original  blindness,  and  made  free  unto  eternal  life !  " 

According  to  Tertullian' s  view,  baptism  was  noti  the  actual 
communication  of  the  gift  of  the  Spirit,  but  the  removal  of  sin 
as  preparatory  to  those  gracious  influences.  He  describes  the 
rite  of  baptism  as  attended  with  anointing  and  imposition  of 

*  De  Baptismo,  §  i. 


236  CARTHAGE    AND    TERTULLIAN. 

hands.  "  Then  that  most  Holy  Spirit  freely  descends  from  the 
Father  upon  the  cleansed  and  blessed  body.  He  rests  upon  the 
waters  of  baptism,  recognizing  it  as  his  primitive  resting-place. 
.  And,  as  after  the  waters  of  the  deluge  by  which  the 
old  iniquity  was  purged  away,  after  the  baptism  (so  to  speak) 
of  the  world,  the  dove  sent  out  of  the  ark  announced  peace  to 
the  earth  from  the  wrath  of  Grod,  and  returned  with  the  olive- 
branch,  recognized  by  all  nations  as  a  sign  of  peace,  so,  by  the 
same  arrangement  of  a  spiritual  influence,  the  dove  of  the 
sacred  Spirit  flies  over  the  earth,  —  that  is,  our  flesh,  —  emerging 
from  the  laver  after  former  sins,  thus  bringing  the  peace  of 
God,  the  ark  being  the  symbol  of  the  church.  But  the  world 
sins  again,  in  which  respect  baptism  is  ill  set  forth  by  the 
deluge ;  therefore  it  is  destined  to  fire,  as  the  man  who,  after 
baptism,  renews  his  sins."  This  doctrine  is  also  implied  in 
the  following  passage  :  after  dwelling  on  the  deliverance  of 
Israel  from  Egypt  by  water ^  of  the  purification  of  water  at 
Marah,  of  the  supply  of  water  granted  to  the  thirst  of  the 
Israelites,  Tertullian  proceeds  : 

"  Christ  never  appears  without  water.  For  he  himself  is 
baptized  with  vMter  ;  being  invited  to  a  marriage,  he  shows  the 
first  rudiments  of  his  power  on  water  ;  when  he  preaches,  he 
invites  the  thirsting  to  his  eternal  water ;  when  he  treats  of 
love,  he  approves  the  cup  of  water  offered  to  the  poor  as  an  act 
of  charity ;  he  derives  refreshment  from  the  well  of  water  ;  he 
walks  on  the  water ;  he  readily  passes  across  the  water ;  he 
administers  water  to  his  disciples ;  he  preserves  the  testimony 
of  the  water  of  baptism  till  his  passion  ;  when  he  is  delivered  to 
the  cross,  water  appears,  —  the  hands  of  Pilate  witness  it ;  when 
he  is  wounded,  water  issues  from  his  side,  —  the  spear  of  the 
soldier  witnesses  it."  ^ 

In  the  following  passage  the  reader  may  trace  the  early 
recognition  of  three  orders  of  officers ;  though  in  contending  that 

*  De  Baptismo,  §  ix. 


A.  D.    CIRC.    210,    CARACALLA    EMl'EROR.  2o7 

the  priesthood  alone  should  administer  baptism  he  rather  en- 
treats than  claims : 

"  The  chief  priest,  who  is  the  bishop,  has  the  power  of  adminis- 
tration; after  him  the  presbyters  and  deacons,  —  not,  indeed, 
without  the  authority  of  the  bishop,  as  is  meet  for  the  good  of 
the  church.  .  .  .  The  word  of  God  must  not  be  concealed 
from  any ;  wherefore  baptism,  equally  valued  of  God,  may  be 
exercised  by  all;  but  how  much  more  does  the  discipline  of 
humility  and  modesty  become  the  laity,  so  that  even  when  they 
may  compete  in  these  things  with  their  superiors,  let  them  not 
assume  to  themselves  the  prescribed  office  of  the  bishop.  .  .  , 
The  promptitude  of  the  helper  is  excused  when  the  exigency  of 
the  person  in  danger  is  urgent, /or  he  would  be  the  cause  of  the 
man's  ruin  (perditi  hominis)  if  he  forbore  to  grant  him  what  he 
rightfully  could y 

Tertullian  proceeds  to  argue  that  baptism  is  not  to  be  rashly 
administered.  "  Give  to  every  one  that  asketh  of  thee"  has  its 
own  application,  and  belongs  to  almsgiving.  In  this  case,  how- 
ever, that  saying  should  be  rather  considered,  "  Give  not  that 
which  is  holy  to  dogs,  and  cast  not  your  pearls  before  swine." 
"  Lay  hands  suddenly  on  no  man,  neither  be  a  partaker  of  other 
men's  sins."  He  quotes  the  case  of  Philip  baptizing  the  eunuch 
as  a  special  case,  pointed  out  by  the  express  intervention  of 
God,  whilst  the  fact  of  his  having  gone  to  Jerusalem  to  worship 
shows  that  he  was  prepared  for  the  rite.  He  observes  that  if  it 
shall  be  said  Paul  was  suddenly  baptized,  his  host  Simon  knew 
him  to  be  "a  vessel  of  election."  "The  indication  of  God 
passes  by  his  own  prerogatives ;  every  desire  of  man  can  both 
deceive  and  be  deceived.  Therefore,  according  to  the  condition 
and  disposition  of  each  person,  and  to  their  age,  the  delay  of 
baptism  is  advantageous ;  principally,  however,  regarding  chil- 
dren. For  why  is  it  necessary  that  their  sponsors  be  thrown 
into  danger  ?  Because  that  they  themselves  may  fail  in  their 
promises  through  death,  and  be  deceived  by  the  increase  of  an 
unholy  disposition.      The  Lord,  indeed,  says,  '  Suffer  them  to 


238  CARTHAGE    AND    TEIITULLIAN. 

come  to  me.'  Let  them  come  when  thej  have  grown  up  ;  come 
whilst  they  can  learn  ;  come  when  they  can  go  in  the  direction 
in  which  they  are  taught.  Let  them  become  Christians  when 
they  are  able  to  know  Christ.  Why  does  an  innocent  age 
hasten  to  the  remission  of  sins  ?  More  care  is  used  in  secular 
matters ;  but  divine  things  are  intrusted  where  earthly  substance 
would  not  be.  Teach  them  to  ask  for  salvation,  that  thou 
mayest  give  to  him  that  asketh.  .  .  .  They  who  know  the 
responsibility  of  baptism  will  rather  dread  its  consummation 
than  its  delay.     A  complete  faith  is  sure  of  salvation." 

These  quotations  are  introduced,  not  with  a  view  of  deter- 
mining the  much-litigated  question  of  baptism,  but  with  that  of 
showing  how  far  and  how  grievously  the  church  of  Christ  had 
departed  from  its  original  purity.  It  is  evident  that  baptism 
was  no  longer  the  mere  memorial  of  a  regenerative  change, 
affecting  from  its  very  simplicity.  It  had  become  a  sacrament, 
possessed  of  sanctifying  and  life-giving  virtue.  It  was  fast 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  High  Priest,  was  accompanied  by 
unctions  and  sponsorships,  and  was  invested  with  so  solemn  a 
significance  that  sins  committed  after  it  partook  of  a  deadly 
character,  for  which  reason  Tertullian  vindicated  its  delay ; 
whilst  salvation  without  baptism  was  regarded  as  a  much  more 
hopeful  thing,  than  falling  away  after  its  solemn  forms  had  been 
administered.  To  whatever  extent  Tertullian  might  sympathize 
with  these  views,  the  fact  of  their  existence  is  unquestionable. 

The  "  Treatise  de  Poenitentia  "  is  an  appropriate  companion 
to  that  on  baptism.  As  the  former  treatise  might  be  calculated 
to  take  away  all  hope  from  those  who  had  committed  sins  after 
baptism,  and  might  so  cause  penitents  to  renounce  it  altogether, 
Tertullian  endeavors  by  this  tract  to  guard  against  the  opposite 
error,  and  earnestly  warns  those  who  had  committed  sins  after 
baptism  to  repent  publicly  of  their  backsliding,  and  not  to  be 
deterred  by  shame  and  a  fear  of  consequences  from  a  public 
confession  of  their  error.  Speaking  of  this  second  repentance, 
he  says : 


A,  D.    ClliC.    21U,    CAKACALLA    EMPEIlOli.  239 

"  This  act  is  most  forcibly  expressed  by  a  Greek  word  '  cxo- 
mologesis,'  by  which  we  confess  our  fault  to  the  Lord,  not 
indeed  as  if  he  were  ignorant  of  it,  but  in  so  far  as  satisfaction 
is  administered  by  confession,  penitence  is  created  by  confession, 
God  is  mitigated  by  penitence.  Therefore  exomologesis  is  the 
discipline  of  a  man  prostrating  and  humbling  himself,  imposing 
on  himself  a  behavior  which  may  attract  mercy  to  him  :  it 
enjoins  his  dress  and  food  ;  that  he  shall  lie  on  sackcloth  and 
ashes;  that  he  shall  smear  his  body  with  filth;  that  he  shall 
depress  his  mind  by  grief;  that  he  shall  change  the  things  by 
which  he  has  sinned  by  sorrowful  treatment;  that  he  shall 
nourish  his  prayers  by  fastings,  groans,  weep  and  roar  day  and 
night  to  the  Lord  his  God,  cast  himself  before  the  presbyters, 
kneel  before  the  favorites  of  God,  and  desire  all  his  brethren  to 
be  ambassadors  to  God  for  him." 

The  church  was  evidently  rapidly  sinking  into  the  practice 
which  the  Romanists  now  designate  by  the  name  of  penance. 
It  must  not,  however,  be  inferred  that  all  the  views  of  Tertul- 
lian  were  of  the  stamp  above  quoted. 

In  his  book  on  prayer  (De  Oratione)  Tertullian  acknowledges 
the  Lord's  Prayer  to  be  a  form  prescribed  for  the  use  of  the 
disciples  of  Christ,  and  he  calls  that  prayer  an  epitome  of  the 
whole  gospel.  We  learn  from  this  treatise  that  it  was  at  that 
time  the  ordinary  practice  of  Christians  to  wash  their  hands 
and  throw  off  their  outer  garment  during  prayer.  "  Is  it  true," 
says  Tertullian,  remonstrating  against  this  practice,  "that  God 
cannot  hear  the  cloaked  worshipper,  when  he  heard  the  three 
holy  men  praying  in  the  furnace  of  the  King  of  Babylon,  with 
their  cloaks  and  their  tiaras  ?  "  It  appears  that  some  sat  during 
prayer,  after  the  manner  of  the  heathen  devotees  or  of  the 
modern  Mahometans.  "  Shall  we  tell  God  that  our  religion 
fatigues  us?"  says  the  remonstrant.  He  equally  exclaims 
against  the  ostentatious  elevation  of  hands  and  the  loud  voices 
in  which  the  Christians  uttered  their  prayers,  and  asks  if  God's 
ears  wait  for  sounds  how  it  happened  that  the  prayer  of  Jonah 


240  CARTHAGE  AND  TEKTULLIAX. 

from  the  belly  of  the  whale  made  its  way  through  the  entrails 
of  the  fish  and  through  the  superincumbent  waters  till  it 
reached  heaven.  Another  custom  is  mentioned.  Heretofore 
it  had  been  usual  for  the  Christian  worshippers  to  close  their 
social  meetings  with  the  kiss  of  peace ;  but  now,  on  their  fast 
days,  this  custom  was  omitted,  as  being  a  symbol  of  joy  not  in 
accordance  with  the  acts  of  penance.  TertuUian  regards  the 
omission  as  of  grave  consequence.  "  What  prayer  can  be  com- 
plete in  the  absence  of  the  holy  sign  ?  "  (usually  confined  to  per- 
sons of  the  same  sex)  "  and  when  did  peace  ever  prevent  any 
one  from  discharging  his  duty  towards  God  ?  "  Another  cus- 
tom is  worthy  of  remark.  It  sometimes  happened  that  those 
who  were  undergoing  penance  refused  to  celebrate  the  Lord's 
Supper  on  the  days  appointed  for  its  observance.  TertuUian 
advises  them  to  take  with  other  communicants  "the  Lord's 
body,  and  to  reserve  it  by  them  till  the  fast  was  ended."  The 
reader  will  here  observe  the  recognition  of  one  "  kind  "  as  suf- 
ficient, whilst  a  sanctifying  virtue  is  supposed  to  reside  in  the 
bread. 

The  two  treatises  of  TertuUian  addressed  to  his  wife  mark 
the  church's  approach  to  false  views  of  virginity  and  celibacy. 
Yet  some  parts,  especially  those  which  describe  the  injury  done 
by  ill-assorted  marriages,  and  the  pleasurableness  of  those 
founded  upon  Christian  principles,  are  admirable.  The  follow- 
ing passage  strongly  illustrates  many  of  the  religious  observ- 
ances of  the  time.    TertuUian  is  speaking  of  a  mixed  marriage : 

"  Certainly  thou  canst  not  make  satisfaction  to  the  Lord  in 
the  way  of  religion  when  thou  hast  by  thy  side  a  slave  of  the 
Devil  —  a  procurator  of  his  Lord  to  hinder  the  studies  and  ofii- 
ces  of  devotion ;  so  that  if  a  special  day  is  to  be  observed,  the 
husband  appoints  it  for  the  baths ;  if  fasts  are  to  be  kept  the 
husband  on  that  day  will  appoint  a  feast,  or  if  the  wife  wishes 
to  go  abroad  the  duties  of  her  household  will  be  unusually  bur- 
densome. For  who  would  permit  his  wife,  for  the  sake  of  vis- 
iting Christians,  to  go  the  circuit  of  the  streets  and  to  enter  the 


A.  D.  CIRC,    210,  CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  241 

strangest  and  poorest  cottages  ?  Who  would  willingly  allow  her 
to  be  taken  from  his  side  to  attend  nightly  meetings,  if  such 
might  happen  to  be  held?  Who,  in  a  word,  would  quietly 
endure  her  to  pass  the  night  in  the  solemnities  of  Easter  ?  or 
would  unsuspiciously  send  her  to  that  feast  of  the  Lord  which 
is  so  much  calumniated  ?  Who  would  permit  her  to  creep  into 
a  prison  to  kiss  the  chains  of  the  martyr  ?  .  .  .to  ofier 
water  for  the  feet  of  the  saints?  .  .  .  If  a  wandering 
brother  come,  what  hospitality  could  he  expect  in  a  strange 
house  ?  If  presents  are  to  be  made,  the  barn  and  the  stores 
are  closed  .  .  .  Wilt  thou  be  concealed  when  thou  markest 
thy  bed  or  thy  person  with  the  sign  (of  the  cross),  or  when  thou 
blowest  away  that  which  is  unclean  (evidently  referring  to 
wicked  spirits),  when  thou  risest  in  the  night  to  pray  ?  Wilt 
thou  not  seem  to  be  performing  some  kind  of  magic  ?  " 

In  his  treatise  "  Ad  Martyres  "  (to  the  Martyrs),  Tertullian 
alludes  to  the  mode  in  which  these  suffering  brethren  were  sus- 
tained, namely,  "  by  refreshments  of  the  body,  which  the 
Mother-church  had  sent  from  its  abundance,  and  which  were 
ministered  by  individual  brethren  out  of  their  own  wealth." 
With  great  fidelity  he  warns  them  "not  to  grieve  the  Holy 
Spirit  who  entered  with  you  into  the  prison.  For  had  he  not 
entered  with  you,  you  would  not  have  been  there  now."  Among 
other  things,  Tertullian  mentions  a  kind  of  indulgence  which 
appears  to  have  been  there  practised.  When  an  offender 
against  the  church  desired  to  be  reconciled  to  the  community,  it 
was  usual  for  him  to  provide  himself  with  a  petition  from  one 
of  the  imprisoned  Christians,  which  bore  the  name  of  libellus 
pads,  and  which  constituted  a  kind  of  saintly  intercession,  by 
virtue  of  which  he  was  allowed  the  enjoyment  of  church  ordi- 
nances. "  For  they  who  are  not  at  peace  with  the  church  are 
accustomed  to  crave  it  from  the  imprisoned  martyrs."  He 
endeavors  to  encourage  them  to  endurance  by  the  examples  of 
those  who  had  borne  much  for  their  incorruptible  crown;  by 
the  examples  of  Lucretia,  Mutius,  Heraclitus,  Empedocles, 
21 


242  CARTHAGE  AND  TERTULLIAN. 

Peregrinus,  Dido,  Regulus,  Cleopatra,  and  others,  who  submit- 
ted to  suflering  from  motives  far  from  sublime. 

The  treatise  "  Adversum  Judgeos  "  (against  the  Jews)  de- 
scribes the  progress  which  Christianity  had  made  in  the  time  of 
the  writer. 

"  For  whom  does  the  Father  hold  at  the  place  of  His  right 
hand  but  Christ  the  Son,  whom  all  nations  shall  hear  — that  is, 
shall  believe  .  .  .  for  now  we  behold  the  varieties  of  the 
Getuli,  and  the  many  frontiers  of  the  Moors ;  all  the  outposts 
of  Spain,  and  the  different  nations  of  Gaul ;  parts  of  Britain 
inaccessible  to  Roman  arms,  subdued  to  Christ ;  and  some  from 
Sarmatia  and  Dacia  and  Germany  and  Scythia,  besides  other 
nations,  as  well  as  many  provinces  and  islands  unknown  to  us, 
and  which  we  cannot  enumerate.  In  all  which  places  the  name 
of  Christ,  who  has  already  come,  shall  be  triumphant ;  for  the 
gates  of  all  cities  fly  open  before  him,  and  before  him  none  are 
shut.  .  .  .  The  reign  and  name  of  Christ  go  everywhere  ; 
he  is  everywhere  believed ;  he  is  worshipped  by  all  the  nations 
above  mentioned;  everywhere  he  reigns,  everywhere  he  is 
adored ;  to  all  he  is  equally  given ;  the  king  does  not  receive 
from  him  superior  gifts  —  the  barbarian  does  not  enjoy  inferior 
joy ;  his  merits  have  no  relation  to  dignity  or  to  birth ;  to  all 
he  is  equal,  to  all  he  is  king,  to  all  he  is  judge,  to  all  he  is  both 
Lord  and  God."  =^ 

This  passage  demands  a  few  observations.  Making  every 
allowance,  as  we  must  do,  for  the  imperfect  information  of  the 
times,  and  the  impulses  of  an  African  writer,  especially  when 
we  remember  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  Tertullian  as  an 
individual,  it  is  evident  that  some  basis  of  fact  must  lie  beneath 
all  this  eloquent  superstructure,  although  in  the  present  day  it 
may  be  difficult  to  ascertain  what  that  fact  may  be.  It  is  per- 
haps true  that  among  the  many  remnants  of  ancient  Rome 
which  have  been  found  existing  (in  Britain,  for  instance), 
nothing  has  as  yet  appeared  tending  to  elucidate  the  early  his- 

*  Adver.  Judaeos,  §  vii. 


A.  D.    CIRC.    210,    CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  243 

tory  of  Christianity  in  these  islands  ;  and  it  is  also  true  that,  on 
his  advent  to  these  shores,  the  monk  Austin  found  no  remnant 
of  an  earlier  Christianity.  We  must,  however,  be  allowed  to 
think  that  such  facts  do  not  invalidate  the  testimony  of  Ter- 
tullian,  but  only  leave  it  unexplained ;  and  that  so  public  a 
man  would  scarcely  have  dared  (better  principles  not  forbidding) 
to  expose  himself  in  so  public  a  manner  to  the  contradiction  of 
the  Jews,  had  he  been  conscious  that  he  was  merely  making  a 
rhetorical  flourish.  We  must,  therefore,  take  it  for  granted 
that  Britain  had  by  this  time  received  the  gospel  of  Christ,  and 
must  refer  the  reader  to  a  pamphlet  of  Mr.  Hallam,  entitled 
"  Observations  on  the  Story  of  Lucius,"  for  further  information 
on  this  subject. 

The  "  Praescriptiones  adversus  Hereticos  "  (the  rules  against 
heretics)  conveys  a  forcible  description  of  the  practices  among 
the  Marcionites.  We  subjoin  a  passage,  with  Neander's  notes  : 
"  I  will  not  omit  a  description  of  heretical  conduct,  how  worth- 
less, how  earthly,  how  human  it  is;  without  dignity,  without 
authority,  without  discipline,  corresponding  to  their  faith.  First 
of  all,  it  is  uncertain  who  is  a  catechumen,  who  is  a  believer 
among  them ;  they  all  alike  approach,  —  they  pray  alike  "  (that 
is,  they  all  take  part  in  the  same  prayers ;  there  are  no  special 
prayers  for  the  catechumens  and  for  the  baptized;  at  the 
prayers  preparatory  to  the  Supper  the  catechumens  were  not 
dismissed)  ;  "  also,  if  the  heathen  come  in,  they  will  cast  that 
which  is  holy  to  the  dogs,  and  pearls  before  swine."  (This,  no 
doubt,  refers  to  the  celebration  of  the  holy  Supper,  at  which 
heretics  and  heathens  were  allowed  to  be  present.  TertuUian 
does  not  allow  the  reality  of  the  holy  Supper  among  heretics, 
nor  that  the  body  of  the  Lord  is  with  them.)  "  The  neglect  of 
discipline  they  regard  as  simplicity,  and  the  attention  we  pay  to 
it  they  call  cajolery;  they  make  peace  with  all  indiscrimi- 
nately "  (that  is,  they  hold  church  communion  with  all,  without 
distinction) ;  "  it  signifies  nothing  to  them  what  differences  of 
doctrine  are  found  among  them,  provided  they  unite  in  impugn- 


244  CARTHAGE    AND   TERTULLIAN. 

ing  the  one  truth.  All  promise  knowledge.  The  catechumens 
are  perfect  before  they  are  taught ;  even  the  female  heretics,  — 
how  forward !  —  who  venture  to  teach,  to  dispute,  to  practise 
exorcisms,  to  promise  cures,  perhaps  even  to  baptize  !  Their 
ordinations  are  rash,  careless,  inconstant.  At  one  time  they 
appoint  neophytes;  at  another  time,  men  bound  to  the  world  " 
(that  is,  who  are  connected  with  certain  state  offices ;  for  already 
a  law  of  the  church  existed  that  no  one  bound  —  muneribus 
puhlicis  —  should  venture  to  enter  the  clerical  calling,  since  it 
was  presumed  that  the  undertaking  of  such  worldly  business 
was  quite  inconsistent  with  that  vocation) ;  "  sometimes  our 
apostles,  that  they  may  bind  them  to  themselves  by  the  glory 
(of  station),  since  they  cannot  by  truth.  Nowhere  is  promotion 
easier  than  in  the  camp  of  rebels,  since  simply  to  be  there  is  a 
merit.  Therefore  one  man  is  bishop  to-day,  another  to-morrow ; 
to-day  he  is  a  deacon  who  to-morrow  will  be  a  reader ;  to-day 
he  is  a  presbyter  who  to-morrow  will  be  a  layman  ;  for  even  on 
laymen  they  confer  priestly  offices." 

We  have  quoted  from  Tertullian  a  passage  relative  to  liberty 
of  conscience,  which  we  hold  to  be  extraordinary  for  the  age 
which  produced  it.  We  must  now  extract  from  this  treatise  a 
passage  of  a  contrary  tendency,  referring  to  those  heretics  who 
would  appeal  to  Scripture  as  the  basis  of  truth ;  this  prerog- 
ative being,  in  his  opinion,  only  for  those  who  observe  the  tenets 
"  which  the  church  has  received  from  the  apostles,  the  apostles 
from  Christ,  and  Christ  from  the  Father."  He  says  that  if 
they  be  heretics  they  cannot  be  Christians ;  "  and,  not  being 
Christians,  can  have  no  right  to  Christian  literature.  To  them 
it  may  be  appropriately  said :  Who  art  thou  ?  when  and  how 
didst  thou  come  here  ?  Why  dost  thou,  who  dost  not  belong  to 
me,  use  my  things  ?  By  what  right,  Marcion,  dost  thou  cut 
down  my  wood  ?  By  what  license,  Valentinus,  dost  thou  turn 
the  course  of  my  fountains?  By  what  power,  Apelles,  dost 
thou  remove  my  landmarks  ?  The  possession  is  mine ;  why 
dost  thou  sow  and  reap  according  to  thy  pleasure  ?     The  posses- 


A.    D.    CIRC.    210,    CARACALLA    EMPEllOK.  245 

sion  is  mine.  I  am  the  ancient  possessor,  the  first  possessor  ;  I 
have  the  original  from  the  ver}'^  authority  to  whom  the  facts 
themselves  happened ;  I  am  the  heir  of  the  apostles ;  as  they 
have  delivered  in  their  will,  as  they  have  delivered  it  to  be 
believed,  as  they  have  sworn  to  it,  so  I  hold  it :  but  thou  hast 
been  already  disinherited  and  abjured  by  them,  as  heretics,  as 
enemies.  For  why  is  it  that  heretics  are  enemies  and  strangers 
to  the  apostles,  unless  because  of  the  diflFerence  of  doctrine 
which  each  has  brought  out  or  received  by  his  own  fancy,  in 
opposition  to  the  apostles."  "^  We  can  understand  how  such  an 
argument  as  this  might  occur  to  a  man  like  Tertullian,  and 
might  apply  to  cases  in  which  the  Scriptures  were  perverted, 
often  to  the  basest  of  purposes ;  but  such  a  setting  up  of  the 
authority  of  the  church,  to  the  denial  of  all  fair  inquiry  into 
Scripture,  is  most  dangerous,  and  shows  —  if  proof  were  neces- 
sary, seeing  that  Tertullian  was  but  speaking  the  opinions  of  his 
time  —  to  what  lengths  men  may  go  who  base  their  Christianity 
upon  the  authority  of  the  ancient  Fathers  of  the  church.  The 
true  principles  of  argumentation  were  as  yet  most  imperfectly 
understood.  A  little  later,  Arnobius  says  that  he  cannot  enter 
into  controversy  with  atheists;  while  Lactantius  pursues  a 
similar  course  with  the  Epicurean  who  questioned  his  prin- 
ciples.t 

Tertullian's  treatise  "  De  Anima"  (respecting  the  soul)  is 
quoted  by  the  Roman  Catholics  in  support  of  their  system ;  nor 
is  it  quoted  unjustly.  Whether  Tertullian  was  qualified  for 
such  a  work  as  this  may  be  questioned  ;  or,  rather,  it  is  beyond 
question.  His  impulse  was  evidently  towards  the  concrete 
rather  than  the  abstract ;  he  could  expatiate,  but  not  analyze ; 
nor,  considering  the  qualities  of  his  mind,  can  we  be  surprised 
at  the  many  errors  into  which  he  falls ;  as  when  he  asserts  the 
corporeity  of  the  soul,  though  of  a  superior  kind,  refers  to  its 
propagation  at  the  same  time  with  the  body,  and  its  accompani- 

*  De  Priescriptione  Haereticorum,  §  xxxviii. 

t  See  Woodham'6  L.  S.  V.  Tertulliani,  Lib.  Apol.     Cambrmge,  1843. 

21* 


246  CARTHAGE  AND  TERTULLIAN. 

merit  from  birth  by  an  evil  spirit ;  and  when  he  declares  that, 
after  the  death  of  the  body,  the  soul  descends  into  a  state  of 
which  the  subsequent  doctrine  of  purgatory  was  not  a  very 
dissimilar  exponent. 

There  exists  among  Tertullian's  writings  a  treatise  "  De 
Pallio  "  (concerning  the  philosopher's  cloak).  That  garment, 
and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  regarded  by  some  Christians, 
has  been  already  referred  to  in  the  mention  of  Justin  Martyr. 
It  appears  that,  from  some  cause  or  other  (various  conjectures 
exist  as  to  what  that  cause  was),  Tertullian  had  adopted  the 
pallium  —  the  distinguishing  badge  of  the  Greek  philosophers  — 
as  his  ordinary  attire,  in  preference  to  the  toga,  which  was  the 
usual  garb  of  the  man  of  business.  It  was,  doubtless,  a  modi- 
fication of  the  ascetic  spirit  which  has  prevailed  in  the  world, 
and  has  sucked  up,  to  so  large  an  extent,  the  energy  of  the 
Christian  system ;  falsely  representing  that  Christianity  and 
business  are  antipodal,  and  that  a  man  can  best  serve  God  by 
retreating  from  the  business  and  cares  of  the  world,  instead  of 
sanctifying  them  in  them. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  Tertullian  separated 
himself  from  the  body  of  Christians  with  whom  he  had  hitherto 
associated,  and  became  a  Montanist.  The  description  given  of 
the  rise  of  this  heresy  by  Apollinaris  of  Hierapolis,  quoted  in 
Eusebius,  may  interest  the  reader,  as  marking  the  simplicity  of 
early  times  : 

"  Lately,  however,  having  been  at  Ancyra,  a  city  of  Galatia, 
and  having  understood  that  the  church  in  Pontus  was  very 
much  agitated  by  this  new  prophecy,  as  they  call  it,  but  which 
—  as  shall  be  shown,  with  divine  assistance  —  deserves  rather 
the  name  of  false  prophecy,  I  discoursed  many  days  in  the 
church,  both  respecting  these  matters  and  others  that  were 
proposed  ;  so  that  the  church  indeed  rejoiced,  and  was  strength- 
ened in  the  truth,  but  the  adversaries  were  put  to  flight,  and 
the  opponents  were  cast  down.  But,  as  the 'presbyters  of  the 
place  requested  that  we   should  leave  some  account  of  those 


A.  D.    CIRC.   210,  CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  247 

things  that  we  said,  in  opposition  to  the  enemies  of  the  truth, 
Zoticus  Otrenus  also  being  present,  who  was  our  fellow-pres- 
byter, —  this,  indeed,  I  did  not  perform,  but  I  promised  writing 
thither,  and  to  send  it  as  soon  as  possible,  if  the  Lord  per- 
mitted." This  and  other  matters  he  states  in  the  beginning  of 
his  work,  premising  the  cause  of  the  mentioned  heresy  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Their  combination,  therefore,  and  recent  heretical 
severance  from  the  church,  had  for  its  origin  the  following 
cause.  There  is  said  to  be  a  certain  village  of  Mysia  in  Phrygia 
called  Ardaba.  There,  they  say,  during  the  proconsulship  of 
Cratus  in  Asia,  one  of  those  who  was  but  a  recent  convert, 
Montanus  by  name,  in  the  excessive  desire  of  his  soul  to  take 
the  lead,  gave  the  adversary  occasion  against  himself,  so  that  he 
was  carried  away  in  spirit,  and  wrought  up  into  a  certain  kind 
of  frenzy  and  irregular  ecstasy,  raving  and  speaking  and  utter- 
ing strange  things,  and  proclaiming  what  was  contrary  to  the 
institutions  that  had  prevailed  in  the  church,  as  handed  down 
and  preserved  in  succession  from  the  earliest  times.  But  of 
those  that  happened  then  to  be  present,  and  to  hear  these 
spurious  oracles,  some,  being  indignant,  rebuked  him  as  one 
under  the  influence  of  demons  and  the  spirit  of  delusion,  and 
only  exciting  disturbances  among  the  multitude.  These  bore  in 
mind  the  distinction  and  the  warning  given  by  our  Lord,  when 
he  cautioned  them  to  be  vigilantly  on  their  g-uard  against  false 
prophets.  Others  again,  elated  as  if  by  the  Holy  Spirit  and 
the  prophetic  gift,  and  not  a  little  puffed  up,  and  forgetting  the 
caution  given  by  our  Lord,  challenged  this  insidious,  flattering 
and  seducing  spirit,  and  were  themselves  captivated  and  seduced 
by  his  influence,  so  that  they  were  no  longer  able  to  silence  him. 
Thus,  by  an  artifice,  or  rather  by  a  certain  crafty  process,  the 
devil  having  devised  destruction  against  those  who  disobeyed 
the  truth,  and  thus  excessively  honored  by  them,  secretly  stim- 
lated  and  fired  their  understandings,  already  wrapt  in  insensi- 
bility, and  wandering  away  from  the  truth.  He  also  excited 
two  others,  females,  and  filled  them  with  the  spirit  of  delusion, 


248  CARTHAGE  AND  TERTULLIAN. 

SO  that  they  spake  like  the  former,  in  a  kind  of  frenzy,  out  of 
all  propriety,  and  in  a  manner  strange  and  novel.  .  .  The 
few  that  were  deceived  were  Phrygians ;  and  the  same  arrogant 
spirit  (Montanus)  taught  them  to  revile  the  whole  church  under 
heaven,  because  it  gave  neither  access  nor  honor  ,to  this  false 
spirit  of  prophecy.  The  faithful,  therefore,  held  frequent  con- 
ferences in  many  places  throughout  Asia  on  this  account,  and, 
having  examined  these  novel  doctrines,  pronounced  them  vain, 
rejected  them  as  heresy,  and  prohibited  from  communion  with 
the  church  those  who  held  them.  .  .  Let  them  tell  us  in 
the  name  of  God,  0  friends  !  which  of  those  who  began  prating, 
from  Montanus  and  his  women,  is  there  that  sufi'ered  persecution 
or  was  slain  by  the  impious  ?  None.  Not  even  one  of  them 
has  been  seized  and  crucified  for  the  name  (of  Christ).  None 
at  all.  Not  one  of  their  women  was  ever  scourged  in  the 
synagogues  of  the  Jews,  or  stoned.     No,  —  never."  =^ 

To  this  description  from  Apollinaris  may  be  added  a  few 
additional  explanations  respecting  the  heresy  of  Montanus.  It 
was  the  assertion  of  this  man  that  the  doctrine  taught  by  our 
Lord  had  not  yet  received  its  full  and  final  perfection,  and  that 
it  was  reserved  for  himself,  who  possessed  (as  he  said)  a  divine 
inspiration,  or  (according  to  some  opinions)  professed  himself 
actually  the  Paraclete,  to  give  to  Christ's  system  its  complete 
development.  Montanus  and  his  followers  thus  described  their 
"  divine  ecstasy."  t  "  Lo  !  "  said  he,  "  the  man  is  a  lyre,  and  I 
play  upon  him  like  a  plectrum.  The  man  sleeps,  and  I  am 
awake.  Lo  !  it  is  the  Lord  who  entrances  the  hearts  of  men, 
and  gives  hearts  to  men."  Tertullian,  however,  declares  that 
the  revelations  of  Montanus  referred  rather  to  points  of  disci- 
pline than  of  fundamental  doctrine.  The  leading  peculiarity  of 
the  Montanists  consisted  in  their  severe  and  ascetic  austerities. 

*  Euseb.,  Eccl.  Hist.,  lib.  v.  §  xvi. 

t  The  Chevalier  Bunsen  identifies  this  with  animal  magnetism,  grounding 
his  opinion  on  the  words  of  Montanus  himself,  recorded  above.  The  passage 
which  he  quotes  is  from  Epiph.  Hasres.,  §  iv.  p.  105. 


A.  D.    CIRC.    210,    CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  249 

Second  marriages  were  condemned.  Flight  from  persecution 
was  held  unlawful.  Sins  after  baptism  were  regarded  as  un- 
pardonable. The  doctrine  of  the  personal  reign  of  Christ  was 
strongly  asserted.  Many  smaller  sects  subsequently  sprang 
from  the  first  heresy,  —  the  Priscillianists,  the  Quintillani,  the 
Pepuziani,  called  from  Pepuza,  where  Montanus  himself  lived ; 
the  Artoturitae,  called  from  the  use  of  bread  and  cheese  in  their 
rites ;  the  Tascodrugitae,  called  from  putting  their  fingers  on 
their  noses  during  prayer.  Various  charges  of  enormities  made 
against  this  body  so  strongly  resemble  those  which  were 
brought  against  the  primitive  Christians  by  their  heathen  ene- 
mies, that  they  may  be  summarilj'  dismissed,  with  contempt. 
What  were  the  causes  which  led  Tertullian  to  adopt  the  sect  of 
the  Montanists?  has  been  often  asked.  Some  speak  of  the 
change  as  being  the  effect  of  his  jealousy  at  seeing  Victor  con- 
stituted Bishop  of  Rome  before  himself.  But  that  view  rather 
indicates  what  a  Roman  Catholic  historian  might  regard  as  a 
probable  cause  of  the  schism,  than  any  course  rendered  probable 
by  the  actual  antecedents  of  Tertullian 's  history.  For  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  ever  held  a  high  ecclesiastical  eminence; 
and  the  bishopric  of  Rome  was  now  rapidly  becoming  a  post  of 
influence.  It  is  also  quite  impossible  to  read  any  of  the  writings 
of  Tertullian  and  not  to  perceive  that  the  embryo  elements  of 
Montanism  were  already  there,  and  that  a  religion  of  which 
another  John  the  Baptist  would  have  been  the  only  recognized 
apostle  —  and,  moreover,  a  religion  which  might  allow  full 
scope  for  a  dissentient,  sneering,  captious,  discontented  spirit 
—  was  the  only  frame-work  suited  to  his  nature.  Such  men, 
however,  do  service  to  the  age  in  which  they  live.  Unloving 
and  unloved  though  they  be,  they  detect  abuses,  and  terrify 
men  from  their  perpetration.  They  perform  a  similar  part  to 
the  dogs  which  infest  the  city  of  Constantinople,  —  they  alarm 
the  timorous,  and  disturb  the  repose  of  the  tranquil,  but  they 
prevent  the  whole  neighborhood  fi'om  becoming  a  nuisance,  and 
a  fearful  source  of  pestilence  and  death. 


250  CARTHAGE    AND    TERTULLIAN. 

The  writings  of  Tertullian,  which  employed  him  after  this 
change  in  his  history,  afford  the  best  exemplification  of  the 
nature  of  the  new  opinions  he  had  been  led  to  adopt. 

Septimus  Severus,  when  head  of  the  Roman  empire,  had 
passed  a  new  law,  which,  extending  beyond  the  construction 
which  had  hitherto  persecuted  the  Christian  religion,  because 
its  profession  was  inconsistent  with  the  duties  of  Roman  citi- 
zens, enacted  several  penalties  against  those  who  shotild  become 
Jews  or  Christians.  Under  the  operation  of  this  law,  the  fol- 
lowing circumstance  occurred.  Some  occasion,  now  unknown, 
led  to  the  distribution  of  a  donative  among  the  soldiers,  who, 
in  receiving  the  present,  wore  crowns  of  laurel  on  their  heads. 
As  garlands  were  extensively  used  in  heathen  festivals,  it  was 
deemed  unlawful  for  a  Christian  to  appear  so  adorned ;  and 
when  a  believing  soldier  made  his  appearance  among  his  com- 
panions, bearing  his  crown,  not  on  his  head  but  in  his  hand,  he 
was  imprisoned.  Many  of  the  Christians  of  the  time  censured 
the  soldier  for  having  been  unnecessarily  pertinacious  respect- 
ing things  indifferent,  and  for  having  thus  provoked  gratui- 
tously a  hostility  which  might  disturb  the  peace  they  had 
enjoyed  during  some  time.  In  this  crisis,  Tertullian,  whose  pen 
was  always  ready,  came  forward  to  vindicate  the  soldier,  and  to 
protest  against  the  half-heartedness  which  had  censured  him. 
He  maintained  that  it  is  unlawful  for  a  Christian  to  become  a 
soldier,  because  no  man  might  serve  another  lord  than  Christ, 
and  argued  that  if  any  one  shall  say  that  it  was  lawful  to 
receive  a  crown  because  scripture  had  not  forbidden  it,  it  might 
with  equal  justice  be  said  that  it  was  unlawful  to  receive  a 
crown  because  scripture  had  not  commanded  it.  He  then 
declares  that  the  church  had  already  practised  many  things  for 
which  they  could  show  no  apostolical  precedent,  and  that,  in- 
stead of  saying  that  that  is  permitted  which  is  not  prohibited, 
the  maxim,  pushed  to  its  conclusion,  would  be,  that  all  is  pro- 
hibited which  is  not  permitted. 

In  the  course  of  this  treatise  we  observe  indications  of  the 


A.  D.  CIRC.    210,  CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  251 

practice  of  the  church  at  the  period,  which  are  deserving  of 
special  notice,  and  which  show  how  much  rust  had  already  been 
permitted  to  accumulate  about  its  usages,  and  to  tarnish  the 
brightness  of  original  Christianity. 

"  To  begin  with  baptism.  When  we  are  about  to  enter  into 
the  water,  we  call  to  witness  in  the  church,  whilst  under  the 
hand  of  the  president,  that  we  renounce  the  Devil,  his  pomp, 
and  his  angels ;  then  we  are  thrice  plunged,  and  answer  to  more 
things  tnan  God  in  the  gospel  has  declared ;  then,  being  taken 
up,  we  taste  a  mixture  of  milk  and  honey,  and  from  that  day 
for  a  whole  week  we  abstain  from  our  daily  bath.  We  receive 
the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  commanded  by  the  Lord  to  be 
celebrated  at  the  time  of  meals,  and  by  all  persons  in  common, 
in  our  early  morning  assemblies,  nor  do  we  take  it  from  any 
hands  but  those  of  our  presidents.  We  offer  oblations  for  the 
dead,  and  we  make  annual  festivals  celebrating  the  day  of  their 
death  like  a  birthday.  On  the  Lord's  day  we  deem  it  unlawful 
to  fast  or  to  worship  with  bended  knees.  From  Easter  to 
Whitsuntide  we  enjoy  the  same  immunity.  We  are  filled  with 
anxiety  if  any  of  the  cup  or  of  the  bread  fall  to  the  ground. 
We  sign  the  sign  of  the  cross  at  every  journey  and  every 
movement ;  at  every  entrance  and  exit ;  when  we  put  on  our 
shoes  ;  when  we  wash  ;  at  eating,  at  lighting,  at  lying  down,  at 
sitting  ;  in  whatever  we  engage.  Of  these  and  similar  observ- 
ances if  you  ask  for  a  rule  in  scripture,  you  will  find  none  ;  tra- 
dition authorizes  it,  custom  sanctions  it,  and  faith  observes  it."  ^ 
To  such  an  extent  had  this  man-made  law  proceeded  at  so  early 
a  period ! 

In  another  tract,  "  De  Virginibus  Velandis  "  (respecting  the 
veiling  of  unmarried  women),  whilst  he  develops  still  further 
his  Montanist  propensities,  he  declares  the  rule  of  faith  to  be 
uniform,  unmovable,  and  unalterable ;  and  sets  forth  a  formu- 
lary which  is  an  evident  anticipation  of  the  subsequent  Nicene 
creed. 

*  De  Corona,  iii.,  iv. 


252  CARTHAGE    AND    TERTULLIAN. 

To  the  description  incidentally  given  in  the  last  chapter  of 
the  church  of  the  second  century,  a  few  additional  particulars 
may  be  here  subjoined. 

Without  entering  upon  the  discussion,  in  this  volume,  of  per- 
plexing questions,  respecting  which  the  opinions  of  the  learned 
have  been  much  divided,  —  such  as  the  first  origin  of  the  "  Cle- 
mentine forgeries,"  or  that  of  the  so-called  "  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions,"—  it  is  evident  that  in  the  course  of  this  century  a 
great  advance  was  made  towards  prelatical  doctrines ;  towards 
which  none  contributed  a  more  important  share  than  the  Mon- 
tanists,  who  united  in  this  tendency  with  their  adversaries,  the 
Gnostic  Ebionites.  "The  power  of  the  keys"  began  to  be 
familiarly  spoken  of  as  the  gift  of  Christ  to  Peter,  through 
whom  it  was  transmitted  to  the  church,  with  a  suspicious 
ignoring  of  the  fact  that  it  was  intrusted,  at  a  subsequent 
period,  by  the  same  Lord,  to  all  the  other  apostles.  As  yet, 
however,  the  term  "  Papa  "  was  given  to  bishops  in  general. 
The  Judaical  influence,  against  which  the  primitive  believers 
had  been  so  earnestly  warned,  infected  and  paralyzed  the  spir- 
itual energies  of  true  Christians.  The  phrases  Levites,  priests, 
high-priests,  became  of  common  occurrence,  and  the  distinction 
between  the  clergy  and  laity  began  to  be  distinctly  marked. 
The  bishops  were  still  elected  by  the  church  at  large. 

But  the  simplicity  of  public  worship  had  not  yet  been  sacri- 
ficed, and  the  circumstances  under  which  these  early  Christians 
met  were  favorable  to  its  preservation.  Bufieted  and  repro- 
bated as  the  believers  were,  they  could  have  neither  temples 
nor  imposing  ceremonies ;  they  often  met  at  dead  of  night  or  in 
the  early  morning,  and  their  assemblies  were  characterized  by 
as  little  pomp  and  circumstance  as  possible.  In  these  meetings 
the  Scriptures  were  read,  certain  psalms  were  sung,  sermons 
were  preached,  and  prayers  offered,  "  according  to  the  ability  " 
of  the  conductor  of  the  service.  At  the  close  of  the  prayers 
the  people  responded  by  an  audible  "Amen."  "^     That  ancient 

*  Such,  at  least,  was  the  practice  after  the  prayer  at  the  Eucharist,  and 
the  general  custom  is  fairly  inferable.     Just.  Apol.  §  ii. 


A.  D.  Cinc.    210,  CARACALLA    EMnaiOR.  253 

liymn  which,  transmitted  through  the  Romish  Church,  now 
forms  part  of  the  form  of  thanksgiving  in  the  communion  ser- 
vice of  the  Church  of  England,  and  which  appears  to  have 
been  formed  by  successive  additions  to  the  angels'  song  at  the 
Nativity,  was  perhaps  in  use  at  this  period.=^  It  was  sung  anti- 
phonally.     It  is  the  most  ancient  hymn  extant : 

"  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest  ; 

And  peace  upon  earth  ;   good-will  to  men  ! 

"  We  praise  Thee  ;   we  bless  Thee  ;   we  worship  Thee  ; 
We  give  thanks  to  Thee  for  Thy  great  glory, 
0  Lord  the  King  of  Heaven,  God  the  Father  Almighty, 
0  Lord  God  ! 

"  0  Lord,  only-begotten  Son  ! 
0  Jesus  Christ  ! 
0  Lamb  of  God  ! 
0  Son  of  the  Father  ! 
0  Thou  who  takest  away  the  sins  of  the  world  ! 

Have  mercy  on  us  ! 
0  Thou  who  takest  away  the  sins  of  the  world  ! 

Have  mercy  on  us  !  receive  our  prayer  ! 
0  Thou  who  sittest  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father  ! 
Have  mercy  on  us  ! 

"  For  thou  alone  art  holy  ! 
Thou  alone  art  Lord  ! 
Jesus  Christ  ! 

To  the  glory  of  God  the  Father  !    Amen  !  " 

Clemens  Alexandrinus  mentions  another,  called  "  Hail  Light," 
and  himself  composed  many  hymns. 

The  administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  agape  (the 
love  feast)  which  succeeded  it,  was  provided  for  by  the  volun- 
tary offerings  of  the  worshippers,  and  the  remainder  was  sent, 
together  with  what  was  contributed  by  monthly  subscriptions,  to 
the    church-officers    and   the  poor.t      The    generosity    of    the 

*  See  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  ii.  157,  iii.  142. 
t  Tertull.  ApoL,  §  39. 

22 


254  CARTHAGE  AND  TERTULLIAN. 

primitive  believers  was  a  distinguished  feature  iu  their  char- 
acter. This  was  manifested  by  nothing  more  conspicuously 
than  in  the  care  they  took  of  those  who  suffered  imprisonment 
for  the  faith.  Waddington  very  appropriately  introduces  into 
his  "  Church  History "  ^  Lucian's  ridicule  of  the  care  which 
was  taken  of  one  Peregrinus,  whom  he  accuses  (with  truth,  it  is 
too  probable)  as  having  been  exiled  from  Armenia  for  "  horrible 
crimes,"  but  who  was  afterwards  thrown  into  a  prison  in  Pales- 
tine as  a  Christian.  "  There  came  Christians,"  he  says,  "  deputed 
from  many  churches  in  Asia,  to  relieve,  to  encourage,  and  to 
comfort  him  (for  the  care  and  diligence  which  the  Christians 
exert  on  these  occasions  are  incredible ;  in  a  word,  they  spare 
nothing).  They  sent,  therefore,  large  sums  to  Peregrinus,  and 
his  confinement  was  an  occasion  of  amassing  great  riches ;  for 
these  poor  creatures  are  firmly  persuaded  they  shall  one  day 
enjoy  eternal  life,  therefore  they  despise  death  with  wonderful 
courage."  As  the  death  of  a  martyr  was  supposed  to  have  the 
power  of  absolving  from  all  sin,  its  anniversary  was  called  his 
"  birth-day."  To  the  deacons  was  peculiarly  intrusted  the  care  of 
visiting  and  providing  for  such  persons  dui-ing  their  imprisonment. 
The  celebration  of  the  martyrs  was  distinguished  by  religious  ser- 
vices and  by  prayers  at  their  graves.!  It  would  appear  also  that 
sometimes  the  agapce  were  celebrated  at  or  near  their  graves ; 
and  a  tomb  found  among  the  catacombs  at  Rome  presents  an 
engraving  of  this  ceremonial.  Three  guests  are  represented  at 
a  table,  whilst  an  attendant  is  present,  with  a  lamb  and  a  cup, 
ready  to  serve  them  at  their  meal.  Two  allegorical  figures, 
Peace  and  Love,  are  represented  as  directing  attention  to  the 
observance.!  Marriages  were  sanctioned  by  the  church ;  the 
president  of  the  church  announcing  the  union,  and  praying  for 
the  parties-^i"    Second  marriages  were  frowned  upon  :  II  but  when 

*  Waddington's  Church  Hist.,  c.  ii.  f  TertulL,  Ad  Scap.,  §  iiii. 

X  Maitland's  Church  in  the  Catacombs,  p.  209. 

§  TertulL,  De  Pudicit.  §  iv. 

II  Hermae  Past.,  lib.  i.     Neander,  iv.,  4.    Clem.  Alex.,  Strom.,  iii.  p.  548. 


A.    D.    CIRC.    2]0,    CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  255 

the  Montanists  represented  them  as  highly  adulterous,  they  were 
regarded  as  having  stated  the  case  too  strongly.  In  praying, 
the  faces  of  the  worshippers  were  turned  towards  the  east,* 
either  because  they  recognized  that  translation  of  the  passage 
in  Zechariah,  "  Behold  the  man  whose  name  is  the  East "  (the 
Branch),t  or  because  the  east,  as  the  place  of  sunrise,  repre- 
sented their  second  birth.  I  Fastings  were  much  practised, 
especially  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays,  though  it  was  usually 
held  obligatory  only  during  the  interval  between  Christ's  death 
and  resurrection.  There  were  also  watch-nights  of  "the  sol- 
diers of  Christ,"  which  continued  till  three  p.  m.  ^  Excommuni- 
cation was  performed  in  the  most  solemn  manner  by  one  of  "  the 
presiding  elders;"  "the  guilty  person  was  banished  from  the 
communion  of  prayers,  from  assemblies,  and  all  holy  converse;"  il 
and,  where  the  sin  was  public,  a  public  repentance  was  demanded, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  called  e^ouoXoyrjan.yi  The  sign  of 
the  cross  may  be  again  referred  to  as  a  mode  of  expelling  evil 
spirits,  in  constant  use.  The  perversions  which  a  vain  philos- 
ophy had  caused  in  the  example  of  the  Gnostics  tended  to 
create  an  extreme  dislike  to  all  who  made  it  their  profession ; 
so  that  Tertullian  calls  philosophers  "  the  patriarchs  of  here- 
tics," "^^  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus  says  that  some  "dreaded 
philosophy  as  much  as  children  did  hobgoblins."  tt  The  re- 
ligious meetings  at  this  period  were  on  Sunday,  which  was  called 
"the  Lord's"  (lo  xvQiuxvi),  or  "the  Lord's  day"  {^  xv^iaxi) 
'{uf^u),  but  the  Christians  declaimed  against  keeping  the  Sab- 
bath after  the  Jewish  manner ;  l^t  and  fasting  was  not  allowed 
except  on  the  Sunday  before  Easter.  Easter,  Whit-Sunday,  but 
not  Christmas,  ^^  were  observed  as  festivals. 

It  is,  however,  to  be  observed,  that  many  of  these  practices 

»  Tertull.  Apol.,  §  xvii.  t  Justin,  Dial,  cum  Tryphon.  p.  334. 

^  Clem.  Alex.  Strom.,  lib.  vii.  §  Hermag  Past.,  m.  sin.  5. 

II  Tertull.,  Apol.,  §  39.  IT  See  ante,  p.  239. 

**  Tertull.,  Adv.  Hermogenem.  ft  Stromata,  lib.  vi, 

i^  Adv.  Judgeos,  iv.  "  §§  Kay's  Writ,  of  Tertullian,  p.  388. 


256  CARTHAGE    AND    TERTULLIAN. 

differed  according  to  the  peculiar  position  and  usages  of  the 
different  churches. 

The  following  testimony  regarding  TertuUian  may  appro- 
priately conclude  this  chapter  : 

"  The  merit  of  TertuUian  as  an  author  is  of  a  very  checkered 
character.  He  evidently  was  deeply  imbued  with  all  the  learn- 
ing of  the  age  to  which  he  belonged,  and  was  familiar  with  the 
most  celebrated  poets,  historians,  jurists,  orators  and  philoso- 
phers, of  Grreece  and  Rome.  Nor,  indeed,  does  he  manifest  any 
inclination  to  dissemble  these  accomplishments.  His  style  is 
in  the  highest  degree  rough,  abrupt,  and  obscure ;  abounding  in 
far-fetched  metaphors  and  extravagant  hyperboles,  while  the 
language  is  oftentimes  uncouth,  and  almost  barbarous,  so  that 
the  most  indulgent  critic  feels  inclined  to  turn  in  disgust  from 
pages  where  he  is  perpetually  shocked,  startled,  and  perplexed. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  extreme  liveliness  and  fertility  of  his 
imagination,  the  piercing  sharpness  of  his  wit,  the  trenchant 
edge  of  his  sarcasm,  the  impetuous  force  of  his  arguments,  — 
which  bewilder  and  stun  even  when  they  fail  to  convince,  —  and 
the  torrent  flood  of  brilliant  declamation  in  which  his  glowing 
conceptions  are  poured  forth,  at  once  excite,  amuse,  and  over- 
whelm the  reader. 

"  His  authority  as  a  theologian  has  been  variously  estimated 
by  ecclesiastical  writers.  While  some  appeal  with  confidence  to 
his  decision  in  all  matters  of  controversy  not  immediately  con- 
nected with  his  peculiar  views,  others,  branding  him  with  the 
title  of  a  perverse  heretic,  reject  his  testimony  upon  all  points 
alike,  as  altogether  worthless.  It  seems  absolutely  necessary  in 
this  matter,  if  we  would  arrive  at  a  fair  and  practical  conclu- 
sion, to  separate  opinions  from  facts.  The  opinions  of  TertuUian, 
even  when  expressed  at  a  period  when  his  orthodoxy  was  beyond 
suspicion,  bear  such  evident  marks  of  an  excitable  temperament, 
and  of  rash  impetuosity,  combined  with  harsh  and  gloomy  asceti- 
cism, that  they  ought  to  have  been  received  with  distrust,  even 
if  he  had  never  become  the  advocate  of  gross  errors ;  but  when 


A.    D.    CIRC.     210,    CARACALLA    EMPEROR.  257 

we  remember  the  absurdities  into  which  he  was  at  a  subsequent 
period  actually  betrayed,  we  must  consider  his  judgment  as 
disabled.  At  the  same  time,  since  we  have  not  the  slightest 
reason  to  suspect  that  he  was  ever  guilty  of  wilful  deception  or 
misrepresentation,  we  may  accept  without  hesitation  the  facts 
which  he  records."  —  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Rovian 
Antiquities.     Art.  Tertullian. 


COIN    OF   SEVERU8. 

22^ 


STATUE    OF   HIPPOLYTUS. 


CHAPTER    XI. 


HIPPOLYTUS    AND    THE    EARLY    ROMAN    CHURCH. 


The  year  of  the  Great  Exhibition  (1851)  was  remarkable  not 
only  for  the  attractive  spectacle  which  assembled  in  the  metrop- 
olis of  Great  Britain  a  concourse  of  spectators  from  all  parts 
of  the  world  to  witness  the  results  of  commercial  industry,  but 
also  for  the  publication  of  a  treatise  of  antiquity  throwing  great 
light  on  the  position  of  the  Christian  church  in  the  early  part 
of  the  third  century. 

The  history  of  this  manuscript  is  curiouB.     M.  Villemain,  one 


A.  D.    199-235,    COMMODUS,    A.    SEYERUS,    EMPERORS.  259 

of  the  French  literati,  had  sent  a  Greek  to  Mount  Athos,  with  a 
view  of  discovering  manuscripts  of  early  times. 

In  the  year  1842,  a  codex  was  brought  from  Greece  by  Myna, 
and  was  deposited,  among  many  other  treasures,  in  the  public 
library  of  Paris.  It  was  written  on  cotton  paper,  bore  the  date 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  was  divided  into  ten  books,  but 
was  defective  in  its  beginning  and  its  end.  It  bore  the  title 
"  On  all  Heresies;"  but  the  subject  proved  so  little  attractive, 
that  it  remained  for  some  time  unnoticed,  till  Mr.  Emanuel  Mil- 
ler, a  well-known  scholar,  attracted  by  some  quotations  from 
Pindar  and  another  unknown  Greek  poet,  caused  it  to  be  tran- 
scribed, and  presented  the  transcription  to  the  University  of 
Oxford,  by  whom  it  was  published  in  the  Exhibition  year. 

When  this  treatise  came  to  be  examined,  it  proved  to  be  evi- 
dently the  continuation  of  a  treatise  some  fragments  of  which 
were  well  known  under  the  name  of  "  Philosophumena."  These 
fragments  had  been  ascribed  to  Origen,  although  in  the  face  of 
considerable  opposition  and  several  important  facts.  The  author, 
for  instance,  spoke  of  himself  as  a  High  Priest,  which  Origen 
is  known  not  to  have  been.  The  ninth  book  gives  evidence  that 
the  author  must  have  resided  near  Rome,  and  that  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  ecclesiastical  proceedings  which  took  place 
in  that  city  ;  matters  not  well  agreeing  with  Origen's  history. 
There  is  no  evidence  whatever  that  Origen  composed  a  book 
with  such  a  title,  whilst  the  internal  evidence  of  the  book  itself 
is  at  variance  with  the  probability  that  it  had  its  origin  in 
Alexandria.  On  the  other  hand,  Photius,  the  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  mentions  a  work  written  by  Hippolytus,  on 
"Thirty-two  Heresies."  And  the  testimony  is  confirmed  by 
Eusebius,  Jerome,  Epiphanius,  and  Peter,  Bishop  of  Alexandria. 
This  work  so  precisely  corresponds  with  the  treatise  described 
by  the  first  of  these  authors,  as  to  leave  no  doubt  whatever  that, 
in  ascribing  the  production  to  Hippolytus,  a  true  afl&liation  has 
been  made.  The  coincidence  was  pointed  out  in  a  little  work, 
published    last   year,   entitled  "  The  Free  Church   of  Ancient 


260  HIPPOLYTUS    AND    THE    EARLY    ROMAN    CHURCH. 

Christendom,"  by  Rev.  Basil  H.  Cooper,  JB.A.,  and  has  since 
been  more  distinctly  brought  out  in  a  work  by  Chevalier  Bansen, 
entitled  "  Hippolytus  and  his  Age."  To  these  interesting  vol- 
umes we  must  refer  the  reader  for  an  account  of  the  connected 
evidences  on  which  the  identification  rests.  The  ascription  of 
the  work  to  Hippolytus  remarkably  tallies  with  the  coincidences 
presented  by  a  statue  dug  up  in  the  neighborhood  of  Rome  in 
the  year  1551,  now  in  the  Vatican  Library,  and  which  bears  an 
inscription  making  mention  of  all  Hippolytus'  works.  We 
may,  therefore,  in  this  volume  assume  the  authenticity  of  the 
work  to  be  satisfactorily  settled,  and  may  proceed  to  avail 
ourselves  of  the  information  furnished  here  and  elsewhere  con- 
cerning the  author  and  his  times. 

Hippolytus  is  mentioned  by  Jerome,  who,  however,  was  not 
able  to  specify  the  city  of  which  he  was  bishop.  He  was  a  dis- 
ciple of  Irengeus.  A  notion  has  long  prevailed,  suggested  by 
Lemoyne,  the  French  ecclesiastical  writer,  and  endorsed  by 
Cave,  that  Portus  Urbis  Romae,  the  place  of  Hippolytus' 
bishopric,  was  Aden,  in  Arabia,  because  that  city  was  called 
Portus  Romanorum,  and  because  Hippolytus  wrote  in  the  Greek 
language.  Notwithstanding  this  latter  fact,  however,  an  accu- 
mulation of  evidence  proves  that  Hippolytus  must  have  been  a 
Roman  bishop,  and  that  the  place  of  his  residence  was  iPortus, 
opposite  to  Ostia,  a  harbor  which  Trajan  formed  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Tiber.  The  supposed  martyrdom  of  Hippolytus  in  the 
reign  of  Alexander  Severus  ill  accords  with  the  lenity  and  favor 
shown  to  the  Christians  in  that  reign.  "  But  in  the  very  year 
of  the  death  of  Alexander  Severus,  a.  d.  235,  the  persecution 
of  Maximin  the  Thracian  began ;"  and  the  authentic  lists  of 
bishops  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  written  under  Liberius,  state 
that  under  the  consuls  of  last  year,  Severus  and  Quintianus, 
Bishop  Pontianus,  and  "Hippolytus  the  Presbyter,"^  were 
"transported  to  Sardinia,  that  unwholesome  island." 

♦  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  book  i. 


A.    D.    199-235,    C03IM0DUS,    A.    SEVERUS,    EMPERORS.  261 

Further  evidence  from  the  annals  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
states  that  Hippoljtus  was  beaten  to  death  with  cudgels,  and 
that  his  body  was  afterwards  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  Callistus, 
in  the  Appian  way.  The  Christian  poet  Prudentius  refers  to  his 
chapel  as  existing  in  his  time,  in  an  extensive  cavern,  although 
he  describes  it  as  too  small  on  festal  days  for  those  who  came  to 
visit  it.=^  The  account  given  of  Hippolytus'  death  by  the  poet 
differs  from  that  recorded  above ;  and  Bunsen  concludes  that 
the  received  legend  that  Hippolytus  was  torn  to  death  by  wild 
horses  arose  from  confounding  the  fate  of  the  Christian  bishop 
with  that  of  the  ancient  pagan.  Prudentius  mentions  that  Hip- 
polytus had  fallen  into  the  heresy  of  Novatus,  but  this  Bunsen 
shows  to  be  incredible. 

Mention  has  been  already  made  of  Marcia,  mistress  of  Corn- 
modus,  the  son  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  a  woman  well  known  to 
have  favored  the  Christians,  though  probably  from  motives  ex- 
tremely equivocal.  Hippolytus  speaks  of  her  as  "  God-loving," 
an  epithet  of  the  propriety  of  which  the  reader  can  judge  for 
himself     He  relates  the  following  story  : 

"  Callistus  was  the  household  slave  of  Carpophorus,  a  be- 
lieving man  of  Caesar's  (Commodus')  household.  To  him  Car- 
pophorus, believing  him  to  be  a  Christian,  intrusted  a  consid- 
erable sum  of  money,  directing  him  to  invest  it  in  a  banking 
business.  He,  having  taken  the  bank,  carried  it  on  in  a  place 
called  Piscina  Publica,  where  not  a  few  deposits  were  in  time 
intrusted  to  him  on  behalf  of  Carpophorus  by  widows  and 
brethren.  But  he,  having  spent  all  this  money,  became  bank- 
rupt. When  these  things  were  thus  done,  some  one  told  the 
matter  to  Carpophorus.  He  said  that  he  would  demand  the 
truth  from  him  (Callistus).  Callistus,  seeing  these  things,  and 
being  suspicious  of  danger  from  his  master,  ran  away,  directing 
his  flight  towards  the  sea ;  and,  finding  a  vessel  in  Portus  ready 
tor  the  voyage,  he  intended  embarking  on  board.     But  he  did 

*  Pruudentii,  Peristeph. 


262     HIPPOLYTUS  AND  THE  EARLY  ROMAN  CHURCH. 

not  succeed  in  escaping ;  for  some  one  told  the  matter  to  Carpo- 
phorus,  who,  coming  to  the  harbor,  attempted  in  a  boat  to  reach 
the  fugitive.  As  the  ship  was  in  the  middle  of  the  harbor, 
delayed  upon  its  passage,  Callistus  saw  his  master  in  the  boat 
afar  off,  and,  knowing  that  he  was  about  to  seize  him,  was  reck- 
less of  his  life,  and,  thinking  his  affairs  desperate,  threw  himself 
into  the  sea.  The  sailors,  however,  having  leaped  down  from 
the  vessel,  rescued  him  against  his  will.  On  this  the  people  on 
the  shore  set  up  a  great  shout,  and  Callistus  was  delivered  to 
his  master,  taken  back  to  Rome,  and  sent  to  the  Pistrinum. 
After  some  time,  certain  brethren  went  to  Carpophorus  and 
asked  him  to  remit  his  slave's  punishment,  saying  that  he  had 
confessed  that  he  had  property  lying  out  in  the  hands  of  certain 
persons,  which  he  could  recover.  Carpophorus,  like  a  wise  man, 
said  that  he  was  careless  about  the  money  of  his  own  which  had 
been  lost,  and  only  concerned  about  that  which  had  been  depos- 
ited. And  when  many  came  to  him  with  lamentations,  stating 
that  the  money  which  had  been  intrusted  to  Callistus  had  been 
deposited  on  the  faith  of  Carpophorus  himself,  he  was  over-per- 
suaded, and  commanded  Callistus  to  be  liberated.  But  Callistus. 
having  nothing  to  pay  back,  and  being  too  well  watched  to  be 
able  to  escape,  played  a  deadly  trick ;  and,  when  the  Sabbath 
came,  pretending  to  go  to  his  debtors,  he  went  to  the  synagogue 
of  the  assembled  Jews,  where  he  purposely  caused  a  great  riot. 
They  being  thus  disturbed,  fell  upon  him,  and,  after  beating  him, 
carried  him  to  Fuscianus,  the  Eparch  of  the  city,  bringing  this 
accusation  against  him.  '  The  Romans  spread  it  abroad  that 
they  publicly  recognize  our  hereditary  laws,  but  this  man 
coming  into  the  midst  of  us  has  caused  a  disturbance  amongst 
us,  saying  that  he  is  a  Christian.'  Whilst  Fuscianus,  on  his 
place  as  judge,  was  hearing  these  things  respecting  the  vexa- 
tions caused  by  Callistus,  a  bystander  ran  to  tell  Carpophorus 
what  was  taking  place.  He,  hastening  to  the  court,  cried  out  to 
the  Eparch',  'My  Lord  Fuscianus,  I  beg  that  you  will  not  be- 
lieve this  man,  for  he  is  no  Christian,  but  he  seeks  relief  by 


A.    D.    199-235,    COMMODUS,    A.    SEVERUS,    EMPERORS.  263 

death  after  having  spent  my  money,  as  I  will  show.'  The  Jews, 
thinking  this  a  trick  invented  by  Carpophorus  to  save  Callistus, 
called  out  vehemently  to  the  Eparch  to  punish  him.  Instigated 
by  them,  Fuscianus  whipped  Callistus,  and  sentenced  him  to  the 
mines  of  Sardinia.  Now,  there  were  at  Sardinia  other  martyrs 
to  the  faith,  and,  after  some  time  had  passed,  Marcia,  wishing  to 
do  a  good  work,  being  a  Grod-loving  concubine  ^  of  Commodus, 
called  to  her  the  blessed  Victor,  at  that  time  the  bishop  of  the 
church,  inquiring  what  martyrs  there  were  at  Sardinia.  Victor 
gave  up  their  names,  but  did  not  mention  Callistus,  remembering 
what  things  he  had  dared  to  do.  Marcia,  having  so  much  influ- 
ence as  to  be  able  to  obtain  the  favor  she  asked,  gave  a  letter 
of  release  to  Hyacinthus  the  eunuch,  a  presbyter,  who  sailed 
with  it  to  Sardinia,  and,  giving  it  to  the  then  governor  of  the 
country,  he  released  all  the  martyrs  except  Callistus.  But  Cal- 
listus, falling  on  his  knees  and  weeping,  besought  that  he  also 
might  obtain  his  liberty.  Whereupon  Hyacinthus,  being  with 
difficulty  persuaded,  asked  him  of  the  governor,  saying  that  he 
was  a  foster-child  of  Marcia,  and  showing  him  that  the  thing 
was  without  danger.  The  governor,  being  persuaded,  set  Cal- 
listus at  liberty  also.  On  his  return,  Victor  was  much  vexed, 
but,  being  a  compassionate  man,  he  kept  quiet  till  he  observed 
the  bad  character  he  bore  from  many  persons  (for  it  was  not 
long  since  these  transactions  took  place),  and,  as  Carpophorus 
still  opposed  him,  he  sent  Callistus  to  reside  in  Antinum,  send- 
ing him  monthly  supplies."! 

Thus  far  Hippolytus. 

By  some  unknown  means  Callistus  had  either  at  Kome  or  at 
Antium  become  acquainted  with  Zephyrinus,  who  was  now 
Bishop  of  Rome.  In  this  post  he  had  succeeded  Victor,  of 
whom  we  have  already  spoken.  An  unhappy  concurrence  of 
evidence  proves  too  sadly  the  commencing  degeneracy  of  the 

♦  A  strange  association  of  words  !  for  which  St.  Hippolytus  must  answer. 
tHippolyt.,  Haeres.,  ix.  12. 


:^64  HIPPOLYTUS    AND    THE    EARLY    ROMAN    CHUilCH. 

metropolitan  church.  The  importance  of  forms  became  mag- 
nified as  the  purity  of  the  spirit  declined.  Hence  the  undue 
emphasis  laid  on  the  time  of  observing  the  Passover ;  a  contest 
in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  Victor  greatly  distinguished  himself 
But,  what  was  more  serious  still,  was  the  preeminence  given  in 
several  directions  to  the  doctrine  of  the  simple  humanity  of 
Christ,  and  the  consequent  denial  of  his  divine  nature ;  a  doc- 
trine which,  though  it  had  underlain  Christianity  from  the  first, 
now  broke  out  with  special  significance.  One  of  the  most  noted 
heretics  on  this  subject  in  the  present  age  was  Theodotus,  who 
had  declared  Christ  to  be  the  mere  son  of  the  Virgin,  though,  in 
consequence  of  his  holy  life,  he  had  received  the  Spirit  at  his 
baptism.  Victor  expelled  him  from  the  church.  Following  in 
his  steps  was  Theodotus  the  banker,  who  became  the  head  of  an 
order  of  Gnostic  Melchisedekites ;  and,  about  the  same  time, 
appeared  Noetus  of  Smyrna,  whose  doctrine  was  first  spread  at 
Rome  by  one  of  his  disciples. 

The  description  given  by  Hippolytus  of  Zephyrinus  is  by  no 
means  favorable.  He  is  spoken  of  as  being  an  ignorant  and 
venal  man,  very  accessible  by  bribes.  Callistus  advanced 
rapidly  in  his  good  graces ;  and,  as  soon  as  Carpophorus  was 
no  more,  was  appointed  by  him  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  his 
clergy. 

At  this  time  Sabellius  appeared  as  a  teacher  of  divinity,  and 
as  a  modifier  of  the  doctrine  of  Noetus,  which  was,  "  There  is 
one  and  the  same  God,  the  Creator  (Demiurge)  and  Father  of 
all ; "  and  which  was  based  upon  the  tenet  of  Heraclitus,  that 
everything  is  also  its  own  contrary.  His  doctrine  affii-med  that 
the  names  Father  and  Son  were  merely  relative  to  the  differ- 
ence of  epochs.  Similarly,  Sabellius  taught  the  identity  of  the 
Father  and  Son  with  each  other  and  with  the  Spirit.  Against 
the  doctrine  of  Sabellius,  Hippolytus,  who  was  both  Bishop  of 
Portus  and  a  member  of  the  Presbytery  of  Rome,  vehemently 
protested,  notwithstanding  the   accusation  of 'Callistus,  "You 


A.  D.  219-235,    ELAGABALUS,    A.    SEVERUS,    EMPERORS.  265 

are  Ditheists,"  because  it  was  falsely  asserted  that  Hippolytus' 
doctrine  involved  the  belief  of  two  gods. 

At  the  death  of  Zephyrinus.  Callistus  succeeded  him  as 
bishop  ;  but,  in  order  to  avoid  the  odium  which  would  be 
attached  to  his  name  if  he  continued  to  adopt  the  precise  words 
advocated  by  Sabellius,  he  altered  the  formulary  of  the  Noetians, 
and  established  a  school,  in  which,  as  Hippolytus  tells  us,  heret- 
ical doctrines  were  taught.  Hence  rose  a  party  whom  Hip- 
polytus, in  bitter  mockery,  calls  Callistians. 

Exercising  his  powers  as  Bishop  of  Rome,  Callistus  made  a 
decided  step  towards  the  indifferentism  of  later  times.  Many 
who  had  been  removed  from  the  communion  of  the  church  for 
various  offences  were  reinstated  by  him  in  the  places  they  had 
lost.  He  declared  the  sentence,  which  marks  the  increasing 
power  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  that  he  forgave  the  sins  of  all ; 
accompanying  this  declaration  by  a  further  dictum  :  ''  If  a 
bishop  commits  a  sin,  even  if  it  be  a  mortal  sin,  he  must  not 
therefore  be  deposed."  In  truth,  the  power  of  the  people  was 
now  becoming  the  mere  tatter  of  a  worn-out  garment ;  and,  as 
we  have  seen  in  the  narrative  of  Tertullian,  the  distinction 
between  mortal  and  venial  sins  was  beginning  to  be  considered 
decided  and  absolute. 

Another  step  taken  by  Callistus  marks  his  untruthful  char- 
acter, and  displays,  at  the  same  time,  how  much  his  biographer 
and  censurer  was  influenced  by  the  views  which  Tertullian  had 
so  greatly  promoted.  "  From  this  time,  bishops,  presbyters  and 
deacons "  (the  orders  were  noia  clearly  three),  "  though  twice 
married,  even  thrice  married,  began  to  be  received  as  clergy. 
But,  if  any  one  in  orders  married,  he  was  to  remain  as  having 
committed  no  sin  "  (which  in  Hippolytus'  eyes  appears  to  be  a 
considerable  irregularity,  as  interfering  with  the  traditional 
prohibition  of  second  clerical  marriages),  "  Callistus  saying  that 
this  was  according  to  the  apostolic  direction,  '  Who  art  thou 
that  judgest  another  man's  servant  ? '  To  the  same  effect  he 
quoted  the  parable  of  the  tares  :  '  Let  the  tares  grow  together 
28 


266  HIPPOLYTUS    AND    THE    EARLY    ROMAN    CHURCH. 

with  the  wheat ; '  that  is,  sinners  in  the  church.  In  like  man- 
ner, he  said  that  the  ark  of  Noah  was  a  figure  of  the  church,  in 
which  were  dogs,  and  wolves,  and  ravens,  and  all  things  clean 
and  unclean.  Thus,  he  declared,  it  ought  to  be  in  the  ecclesi- 
astical body."  =^ 

Even  this  was  not  all.  Callistus'  notions  respecting  practical 
morality  are  represented  by  Hippolytus  as  being  in  other  respects 
extremely  low.  For,  by  conniving  at  the  dissolute ,  union  with 
inferior  persons  of  rich  parties,  not  legally  married,  he  gave 
occasion  to  the  widest  censures,  and  is  accused  of  having  taught 
adultery  and  murder  at  once.  Nor  did  he,  moreover,  hesitate 
to  permit  those  who  had  sinned  after  baptism  to  undergo  a 
repetition  of  its  administration. 

In  short,  Callistus  was  a  specimen  of  a  shepherd  under  whom 
spiritual  religion  lies  prostrate  and  neglected,  and  who  is  ready 
to  lend  the  name  of  the  church  to  the  evil  as  well  as  the  good ; 
false  in  doctrine,  equally  false  in  practice  and  discipline,  but 
always  prone,  with  a  spurious  charity,  to  cover  evils  which  the 
morality  of  the  church  renounces  and  execrates. 

Hippolytus  mentions  another  heresy,  which  about  this  period 
excited  some  attention  at  Kome,  and  which  was  brought  to  that 
city  by  Alcibiades  of  Apamea,  —  a  man  of  no  moral  reputation. 
He  introduced  a  book,  which  he  called  sacred,  and  which  was  as 
gross  a  fabrication  as  that  which  modern  Mormonism  has  latterly 
endeavored  to  palm  on  the  world  as  divine.  This  book  he 
declared  to  have  been  inspired  by  an  angel,  whose  height  was 
twenty-four  schoeni  (ninety-six  Roman  miles),  his  footsteps 
fifteen  miles,  &c.  &c.,  and  who  was  accompanied  by  a  female  of 
similar  dimensions,  the  male  calling  himself  the  Son  of  Grod, 
and  the  female  the  Holy  Ghost.  He  was  a  great  teacher  of  the 
JJbionite  heresy  (a  new  form  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Essenes), 
inculcated  the  necessity  of  being  circumcised,  and  of  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Law,  and  held  Christ  to  be  only  human.     He 

*  Hippolyt.,  Haeres.  Refutatio,  ix.  12. 


A.  D.  219-235,    ELAGABALUS,    A.    SEVEllUS,    EMPERORS.        2G7 

declared  baptism  to  be  the  remission  of  sins,  and  that  it  was 
sufficient  to  purify  the  most  abandoned.  His  system  also  dealt 
much  in  magic  and  astrology.  His  ceremonies. were  performed 
in  the  name  of  God,  and  adjurations  were  uttered  to  the  heaven, 
the  water,  the  winds,  the  seven  angels,  the  oil,  the  salt,  and  the 
earth  ! 

Hippolytus,  who  was  a  great  doctrinal  author  (as  the  inscrip- 
tion on  his  statue  makes  evident),  appears  to  have  been  the  first 
person  known  to  the  Church  of  Rome  as  "  a  popular  preacher," 
—  to  use  a  term  of  frequent  occurrence  in  more  modern  days. 
Until  his  time,  though  expositions  of  the  Scripture  were,  of 
course,  constant  and  familiar,  orations,  properly  so  called,  were 
unknown.  Hippolytus  is  celebrated  by  the  ancient  Fathers  as 
having  preached  in  Origen's  presence;  and  his  homilies  are 
frequently  quoted  by  them.  He  was  a  laborious  man,  some- 
what tainted  by  a  severe  asceticism,  not  remarkably  clear  on 
questions  of  the  Trinity,  but  an  opposer  of  the  errors  of  his 
times,  and  a  sharp  reprehender  of  false  morals,  even  when  he 
found  them  in  the  persons  of  the  clergy  themselves. 

The  reader  may  be  interested  in  a  specimen  of  the  style  of 
preaching  of  this  orator.  It  is  in  a  sermon  on  the  day  of 
judgment. 

"  Then  shall  they  weep  miserably ;  they  shall  groan  vehe- 
mently ;  they  shall  beat  their  faces  with  their  hands ;  they 
shall  tear  their  knees  with  their  nails ;  one  crying  out  to  an- 
other, '  0,  this  calamity  !  0,  this  cruel  business !  0,  this  deceit- 
ful compact !  0,  this  terrible  misfortune  !  how  has  the  great 
impostor  seduced  us  I  how  have  we  adhered  to  him !  how  are 
we  shut  up  in  his  nets  !  how  are  we  drawn  in  by  his  whirl ! '  .  . 
Then  the  universal  earth  will  mourn ;  the  sea  will  mourn  ;  the 
air  will  mourn ;  the  sun  will  mourn  ;  all  beasts  and  fowls  will 
mourn;  mountains  and  hills,  and  the  woods  of  the  field,  will 
mourn  on  behalf  of  the  human  family,  because  that  all  have 
departed  from  the  holy  God,  and  have  believed  that  impure 
impostor  and  enemy  of  God,  in  the  place  of  Christ  the  Saviour. 


268  HIPPOLYTUS   AND    THE   EARLY   ROMAN    CHURCH. 

The  churclies  also  will  mourn  with  a  great  mourning,  because 
neither  their  oblation  is  any  longer  like  perfume,  nor  their 
worship  grateful  to  God.  But  in  those  days  the  precious  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  will  no  longer  be  available ;  the  singing  of 
psalms  will  cease ;  the  recitation  of  scripture  will  be  no  more 
heard ;  but  there  will  be  on  men  darkness,  lamentation  on 
lamentation,  woe  upon  woe  !  "^ 

The  vignette  at  the  head  of  this  chap'ter  is  extracted,  by  the 
author's  kind  permission,  from  the  recently  published  work  of 
the  Chevalier  Bunsen,  to  which  we  have  often  referred.  In 
introducing  it  as  the  frontispiece  to  his  volumes,  the  Chevalier 
says :  "  The  statue  of  Hippolytus,  that  precious  monument  of 
the  fourth  century,  .  .  has  never  yet  been  well  drawn  and 
engraved.  .  .  I,  therefore,  thought  it  right  that  the  his- 
torical restoration  of  Hippolytus  should  be  accompanied  with  a 
faithful,  worthy  copy  of  his  statue.  Mr.  Grimer's  lithograph, 
prefixed  to  the  present  volume,  faithfully  reproduces  a  classical 
drawing  made  from  the  original.  The  statue  is  above  life-size, 
and  represents  the  bishop  very  characteristically  in  the  Greek 
pallium,  with  the  Roman  toga  slung  over  it.  If  it  does  not 
give  an  individual  likeness  of  Hippolytus,  at  all  events  it  pre- 
sents to  us  the  efl&gy  of  a  Christian  bishop  of  the  apostolic  age, 
and  may,  in  every  respect,  be  called  unique  in  the  history  of 
ancient  Christian  religion  and  art."  ^ 

It  appears  probable  that,  as  supposed  by  Chevalier  Bunsen, 
"  Hippolytus  sufi"ered  martyrdom  under  Maximin,  in  the  first 
year  of  his  reign,  236  of  our  era  ;  or,  at  all  events,  before  its 
close  in  238." 

The  account  given  above  of  Callistus  accords  ill  with  the 
place  which  he  occupies  in  the  Roman  Calendar,  in  which  he  is 
spoken  of  as  "  St.  Callixtus,  pope  and  martyr,"  and  is  cited  as 
having  opposed  fasting  and  tears  to  Helagabalus,  who  wished  to 
make  an  eating-house  of  a  Christian  oratory,  and  to  have  been 

*  De  Consummatione  Mundi  et  de  Antichristo.     Orat*  Bibliothec.  Patr. 
t  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  xxii. 


A.  D.    236-238,    MAXIMIN    EMPEROR.  269 

in  every  way  a  pattern  of  true  religion  and  virtue.  (His  name 
is  perpetuated  by  the  ancient  cemetery  which  he  founded,  ami 
in  which  many  Christian  martyrs  were  buried.  The  cemetery 
of  Callistus  now  goes  under  the  name  of  the  Catacomb  of  St. 
Sebastian.  It  contains  an  altar  of  stone,  said  to  have  belonged 
to  that  bishop,  but  of  extremely  doubtful  authenticity.)  "  It 
reflects  great  honor  on  our  pope,"  says  Alban  Butler,  "  that  this 
wise  emperor  (Alexander  Severus)  used  always  to  admire  with 
what  caution  and  solicitude  the  choice  was  made  of  persons  that 
were  promoted  to  the  priesthood  among  the  Christians,  whose 
example  he  often  proposed  to  his  oJ0&cers  and  the  people  to  be 
imitated  in  the  election  of  civil  magistrates."^  It  is  to  be 
feared  that  much  of  the  sanctity  which  Koman  Catholic  tradition 
has  handed  down  to  the  world  has  no  better  foundation  than 
these  praises  of  St.  Callixtus. 

One  of  the  saints  whom  the  Church  of  Rome  has  distinguished 
about  this  period  is  St.  Felix,  a  native  of  Nola  in  Campania, 
who,  in  the  persecution  under  Decius,  was  seized,  scourged, 
chained  and  imprisoned,  in  a  dungeon  so  covered  over  with 
broken  pieces  of  pottery  and  glass  that  the  saint  could  neither 
'*  stand  nor  lie."  Whilst  in  this  dungeon,  he  was  said  to  have 
been  directed  by  an  angelic  messenger  to  visit  his  bishop,  Max- 
imus,  and,  as  in  the  case  of  Peter,  the  chains  simultaneously  fell 
off  his  body.  He  found  Maximus  almost  dead  with  hunger  and 
cold,  having  fled  to  avoid  his  persecutors,  and,  after  restoring 
the  bishop  to  his  senses,  Felix  took  him  on  his  shoulders  and 
carried  him  back  to  his  own  house.  We  need  not  further  pursue 
the  story,  which  rests  principally  upon  the  authority  of  Pru- 
dentius,  who  probably  "  told  the  tale  as  it  had  been  told  to 
him."  It  will  suffice  to  say  that  many  miracles  are  reported  to 
have  been  performed  at  the  shrine  of  this  holy  man. 

Among  its  sainted  personages  of  this  period,  the  Romish 
Church    commemorates,    also,  St.  Austrimonius,  who   preached 

*  Butler's  Lives  of  the  Saints,  Oct.  14th. 
23^ 


270      HTPPOLYTUS  AND  THE  EARLY  ROMAN  CHURCH. 

witK  great  success  in  Auvergne;  Saint  Gratian,  the  first  Bishop 
of  Tours,  who  proclaimed  the  gospel  in  dens  and  caves ;  and  St. 
Dionysius,  the  first  Bishop  of  Paris,  confounded  by  some  with 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  but  believed  by  others  to  have  lived 
about  the  year  250.  The  absurd  legendary  story  of  his  journey 
from  Paris  to  a  village  in  its  environs,  after  his  head  had  been 
struck  off,  is  discountenanced  by  the  best  Catholic  authorities. 

It  is  manifest  that  at  this  period  the  eeclesiastical  power  was 
rapidly  passing  away  from  the  hands  of  the  people.  Though 
some  traces  of  a  more  democratic  constitution  still  remained  at 
Ftome,  —  though  the  bishop  was  chosen  by  the  sufi'rages  of  the 
people,  and  a  presbytery  still  kept  up  the  forms  of  power  in 
matters  of  faith  and  discipline,  —  the  real  authority  was  rapidly 
concentrating  itself  in  the  presiding  bishop,  who,  with  whatever 
nominal  appendages,  really  wielded  the  ecclesiastical  sceptre. 

Though  the  free  action  of  the  church  was,  however,  nearly 
suspended  in  the  AVest,  it  continued  to  maintain  itself  with 
greater  vigor  in  the  Eastern  churches.  A  letter  written  at  a 
somewhat  later  period,  by  Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Caesarea,  in 
Cappadocia,  to  Cyprian,  makes  this  sufficiently  manifest.  The 
fact  is  the  more  remarkable  because,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
(among  the  rest  of  the  Chevalier  Bunsen),  episcopacy  first  rose 
in  the  East  under  the  appointment  of  the  apostle  John.  But 
passages  of  this  letter  refer  to  presbyterial  conventions  as  still 
in  operation,  speaking  of  "  gathering  every  year  the  elders  and 
the  officers  in  one  assembly  to  dispose  of  those  things  which  are 
committed  to  our  charge;"  and  make  mention  of  conveyance 
of  orders  and  imposition  of  hands  as  belonging  to  the  clergy  in 
general.  This  letter  shows  how  far  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  at 
this  time  from  being  regarded  as  infallible,  by  abusing  him  in 
round  terms :  "  It  is  true  that  we  are  obliged  to  Stephen  (the 
Roman  prelate)  for  this  benefit "  (the  manifestation  of  Cyprian's 
faith  and  wisd  m),  "  though  we  give  no  thanks  to  him  for  it. 
Judas  was  uut  thought  a  worthy  man,  because«of  his  wickedness 
and  betrayal  of  Christ,  although  by  his  perfidy  he  accomplished 


A.  D.    250,    DECIUS   EMPEROR.  271 

this  good  thing,  that  by  his  means  the  world  was  delivered 
through  the  passion  of  our  Lord."  ^  Neither  the  quarter  whence 
such  a  letter  proceeded,  nor  that  to  which  it  was  addressed,  was, 
it  is  evident,  at  all  approaching  that  view  of  things  which 
acknowledges  the  pope  as  the  head  of  the  whole  church,  and 
bows  before  his  absolute  decree. 

xinother  circumstance,  which  occurred  during  the  time  of 
Cyprian,  equally  demonstrates  that  the  aspirations  of  the  metro- 
politan church  after  sovereignty  (if,  indeed,  they  had  any)  were 
not  likely  to  be  very  completely  gratified.  When,  at  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  Decian  persecution,  Cyprian  withdrew  himself  for 
a  time  from  the  fury  of  the  storm,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  the 
Roman  clergy,  who  had  just  lost  their  bishop  by  the  murder  of 
Fabian,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  church  of  Carthage,  unsigned 
(probably  through  fear  of  persecution),  in  which  they  counselled 
and  condoled  with  their  spiritual  brethren.  Among  other 
allusions,  they  refer  to  the  conduct  of  the  "  blessed  Pope 
Cyprian,"  whom  they  evidently  regarded  as  a  deserter  of  his 
trust,  not  failing  to  speak  of  Peter,  who  followed  his  Lord  afar 
off,  and  quoting  the  passage  which  represents  the  hireling  fleeing 
when  the  wolf  cometh.  This  letter  was  sent  to  the  church  at 
Carthage,  accompanied  by  a  corresponding  one  addressed  to 
Cyprian  himself.  The  Bishop  of  Carthage,  instead  of  humbling 
himself  under  the  metropolitan  censure,  immediately  returned 
their  letter,  pointing  out  the  absence  of  any  names  appended  to 
it,  and- asking  the  significant  question.  Was  it  a  real  letter  or 
an  imposture  ?     The  matter  dropped  here. 

The  Romish  Church  seems,  however,  to  have  cultivated  a 
noble  and  munificent  liberality.  A  fragment  of  a  letter  of 
Dionysius  illustrates  this.  He  writes  :  "  For  this  practice  has 
prevailed  with  you  from  the  very  beginning,  to  do  good  to  all 
the  brethren  in  every  way,  and  to  send  contributions  to  many 
churches  in  every  city,  thus  refreshing  the  needy  in  their  want, 

*  Firmilianus  Cypriann,  Cypr.  Epi?t.,  epist.  Ixxv. 


272  HIPPOLYTUS   AND   THE   EARLY   ROMAN    CHURCH. 

and  furnisliing  to  the  brethren  condemned  to  the  mines  what  was 
necessary  :  by  these  contributions  which  ye  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  send  from  the  beginning,  you  preserve  as  Romans  the 
practices  of  your  ancestors."  This  liberality  may  be  proved  by 
various  instances,  which  show  that  far  down  into  the  fourth  cen- 
tuary  Rome  was  distinguished  for  its  princely  regard  for  the 
sufferings  which  it  witnessed  around.  It  was  doubtless  in  a 
position  of  advantage  above  all  other  churches.  "  Facts  like 
these,"  says  an  admirable  writer,  "  and  many  others  which 
might  be  cited,  should  never  be  overlooked,  when  it  is  sought 
to  explain  the  enormous  influence  which  the  Church  of  Rome 
gradually  came  to  wield.  It  may  be  fairly  doubted  whether 
the  circumstance  of  its  being  the  only  apostolical  see  in  the 
west ;  or  of  the  city's  being  the  seat  of  government,  and  the 
centre  of  civilization  to  the  world,  in  a  sense  which  no  modern 
metropolis  —  not  even  Paris  —  can  be  said  to  take  the  lead  of 
the  people  of  a  single  country:  or  the  political  genius  of  so 
many  of  the  early  pontijQFs ;  or  all  these  causes  put  together ; 
could  have  secured  to  this  church  so  vast  a  preponderance  as  it 
at  length  reached,  apart  from  the  spirit  of  active  charity,  by 
which  it  was  at  first  so  gloriously  distinguished.  Thus  even  the 
rise  of  this  anti-Christian  tyranny  may  be  regarded  as  illus- 
trating the  Christian  maxim,  that  love  is  power.'''' ^ 

The  discovery  of  this  lost  work  of  Hippolytus  furnishes 
incontrovertible  evidence  that  the  Grospel  of  John  was  by  no 
means  of  that  late  origin  (the  end  of  the  second  century)  as- 
cribed to  it  by  the  followers  of  Strauss.  It  contains  the  most 
conclusive  proof  that  about  the  year  117  that  gospel  was 
already  in  existence,  and  took  rank  among  the  authenticated 
Scriptures.  Were  the  discovery  of  no  other  value,  this  fact 
alone  would  entitle  it  to  be  regarded  as  of  the  highest  import- 
ance. 

♦  Cooper's  Free  Church  of  Ancient  Christendom,  p.  244. 


ALEXAXDRIA. 


CHAPTEK    XII 


ALEXANDRIA  :    CLEMENS    AND    ORIGEN. 


At  the  entrance  of  one  of  the  smaller  mouths  of  the  Nile, 
and  on  a  narrow  neck  of  land  intervening  between  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Lake  Maroeotis  on  the 
other,  stand  the  remains  of  the  ancient  city  of  Alexandria. 
The  convenience  of  modern  travel,  which  has  resuscitated  the 
ancient  mode  of  reaching  India,  has  restored  to  this  city  some 
of  its  former  importance,  and  has  made  it  again  in  modern,  as  it 
was  formerly  in  ancient  times,  the  high  road  to  the  East.  Apart 
altogether  from  historical  associations,  Alexandria  presents  many 
features  extremely  attractive  to  the  traveller.  Noah's  ark  did 
not  contain  a  more  miscellaneous  collection  of  the  clean  and  the 


274  ALEXANDRIA:    CLEMENS    AND   ORIGEN. 

unclean ;  nor  did  Jerusalem  in  its  most  glorious  days  so  per- 
fectly represent  all  nations.  "  Mingling  here  may  be  seen  the 
Turk,  the  Copt,  the  Jew,  the  European  ;  here  a  French  lady  in 
the  last  Parisian  bonnet,  there  Turkish  women,  enveloped  to  the 
eyes  in  shapeless  black  wrappers ;  whilst  dirty  Christian  monks, 
sallow  Moslem  dervishes,  sore-eyed  beggars,  naked  children  cov- 
ered with  flies,  and  troops  of  wandering,  half-savage  dogs,  with 
all  the  ordinary  spectacles  of  Wapping  and  Portsmouth,  present 
a  singular  and  ever-shifting  kaleidoscope  of  the  more  undig- 
nified phases  of  Eastern  and  Western  existence  —  a  perpetual 
carnival  of  the  motley." 

The  genius  of  a  first-rate  military  commander  obviously  in- 
cludes many  various  talents  of  a  high  order,  and  Alexander  the 
Great  manifested  his  possession  of  these  powers  by  his  arrange- 
ments for  founding  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nile  a  city  which  should 
bear  his  name.  Alexandria  owed  its  erection,  under  the  con- 
queror's orders,  to  Dinocrates,  a  Macedonian,  who  had  already 
rebuilt  the  Temple  of  Diana.  As  the  port  of  Alexandria  was 
difficult  of  access,  principally  in  consequence  of  there  being  no 
natural  landmarks  to  guide  the  eye  to  its  entrance,  the  well- 
known  Pharos  of  antiquity  was  constructed  upon  a  small  island 
at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  and  on  its  square  marble  structure 
perpetual  fires  lighted  the  mariner  to  his  harbor  of  refuge.  The 
designs  of  Alexander  were  admirably  seconded  by  Ptolemy 
Soter,  who,  as  a  resident  on  the  spot,  devoted  all  the  resources 
he  could  command  in  science,  art  and  power,  to  render  Alex- 
andria a  fit  emporium  of  the  traffic  between  the  East  and  West. 
That  distinction  it  retained  till  maritime  discovery,  having  then 
learned  how  to  regard  the  ocean  as  "  the  highway  of  nations," 
diverted  the  traffic  sent  from  Europe  to  India  by  way  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

But  Alexandria  was  not  distinguished  by  commerce  alone 
Ptolemy  Soter  founded  in  it  institutions  of  the  highest  order  in 
their  day,  and  collected  for  their  benefit  a  library  consisting  of 
seven  hundred  thousand  volumes.  The  facilities  for  such  a  collec- 


A.    D.    CIRC.    212,    CARACALLA    AND    GETA    EMPERORS.  275 

tion  arose  out  of  the  discovery  of  the  use  of  papyrus  as  a  vehicle 
for  written  letters ;  a  discovery  coincident  with  the  founding  of 
Alexandria  by  the  Macedonian  conqueror.  It  is  needless  to  say, 
that  from  the  word  papyrus  is  derived  the  term  paper,  and  that 
from  the  use  of  an  inner  bark  of  a  tree,  which  was  employed 
for  many  manuscripts,  we  gain  the  Latin  word  Liber,  and  the 
Greek  ^i^loi.  Nor  must  we  omit  to  mention,  that  when  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  began  to  form  his  great  library  (the  volumes  of 
which  were  copied  on  this  kind  of  paper),  and  when  Eumenes, 
King  of  Pergcimos,  in  imitation,  began  to  erect  a  rival  insti- 
tution in  Asia  Minor,  the  King  of  Egypt  prohibited  the  export- 
ation of  the  papyrus  from  his  dominions ;  a  prohibition  which 
led  the  inhabitants  of  Pergamos  to  improve  upon  the  original 
invention  and  to  write  on  parchment,  thus  preparing  the  way 
for  the  facilities  of  modern  literature. 

It  was  in  Alexandria  also  that  the  Septuagint  (that  well- 
known  translation  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  into  the  Greek 
language)  was  produced  for  the  use  of  the  Hellenistic  Jews  who 
dwelt  there. 

Few  memorials  remain  of  the  ancient  grandeur  of  this  once 
proud  city,  yet  its  imperfect  ruins  sufficiently  indicate  its  for- 
mer position.  It  was  originally  built  in  the  form  of  a  Mace- 
donian cloak,  its  outlines  having  been  originally  formed  (so,  at 
least,  says  the  tradition)  by  strewing  meal  around  the  area  it  was 
subsequently  to  occupy.  Its  two  principal  streets  stood  at  right 
angles  with  each  other,  and  were  a  hundred  feet  wide ;  the  trans- 
verse one  connecting  the  harbor  with  the  Lake  Maroeotis.  The 
premiums  held  out  by  Alexander  and  his  successors  to  those 
who  should  form  settlements  at  Alexandria  induced  many  Jews, 
driven  from  Palestine  by  its  conflicts  and  disorders,  to  settle  in 
the  city ;  and  when  Onias  was  expelled  from  the  chief  priest- 
hood, the  Egyptian  Jews  acknowledged  him  as  their  pontiff, 
renouncing  subjection  to  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  setting 
up  a  distinct  ecclesiastical  establishment  at  Onion,  near  to  Heli- 
opolis.     This  temple,  like  its  prototype,  contained  an  altar  for 


276  ALEXANDRIA  :    CLEMENS    AND    ORIGEN. 

burnt-offering,  another  for  incense,  and  another  for  shew-bread; 
but  substituted,  in  place  of  the  golden  candlestick,  a  lamp  sus- 
pended from  the  roof  of  the  building  by  a  golden  chain.  This 
took  place  about  the  year  150  b.  c. 

Notwithstanding  the  protection  which  the  Jews  enjoyed  in 
Alexandria,  there  existed  no  real  concord  between  them  and  the 
other  inhabitants  of  the  city  ;  and,  in  the  year  a.  d.  39,  Flaccus, 
the  Roman  governor,  instigated  by  the  hatred  with  which  the 
Jews  were  regarded,  encouraged  a  furious  persecution  against 
them,  during  which  they  suffered  cruel  confiscations,  and  were 
put  to  death  in  great  numbers  amidst  revolting  accompaniments 
of  atrocious  cruelty.  The  recall  of  Flaccus  miiigated  this  state 
of  outrage,  till  the  revolt  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine  excited  their 
countrymen  in  Alexandria  to  a  tumult,  in  which  fifty  thousand 
were  slain. 

The  Christian  religion  was  introduced  i;  ito  Alexandria  by  the 
evangelist  Mark,  and  soon  drew  together  a  large  multitude  of 
believers.  We  find  that  after  this  a  Citechetical  school  wa? 
established  in  the  city,  of  which  Pantgenus  was  a  master. 

This  man  was  originally  a  Stoic ;  and  continued  to  profess 
those  sentiments  even  after  he  had  made  profession  of  the 
Christian  faith.  Eusebius  relates  that  his  zeal  on  behalf  of 
Christianity  led  to  his  appointment  as  a  missionary  to  India 
where  he  found  traces  of  the  gospel  by  Matthew,  which  had 
been  conveyed  to  those  quarters  by  Bartholomew.  Pantaenus 
afterwards  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  died  about  the  com- 
mencement of  the  third  century. 

It  is  to  this  city  of  Alexandria  that  we  are  now  about  to  in- 
troduce the  reader.  It  was,  at  the  time  of  which  we  write,  the 
second  in  the  Roman  empire ;  and  was  greatly  distinguished  for 
such  remnants  of  antiquity  as  had  survived  the  reign  of  the 
Ptolemies,  as  well  as  for  the  arts  and  sciences  which  flourished 
luxuriantly  in  its  literary  soil.  The  Platonic  Gnosticism,  which 
had  so  disastrously  affected  the  Christian  church  from  an  early 
period,  had  found  in  Alexandria  many  congenial  elements,  and 


A.  D.  CIRC.  212,  CARACALLA  AND  GETA  EMPERORS.    277 

had  taken  a  new  form  there  from  conjunction  with  the  Jewish 
Cabbala.  Basilides,  Valentinus,  the  Ophites  (who  derived  their 
name  from  the  serpent  of  Genesis,  and  in  whose  name  were 
included  the  Sethians  and  Cainites),  and  Carpocrates  (whose 
system  was  distinguished  by  its  gross  immorality),  had  clustered 
round  about  this  capital  of  Egypt. 

The  commencement  of  the  second  century  beheld,  flourishing 
at  Alexandria,  Clemens,  a  disciple  of  Pantaenus,  who,  however,  , 
was  only  one  of  his  many  masters.  Clemens  was  a  presbyter 
of  the  church,  and  president  of  the  catechumens.  He  did  not 
embrace  the  Christian  faith  till  manhood,  and  then  only  as  the 
result  of  a  prolonged  process  of  inquiry  and  comparison.  As 
he  had  derived  from  Pantgenus  a  large  infusion  of  the  Gnostic 
element,  he  disastrously  endeavored  to  combine  it  with  the  purity 
of  Christian  truth.  When  his  master  went  on  his  Indian  mis- 
sion, Clemens,  during  some  time,  occupied  his  place,  till  the 
persecution  of  Septimius  Severus  compelled  him  to  withdraw 
from  the  capital. 

During  his  absence  from  Alexandria,  his  time  appears  to  have 
been  partly  occupied  by  bearing  a  letter  from  the  Bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  imprisoned  for  the  Christian  faith,  to  the  Church  at 
Antioch.  This  Alexander  had  been  bishop  of  another  Christian 
body  in  Cappadocia,  but  was  subsequently  chosen  to  join  Nar- 
cissus, Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  whose  extreme  age,  one  hundred 
and  ten  years,  rendered  him  unable  longer  to  perform  the  duties 
of  his  ofl&ce.     He  afterwards  became  his  successor.^^     A  part 

*  The  ecclesiastical  history  of  Eusebius  connects  the  name  of  Narcissus 
with  extraordinary  prodigies.  "  About  the  great  watch  of  the  Passover, 
they  say,  that  whilst  the  deacons  were  keeping  their  vigils,  the  oil  failed 
„hem  ;  upon  which,  all  the  people  being  very  much  dejected.  Narcissus 
commanded  the  men  that  managed  the  lights  to  draw  water  from  a  neigh- 
boring well,  and  to  bring  it  to  him.  They  having  done  it  as  soon  as  said, 
.STarcissus  prayed  over  the  water,  and  then  commanded  them  with  a  firm 
<aith  in  Christ  to  pour  it  into  the  lamps.  When  they  had  also  done  this, 
contrary  to  all  natural  expectation,  by  an  extraordinary  and  divine  influ- 
ence, the  nature  of  the  water  was  changed  into  the  quality  of  oil  ;  and," 
24 


278  ALEXANDRIA  :    CLEMENS    AND    OKIGEN. 

only  of  the  letter  of  which  Clemens  was  the  bearer  is  preserved 
by  Eusebius.     It  is  to  the  following  effect : 

"  Alexander,  servant  and  prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ,  greets  in 
the  Lord  the  blessed  Church  at  Antioch. 

"  The  Lord  has  made  my  bonds  light  and  easy  during  the 
time  of  my  imprisonment,  by  the  information  that  Asclepias, 
whose  faith  qualifies  him  for  the  episcopate,  has,  by  divine  Prov- 
idence, undertaken  the  superintendence  of  the  holy  Church  at 

Antioch These  letters,  my  brethren,  I  have  sent  by 

Clemens,  the  blessed  presbyter,  a  man  of  virtue  and  estimation, 
as  ye  know,  and  will  know  still  more.  He,  coming  hither  by  the 
providence  and  superintendence  of  the  Lord,  has  established  and 
increased  the  Church  of  God."^ 

The  style  of  Clemens'  religious  opinions  may  be  best  ascer- 
tained from  his  own  words  : 

"  I  espouse  not  this  or  that  philosophy ;  not  the  Stoic  nor  the 


adds  the  historian,  with  the  most  believing  simplicity,  "  by  most  of  the 
brethren  a  small  qmmtity  was  preserved  from  that  time  until  our  own,  as  a 
specimen  of  the  wonder  there  performed."  The  multiplication  of  alleged 
miracles  was  a  sign  of  the  times.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the  age  of  pious 
frauds  —  perhaps,  however,  scarcely  yet  to  be  designated  frauds  —  and  the 
sad  symptom  of  a  falling  church.  Eusebius  relates,  moreover,  that  "  cer- 
tain lewd  fellows  of  the  baser  sort,"  not  being  able  to  bear  the  purity  of 
Narcissus'  life,  invented  a  slander  to  destroy  his  character,  and,  in  bringing 
their  allegations,  confirmed  it  by  dreadful  oaths.  One,  for  instance,  desired 
that  he  might  perish  by  fire  ;  another,  that  he  might  be  wasted  by  some 
offensive  disease  ;  and  another,  that  he  might  be  deprived  of  his  eyes,  if  the 
charges  were  not  true.  Their  charges  received  no  credence  ;  yet  Narcissus, 
in  sorrow  and  disgust,  ran  away  from  his  church,  and  spent  many  years 
concealed  in  the  desert.  In  the  mean  time  the  imprecations  of  these  false 
witnesses  were  fulfilled.  The  first  was  burnt,  with  his  whole  family,  in  con- 
sequence of  an  accidental  spark  falling  upon  his  house  ;  the  second  was 
covered  with  the  particular  disease  he  had  named  ;  the  third,  having  con- 
fessed his  slander,  grieved  so  immoderately  for  his  sin,  that  he  lost  the  use 
of  both  eyes.  Similar  supernatural  manifestations  are  related  by  Eusebius 
to  have  attended  the  choice  of  Alexander  for  the  episcopate,  which  he  held 
for  some  time  conjointly  with  Narcissus. 
*  Euseb.,  Hist.  Eccl.,  vi.  xi. 


A.    D.    CIRC.    212,    CARACALLA    AND    OETA    EMPERORS.  279 

Platonic,  nor  the  Epicurean,  nor  that  of  Aristotle,  hut  whatever 
any  of  these  sects  has  said  that  was  fit  and  right,  and  that 
taught  righteousness  with  a  divine  and  religious  knowledge ;  all 
that,  being  selected,  I  call  philosophy." 

It  may  be  easily  inferred  that  a  man  possessed  of  this  eclectic 
cast  of  mind  was  more  likely  to  collect  incompatible  truths  into 
a  kind  of  spiritual  museum,  than  to  understand  great  principles, 
or  to  expound  a  consistent  system.  Neander  has  well  defined 
his  characteristic  features.  "  By  occasional  flashes  of  intellect, 
he,  without  doubt,  gave  a  stimulus  to  the  minds  of  his  disciples 
and  readers,  as  we  see  particularly  from  the  example  of  Origen. 
Many  fragmentary  ideas,  sketched  with  masterly  powers,  and 
containing  the  germs  of  a  thorough  systematic  theological  system, 
lie  scattered  in  his  works  amidst  a  profusion  of  vain  and  hollow 
speculations." 

The  works  of  Clemens  of  Alexandria  which  have  come  down 
to  us  are  three  :  —  The  Exhortation  to  the  Gentiles,  the  Peda- 
gogue, and  the  Stromata. 

The  first  of  these  works  is  an  apology  for  the  Christian  faith. 
The  object  of  the  writer  is  to  develop  the  superiority  of  the 
religion  of  Christ  over  the  systems  of  pagan  mythology.  The 
various  forms  of  heathenism  are  pointed  out  with  a  profusion  of 
learning  which  is  absolutely  wearisome,  and  which  could  have 
been  at  no  time  well  calculated  to  subserve  its  professed  object. 
The  remedial  doctrines  of  Christianity,  though  not  lost  from  the 
view,  are  exhibited  with  much  looseness ;  but  the  moral  virtues 
of  the  Christian  system  are  dwelt  upon  with  especial  emphasis. 

A  few  extracts  will  exhibit  the  character  of  Clemens  and  of 
the  times.  The  following  is  from  the  conclusion  of  his  "  Ad- 
monition to  the  Gentiles,"  and  contains  a  running  spiritual- 
ization  of  the  rites  and  practices  of  heathen  worship.  The 
deflection  from  the  spirit  of  a  simple  and  pure  religion  is  too 
apparent  in  the  figures  of  its  Asiatic  oratory. 

"  To  what  do  I  exhort  thee  ?  I  urge  thee  that  thou  mayest 
be  saved.     This   Christ  wills;   he  bestows  on  thee  life  by  a 


280  ALEXANDRIA  :  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

word.  And  what  is  that  word  ?  Learn,  in  brief:  the  word  of 
truth ;  the  word  of  incorruption,  which  regenerates  man  by 
bringing  him  to  the  truth ;  the  spur  of  salvation,  which  drives 
away  decay,  which  pursues  death,  which  erects  a  temple  in  men 
that  he  may  put  Grod  within  them.  Let  the  temple  be  chaste 
and  pure,  and  leave  pleasures  and  lusts,  like  a  frail  and  brief 
flower,  to  the  wind  and  flames.  .  .  Let  us  fly  from  the 
threatening  Charybdis,  and  the  fabulous  Sirens.  .  ,  Let  us 
fly,  let  us  fly,  0  companions  !  this  water  belches  out  flames  ; 
the  island  is  accursed  ;  it  is  full  of  bones  and  carcasses ;  in  them 
sings  that  beautiful  courtesan,  Pleasure.  If  only  thou  wiliest, 
thou  shalt  overcome  destruction,  and,  by  being  bound  to  this 
cross,  shalt  be  free  from  death.  The  Logos  of  God  shall  lead 
thee,  and  the  Holy  Spirit  shall  bring  thee  to  the  gate  of  salva- 
tion. Then  shalt  thou  look  upon  my  God,  and  shall  be  initiated 
into  those  mysteries  which  are  laid  up  in  heaven,  and  are  re- 
served for  me ;  which  eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard,  and 
which  have  not  risen  in  the  heart  of  man.  .  .  Come,  O 
wanderer,  neither  leaning  on  the  thyrsus,  nor  bound  with  the 
ivy  !  ^  throw  away  the  head-band  ;  throw  away  the  fawn-skin  ; 
be  temperate  and  moderate ;  I  will  show  thee  the  Logos,  and 
the  mysteries  of  the  Logos  accommodating  it  to  thy  capacity. 
F®r  this  is  the  chosen  mount  of  God  ;  not  given  up  to  tragedies, 
like  Cithaeron,  but  devoted  to  the  dramas  of  truth  ;  this  is  the 
mountain  of  temperance,  shady  with  chaste  woods.  In  it  Bac- 
chics  are  performed  ;  not  by  the  Bacchican  sisters,  struck  with 
lightning,  but  by  the  daughters  of  God,  chaste  lambs,  who 
celebrate  the  venerable  orgies  of  the  Logos,  by  a  collection  of 
those  who  compose  a  chorus  of  moderation.  This  chorus  is 
made  up  of  the  just ;  their  song  is  the  hymn  of  the  God  of  all  ; 
virgins  play  ;  angels  give  glory  ;  prophets  speak  ;  the  sound  of 
music  goes  forth,  &c.  &c.  Such  are  the  Bacchics  of  my  mys- 
teries !     If  thou  be  willing,  and  will  shut  thine  eyes,  thou  shalt 

*  These  are  allusions  to  the  mysteries  of  Bacchus. 


A.    D.    CIRC.    212,    CARACALLA    AND    GETA    EMPERORS.         281 

join  in  chorus  with  angels  around  him  who  is  the  unbegotten, 
and  indestructible,  and  only  God.  Let  us  join  in  a  hymn  to- 
gether to  God,  the  Logos.  He  is  eternal ;  the  one  Jesus  Christ, 
who,  as  the  great  high  priest  of  one  God,  who  himself  is  the 
Father,  prays  for  men,  and  thus  exhorts  men  : 

"  '  Hear,  ye  innumerable  nations,  or  rather  all  among  you 
that  are  reasonable  men,  whether  barbarians  or  Greeks  (says 
Jesus,  the  high  priest),  I  call  the  whole  race  of  men,  of  whom 
I  am  the  Demiurge  ^  by  the  will  of  the  Father.  Come  to  me, 
ranged  under  one  God  and  one  Logos  of  God ;  you  cannot  over- 
come the  inanimate  world  by  reason  alone.  From  among  all 
other  mortals  I  give  it  to  you  to  reap  the  fruits  of  immortality ; 
for  I  earnestly  desire,  as  the  perfection  of  all  benefits,  to  give 
to  you  incorruptibility.  I  give  to  you  the  Logos,  that  is,  the 
knowledge  of  God ;  I  bestow  on  you  my  perfect  self.  This 
God  wills ;  this  is  the  symphony,  this  the  harmony,  of  the 
Father.  This  is  the  Son  ;  this  is  the  Christ ;  this  is  the  Logos 
of  God  ;  the  arm  of  the  Lord  ;  the  power  of  the  universe  ;  the 
will  of  the  Father.  For  we  are  all  his  likeness,  yet  not  all  his 
true  likeness.  I  desire  to  correct  you,  that  ye  may  be  like  to 
me.  I  will  anoint  you  with  the  oil  of  faith,  that  ye  may  put 
ofi"  corruption,  and  will  show  you  the  naked  figure  of  righteous- 
ness, by  which  ye  may  ascend  to  God.  "  Come  unto  me,  all  ye 
that  labor  and  are  heavy  laden,  and  I  will  give  you  rest.  Take 
my  yoke  upon  you,  and  learn  of  me,  for  I  am  meek  and  lowly 
in  heart,  so  shall  ye  find  rest  to  your  souls ;  for  my  yoke  is 
easy,  and  my  burden  is  light."  Let  us  hasten,  let  us  run,  0 
lovers  of  God,  and  0  men  !  Godlike  images  of  the  Logos  of 
God,  let  us  bear  his  yoke ;  let  us  take  in  incorruption  the  re- 
nowned charioteer  of  men,  Jesus  Christ.'  "  t 

What  the  general  nature  of  Clemens'  next  treatise  is  may  be 
conjectured  by  some  selections  from  its  contents.  It  is  entitled 
"  The  Pedagogue,"  or  "  The  Instructor."     Under  this  name  the 

*  The  favorite  term  of  the  Gnostics, 
t  Clem.  Alex.,  Admonitio  (in  fine). 

24^ 


282  ALEXANDRIA  :  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

author  doubtless  intended  to  set  forth  the  Divine  Author  of  the 
Christian  religion  himself;  and  the  whole  treatise  is  intended 
to  exhibit  practical  Christianity  according  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  author  himself  understood  it. 

The  first  book  describes,  accordingly,  the  character  of  this 
Pedagogue.  In  the  next  book,  the  author  curiously  descends 
into  the  peculiarities  of  what  he  meant  to  represent  as  the 
Christian  life.  He  treats  of  eating,  amidst  many  wise  and 
prudent  maxims,  such  as  might  naturally  be  expected  on  such  a 
topic.  To  render  his  observations  more  definite,  however,  the 
author  gives  a  copious  catalogue  of  the  Epicurean  substanti- 
alities of  his  day,  not  failing  to  bestow  his  pity  upon  those  who 
not  only  heaped  up  such  delicacies  on  the  table,  but  even 
boasted  of  them ;  such  as  the  lampreys  of  Sicily,  the  eels  of 
Moeandria,  the  kids  of  Melos,  the  mullets  of  Sciathos,  the  shell- 
fish of  Pelorus,  the  oysters  of  Abydena,  &c. ;  and  exhorts  rather 
to  support  life  upon  onions,  olives,  herbs,  milk,  cheese,  fruits, 
and  such  things  as  are  cooked  without  trouble,  or  occasionally 
on  roast  or  boiled  meats.  He  recommends  wine  (in  his  chapter 
on  drinking)  to  be  used  with  great  moderation,  and  not  to  be 
resorted  to  by  the  young.  He  denounces  luxury  in  furniture, 
as  tending  to  waste  and  pride.  In  his  chapter  on  "  feasts"  he 
takes  occasion  to  declaim  against  the  use  of  instrumental  music 
in  the  service  of  God,  accompanying  his  observations  by  several 
conceits  in  reference  to  David's  enumeration  of  musical  instru- 
ments ;  contending  that  by  the  trumpet  is  to  be  understood  that 
of  the  resurrection,  by  the  psaltery  the  tongue,  by  the  lute  the 
mouth,  by  the  timbrel  and  dance  the  church,  &c.  &c.  He 
writes  against  undue  laughter,  and  against  indecent  conver- 
sation ;  and  teaches  how  to  sit  at  table,  and  generally  how  to 
conduct  one's  self;  entering  into  various  minute  particulars 
(some  of  them  ridiculously  trivial)  on  the  most  ordinary  prac- 
tices of  common  life.  He  deprecates  the  use  of  perfumes  and 
unguents.  He  declaims  against  long  sleep,  -declaring  that  a 
slumbering  man  is  as  useless  as  a  dead  one,  and  that  it  is  de- 


A.  D.    202,    SEVERUS    EMPEROR.  283 

sirable  often  to  arise  in  the  night  for  the  purpose  of  praising 
God.  He  prescribes  the  observances  of  domestic  life  in  a  spirit 
of  great  austerity,  and  rejects  the  use  of  ornamental  dress  and 
all  jewels  on  the  person. 

In  the  third  book  he  comes  to  the  mention  of  corresponding 
virtues.  A  general  notion  of  the  contents  may  be  derived  from 
the  headings  of  some  of  the  chapters.  Concerning  true  beauty ; 
against  love  of  dress ;  with  whom  we  should  associate ;  how 
men  ought  to  behave  in  baths ;  that  only  the  Christian  is  rich ; 
that  frugality  is  an  admirable  travelling  companion  for  a  Chris- 
tian ;  that  example  is  the  best  part  of  doctrine ;  why  men 
should  go  to  the  baths ;  in  what  way  a  Christian  should  live, 
&c.  &c. 

The  other  principal  work  of  Clemens  consists  of  what  he 
designates  "  Stromata,"  which  term  means,  literally,  a  piece  of 
tapestry,  or  a  thing  spread  out,  and  is  a  collection  of  miscel- 
laneous matters  relative  to  various  points  which  stand  in  relation 
to  Christianity  ;  in  truth,  an  assemblage  of  the  most  varied 
character,  though  much  has  been  derived  from  it  relative  to  the 
practices  of  Christian  antiquity.  To  Clemens  we  are  indebted, 
among  other  elucidations,  for  the  explanation  of  the  Ephesian 
letters. 


COIN    OF    DIANA. 


Alexandria  deserves  no  small  honor  from  having  been  the 
birthplace  of  the  celebrated  Origen,  who  first  saw  the  light 
about  the  year  186.  His  father's  name  was  Leonides;  his 
mother's,  though  she  is  often  referred  to,  remains  unknown. 


284  ALEXANDRIA  :  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

He  early  received  a  Christian  education,  and  was  carefully  in- 
structed in  the  Scriptures,  portions  of  which  he  was  made  to 
commit  to  memory  daily.  Origen  was  one  of  seven  sons,  and 
was  distinguished  from  his  childhood  by  his  remarkable  genius 
and  his  astonishing  memory.  In  his  very  youth  he  was  an 
eager  investigator  of  the  sacred  wiitings,  and  was  bent  on  pene- 
trating beyond  the  mere  letter  of  the  Scriptures,  frequently 
drawing  down  upon  himself  the  remonstrances  of  his  father  for 
his  undue  curiosity,  and  his  caution  against  the  dangers  into 
which  a  speculative  disposition  was  likely  to  lead  him.  Yet  so 
great  was  the  admiration  with  which  Leonides  regarded  his  son, 
that  he  would  frequently  steal  into  the  room  in  which  the  little 
Origen  lay  asleep,  that  he  might  imprint  his  kiss  upon  the 
bared  breast  of  the  child,  as  if  it  were  already  a  place  in  which 
the  Holy  Spirit  had  taken  up  its  residence.  Origen  was  dis- 
tinguished by  the  surname  Adamantius,  having  reference  to  his 
*'  iron  "  perseverance  ;  but  whether  it  was  given  by  his  parent, 
or  assumed  by  himself,  or  afl&xed  to  his  name  after  his  decease, 
cannot  be  pronounced  with  certainty. 

In  the  fifteenth  year  of  Origen's  life,  the  Emperor  Severus 
began  a  new  persecution  of  the  Christians  (a.  d.  202).  For 
some  years  previous  to  this  event,  the  bitterness  which  that 
ruler  had  exhibited  against  the  disciples  of  Jesus  had  slumbered, 
owing,  it  is  said,  to  the  intervention  of  a  favorite  named  Pro- 
culus.  But  Severus,  having  now  returned  in  victory  from  the 
East,  issued  an  edict  to  prevent  conversions  to  Judaism  or 
Christianity,  the  effect  of  which  was  severely  felt  in  Egypt. 
One  of  the  victims  of  this  measure  was  Leonides,  father  of 
Origen.  When  he  was  imprisoned,  Origen  was  with  difficulty 
restrained  from  declaring  himself  a  Christian,  and  thus  par- 
ticipating in  the  honor  (as  he  regarded  it)  of  his  father's  martyr- 
dom. To  prevent  this  rash  act,  his  mother  resorted  to  the 
expedient  of  concealing  his  clothes.  The  son,  however,  wrote 
to  his  father,  exhorting  him  to  courage  and  •  constancy,  and 
urging  his  parent  not  to  change  his  mind  for  the  sake  of  his 


A.    D.   202,  SEVEKUS    EMPEROR.  285 

family.  This  early  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christ  was  a  rich 
promise  of  the  future  —  a  promise  abundantly  realized  in  his 
maturer  years. 

Leon  ides  suffered  death  for  his  attachment  to  the  truth ;  his 
property  was  confiscated ;  and  Origen,  with  his  mother  and  her 
six  children,  was  left  destitute.  But  Providence  opened  a  door 
of  relief  A  wealthy  widow  of  Alexandria  took  the  young 
saint  under  her  protection.  Her  motive  for  this  was  perhaps 
not  so  much  her  approval  of  the  catholic  doctrine  for  which 
Leonides  had  suffered,  as  a  compassionate  pity  for  the  sorrows 
of  his  forsaken  family ;  for  it  appears  that  she  had  received  at 
the  same  time  under  her  roof,  and  brought  up  as  her  son,  a 
Gnostic  teacher,  Paul  of  Antioch,  who  was  permitted  to  lecture 
on  his  peculiar  and  heretical  views  in  her  house.  Towards  him, 
however,  Origen  felt  no  sympathy  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  refused 
to  join  in  his  assemblies,  or  to  unite  with  him  in  prayer. 

Origen's  successful  cultivation  of  literature  speedily  enabled 
him  to  become  an  instructor,  and  the  repute  which  his  learning 
gained  for  him  in  Alexandria  made  him  independent  of  elee- 
mosynary aid.  He  became  distinguished  for  his  knowledge  in 
geometry,  music,  arithmetic,  dialectics,  and  philosophy ;  and  he 
added  to  these  an  acquaintance  with  Hebrew,  a  language  then 
little  cultivated,  especially  by  Christians.  These  attainments 
raised  him  to  the  post  of  catechist  at  Alexandria,  though  now 
only  eighteen  years  of  age. 

But  the  ardor  of  this  celebrated  man  did  not  confine  itself  to 
the  pursuits  of  literature.  His  life  was  blameless ;  and  his 
energy  in  behalf  of  Christianity  rendered  him  conspicuous.  He 
was  a  constant  visitor  of  those  who  under  the  existing  persecu- 
tion suffered  for  their  faith ;  and  he  not  unfrequently  accompa- 
nied them  to  their  death,  careless  of  the  enmity  he  was  thus 
arousing  against  himself  He  was  often  compelled  to  seek  safety 
by  flying  from  his  watchful  foes.  On  one  occasion  he  was 
caught  by  a  mob,  who  carried  him  to  the  steps  of  the  temple  of 
Serapis,  where,  having  placed  in  his  hand  a  palm-branch,  they 


286  ALEXANDRIA:  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

ordered  him  to  give  portions  of  it,  according  to  the  usual  idola- 
trous practice,  to  the  assembling  worshippers.  Origen  made  a 
show  of  obedience,  but  to  every  one  who  presented  himself 
said,  instead  of  the  usual  formula,  "  Take  this  palm,  not  the 
sign  of  the  idol,  but  of  Christ." 

In  the  midst  of  this  opposition,  however,  Origen's  teaching 
became  extensively  popular,  and  as  his  office  of  catechist  to  the 
church  of  Alexandria  was  without  stipend,  and  therefore  left 
him  without  means,  he  disposed  of  his  secular  books,  of  which 
he  had  procured  an  extensive  collection,  and  lived  upon  the  pro- 
duce derived  from  their  sale,  —  four  oboli  (about  fivepence)  per 
day,  —  limiting  himself  to  a  life  of  the  most  self-denying  asce- 
ticism. His  nights  as  well  as  his  days  were  devoted  to  study. 
Taking  many  of  the  precepts  of  our  Lord  according  to  the  most 
rigid  interpretation  of  the  letter,  he  confined  himself  to  one 
coat  and  to  one  pair  of  shoes  —  accustomed  himself  to  poverty 
and  to  imperfect  clothing ;  and  even  maimed  his  body  that  he 
might  avoid  temptation,  and  not  fail  of  those  rewards  which  he 
understood  to  have  been  attached  by  the  Divine  Lord  (mis- 
taking his  spiritual  meaning)  to  a  life  of  self-denial.  When 
this  last  fact  was^told  to  Demetrius,  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
he  applauded  the  motive  under  which  the  young  man  had 
acted,  though,  at  a  subsequent  period,  he  turned  it  to  Origen's 
disadvantage. 

In  the  mean  time  the  effects  of  Severus'  persecution  were  felt 
in  the  desolations  of  the  church.  Plutarch,  one  of  Origen's 
disciples,  suffered  for  his  faith.  Origen  stood  by  him  at  his 
execution,  and  with  difficulty  escaped  the  penalty  of  having 
been  his  accomplice.  Serenus,  Heraclides,  Heron,  are  also 
mentioned  as  having  been  martyrs  for  their  Christianity. 
Another  Serenus  also  suffered  a  violent  death,  as  also  Rais,  a 
catechumen.  Among  the  martyrs  of  this  period,  a  distinguished 
place  is  given  by  Eusebius  to  Potamiagna,  a  young  woman 
whose  chastity  and  courage  were  strongly  displayed.     She  was 


A.    D.    202,    CARACALLA    AND    GETA      EMPF.RORS.  287 

conspicuous  for  her  personal  beauty,  and  not  less  so  for  her 
mental  accomplishments.  A  series  of  torments  was  prepared 
for  her  by  Aquila,  her  judge.  At  length  she  was  condemned 
to  die  under  the  hands  of  Basilides,  a  military  officer.  But  her 
sufferings  won  the  pity  of  the  soldier,  who  defended  her  to  some 
extent  from  the  fury  of  the  spectators.  Touched  with  his  sym- 
pathy, she  acknowledged  his  kindness  towards  her,  and  prom- 
ised him  her  prayers  and  an  abundant  reward  for  his  kindness, 
foiling  pitch  was  poured  upon  her  body  from  her  feet  to  her 
head.  She  bore  the  torment  with  the  utmost  magnanimity,  and 
died  in  the  faith.  Soon  after,  Basilides  himself  refused  to  take 
the  usual  military  oath,  and  avowed  himself  a  Christian.  He 
was  apprehended  for  the  offence  and  imprisoned,  and,  when  vis- 
ited afterwards  by  the  Christians,  he  declared  that  he  had  seen 
in  a  vision  Potamiaena,  who  had  seemed  to  place  on  three  suc- 
cessive nights  a  crown  on  his  head.  Basilides  was  beheaded ; 
and  the  example  (Eusebius  credulously  says  the  apparition)  of 
Potamiaena  induced  many  others  to  submit  to  martyrdom 
rather  than  deny  the  religion  of  Jesus. 

In  the  mean  time  Origen  continued  his  wonderful  course  of 
labor  and  study,  cherishing  the  utmost  dread  lest  the  pleasures 
of  the  world  might  prove  too  attractive  to  him.  Commenting 
afterwards  upon  Luke  14:  33,  in  the  course  of  one  of  his 
homilies  on  Genesis,  he  says,  "  Let  us  hear  Christ  our  Lord  and 
the  precepts  he  gives  to  his  priests,  '  Whosoever  there  be  among 
you  that  forsaketh  not  all  that  he  hath,  he  cannot  be  my  dis- 
ciple.' I  tremble  at  the  words  I  repeat.  For  above  all  others 
I  am  my  own  accuser,  I  speak  my  own  condemnation ;  I  fear  to 
be  accused  of  being  a  participator  in  this  crime.  I  confess 
before  all  the  people  who  hear  me,  I  confess  that  these  things 
are  so  written ;  and  I  know  that  I  have  not  yet  fulfilled  them. 
But  let  us  after  this  warning  at  least  endeavor  to  fulfil  it,  let  us 
hasten  to  pass  away  from  the  priesthood  of  Pharaoh,  whose 
possessions  are  earthly  possessions,   to  the  priesthood   of  the 


288  ALEXANDRIA  I    CLEMENS    AND    OllIGEN. 

Lord,  who  have  no  portion  on  earth,  but  who  have  the  Lord  for 
their  portion."  ^ 

The  persecution  under  Severus  ceased,  with  the  death  of  that 
emperor,  in  the  year  a.  d.  211.  Origen  availed  himself  of  the 
favorable  conjuncture  to  visit  the  church  at  Rome,  of  which 
Zephyrinus  was  then  bishop.  For  the  character  of  this  eccle- 
siastic, whom  the  Romish  Church  has  canonized,  the  reader  is 
roferred  to  the  last  chapter.  Origen  was  now  twenty-six  years 
of  age.  He  made  only  a  brief  stay  in  Rome,  and  returned  to 
Alexandria,  resuming,  at  the  request  of  Demetrius,  his  post  of 
catechist  to  the  church  in  that  city.  The  number  who  crowded 
to  him  for  instruction  was  so  great  as  not  only  to  occupy  his 
days,  but  even  to  invade  his  nights,  and  to  deprive  him  of  all 
opportunity  of  pursuing  his  studies.  Heraclas,  therefore,  who 
had  preeminently  distinguished  himself  among  the  pupils  of 
Origen,  was  called  in  to  assist,  and  the  rudimental  instructions 
were  specially  committed  to  his  care,  whilst  the  more  advanced 
disciples  remained  under  the  charge  of  the  great  doctor  him- 
self 

Origen  was  now  at  the  summit  of  his  reputation.  He  was 
the  instructor  of  a  great  number  of  disciples.  According  to 
the  testimony  even  of  Porphyry,  he  was  possessed  of  most 
extensive  learning,  and  well  versed  in  philosophy  in  all  its 
branches.  Porphyry  adds,  that  Origen,  having  gone  accident- 
ally into  the  school  where  Plotinus,  the  celebrated  Platonist, 
was  lecturing,  so  confounded  that  haughty  teacher  by  his  very 
presence,  as  to  render  him  who  boasted  continually  of  his  supe- 
riority to  circumstances  confused,  and  unable  for  a  time  to 
proceed ;  though  he  availed  himself  afterwards  of  the  occasion 
for  passing  a  high  compliment  on  the  interrupter. 

One  of  the  pupils  of  Origen  was  Ambrose,  in  his  day  highly 
distinguished  as  one  of  the  most  esteemed,  noblemen  of  the 
court.     Ambrose  had  been  originally  a  Gnostic,  but  had  been, 

*  Origen,  in  Genesin,  Horn.  xvi.  5. 


A.    D.   218,  ELAGABALUS    EMPEROR.  289 

by  means  of  Origen's  instruction,  led  to  the  true  faith.  As  he 
was  a  man  of  wealth,  he  gratefully  devoted  his  means  to  second 
the  labors  of  his  master,  and  he  employed  seven  amanuenses  to 
write  from  Origen's  dictation,  and  seven  more  to  assist  in  the 
requisite  transcriptions. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Origen  composed  his  famous 
"  Tetrapla  "  or  "  Hexapla," —  for  many  different  names  are 
affixed  to  it.  This  work  consisted  of  a  text  formed  from  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures,  with  many  other  versions,  ranged  in  parallel 
columns  by  its  side,  and  was,  though  no  marvel  in  more  modern 
days,  an  extraordinary  instance  of  learning  and  diligence  for 
the  times  in  which  it  was  produced. 

Origen's  next  journey  was  undertaken  at  the  request  of  the 
Roman  governor  of  Arabia  Petraaa,  who,  wishing  to  consult  the 
divine  on  some  important  subject,  had  sent  a  special  request  for 
his  presence.  His  stay  was  not  long,  and  he  speedily  resumed 
his  work  at  Alexandria.  He  was  however  compelled,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  serious  riot,  to  leave  his  home  again,  and  he  vis- 
ited Caesarea,  in  Palestine.  It  has  been  imagined  by  Tillemont 
and  Huet  that  the  cause  of  this  absence  was  the  massacre 
which  took  place  in  the  amphitheatre  at  Alexandria,  by  com- 
mand of  Caracalla,  because  the  Alexandrians  had  turned  his 
person  and  his  vices  into  ridicule,     (a.  d.  216.) 

Whilst  at  Caesarea  he  was  invited  to  expound  the  Scriptures, 
a  task  for  which  his  abilities  seemed  to  render  him  specially 
qualified,  though  he  was  not  as  yet  a  presbyter,  but  a  layman 
only.  His  expositions  were  attended  by  the  bishops  of  the  dis- 
trict, whose  office  wc  may  now  mark  as  bearing  with  it  the 
decided  superiority  of  a  third  order.  The  news  of  this  eleva- 
tion given  to  Origen  roused  the  envy  of  Demetrius,  his  own 
bishop,  and  he  loudly  censured  the  precedent  of  a  layman  being 
permitted  to  expound  the  Scriptures  before  those  of  ecclesias- 
tical rank.  Among  those  by  whom  Origen  was  thus  called 
forth,  Alexander,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  been  Origen's 
fellow-student,  was  conspicuous.  Demetrius,  as  if  he  had  been 
25 


290  ALEXANDRIA:  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

a  sovereign  prince,  recalled  Origen,  sending  a  special  embassy 
of  deacons  for  that  purpose.  He  resumed  his  labors  at  Alex- 
andi'ia. 

To  meet  and  confute  the  heresies  which  abounded  in  Greece, 
Origen  next  visited  that  country ;  and,  as  he  passed  through 
Palestine,  on  his  way  thither,  he  received  ordination  as  a  pres- 
byter at  the  hands  of  his  friend  Alexander,  who,  with  other 
bishops,  met  him  at  Caesarea.  Demetrius  was  now  seriously 
offended,  and  roused  into  a  state  of  anger  altogether  unworthy 
of  a  Christian  bishop.  Origen  was  at  this  time  forty-three 
years  old.=^ 

Caracalla  was  now  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  the  Caesars  by 
Elagabalus,  his  natural  son,  a  besotted  and  vicious  youth,  whose 
name  has  passed  into  a  proverb.  Elagabalus,  soon  after  his 
accession,  visited  Antioch,  in  company  with  his  Aunt  Mammaea. 
Mammaea  was  a  woman  of  piety  and  virtue.  She  had  sent  for 
Origen,  who  visited  her  perhaps  at  the  period,  providing  a  mili- 
tary escort  to  accompany  him,  and  listened  to  him  after  his 
arrival  with  great  eagerness.  After  a  stay  of  some  duration, 
Origen  went  back  to  Alexandria,  having  possibly  succeeded  by 
his  influence  at  court  in  preventing  any  open  persecution  of  the 
Christians  during  this  reign. 

Being  arrived  again  in  Egypt,  he  found  a  most  embittered 
enemy  in  Demetrius,  his  former  friend,  who  assailed  him  with 
the  utmost  acrimony,  especially  accusing  him  of  the  rash  action 
which  had  distinguished  his  youth.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this 
hostility,  Origen  found  time  to  publish  many  treatises,  among 
which  may  be  mentioned  his  Commentaries  on  John,  on  Genesis, 
on  certain  of  the  Psalms,  and  on  the  Lamentations.  He  wrote  at 
the  same  time  his  Stromata  and  Principia ;  the  last  work  exem- 
plifying strongly  that  tendency  to  mix  Platonism  with  Chris- 
tianity which  so  much  distinguished  him.  But  Origen  declared 
that  Ambrose  had  given  it  circulation  without  his  own  consent. 

*  Huetii  Origeniaua,  1.  i. 


A.   D.    235,    MAXIMIN    EMPEROR.  291 

The  prelatical  tendeiKnes  of  Demetrius,  however,  combining 
with  jealousy  against  so  exemplary  a  teacher  of  the  Christian 
faith,  led  him  to  prefer  severe  charges  against  Origen,  whose 
meekness  did  not  disarm  his  acrimony.  The  bishop  accordingly 
convened  a  synod,  accusing  Origen  of  being  disqualified  for 
holding  any  office,  and  probably  swelling  the  charge  by  the 
further  declaration  that  he  had  offered  incense  to  the  heathen 
idols.  The  council  decreed  that  Origen  should  be  deprived  of 
his  rank  as  presbyter,  that  he  should  be  interdicted  from  the 
exercise  of  all  spiritual  functions  in  the  church  at  Alexandria, 
and  that  he  should  leave  that  city.  In  the  mean  time  Hcraclas 
was  appointed  catechist  in  his  place. 

Persecuted  thus,  this  celebrated  man  retired  to  Caesarea, 
where  he  was  received  with  great  distinction,  and  where  he 
resumed  the  functions  of  his  ministry.  But  Demetrius  still 
pursued  him.  Availing  himself  of  certain  sentiments  contained 
in  his  works,  especially  in  that  to  which  we  have  already  alluded, 
though  Origen  complained  that  his  writings  had  been  interpo- 
lated, a  charge  of  heresy  was  exhibited  against  Origen,  and  a 
sentence  of  excommunication  pronounced.  This  proceeding  was 
taken  with  the  concurrence  of  the  church  of  Kome,  and  only 
the  churches  of  Palestine  and  the  surrounding  regions  showed 
sympathy  with  the  deposed  presbyter. 

Meantime  Origen  continued  at  Caesarea,  where  he  preached 
with  great  frequency.  The  spirit  with  which  he  met  his  aggra- 
vated trials  was  worthy  of  a  Christian.  He  said  that  a  believer 
was  made  "  not  to  curse,  but  to  bless."  He  gradually  gathered 
around  him  a  body  of  young  men,  whom  he  instructed  in  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity,  thus  preparing  them  to  be  the  future 
heralds  of  the  truth.  Among  these  were  Grregory,  who  after- 
wards bore  the  name  of  Thaumaturgus,  and  became  in  process 
of  time  Bishop  of  Neocesarea,  and  his  brother  Athenodorus. 
Here  Origen  produced  (dedicating  it  to  his  pupil  Ambrose,  now 
a  deacon  of  the  church  at  Caesarea),  his  treatise  on  the  Lord's 


292  ALEXANDRIA:  CLEMENS  AND  OKIGEN. 

Prayer,  and  his  other  work  on  Prayer,  and  exercised  a  very 
extensive  spiritual  influence. 

Maximin  was  now  (a.  d.  235)  Emperor  of  Rome.  He  obtained 
this  dignity  by  the  murder  of  Alexander,  son  of  Mammsea,  who 
had  succeeded  Elagabalus.  Under  him  began  what  is  known 
as  the  sixth  persecution.  His  instructions  were  that  the  pastors 
of  churches  especially  should  be  put  to  death.  Ambrose  seems 
to  have  suffered  much  from  the  consequent  outrages,  together 
with  Protocletus,  a  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Csesarea.  At 
this  time  Origen  wrote  his  tract  on  Martyrdom,  in  order  to 
confirm  these  his  friends  in  their  present  trial.  This  treatise, 
though  not  free  from  errors,  marks  the  courageous  spirit  by 
which  the  writer  was  actuated,  and  which  he  exhorts  those  whom 
he  addressed  to  maintain,  for  the  love  of  Christ  and  in  prospect 
of  an  eternal  reward. 

At  this  time  Origen  was  in  Cappadocia,  where  he  remained 
during  a  considerable  time  secreted  in  the  house  of  Juliana,  a 
Christian  lady  of  rank.  On  the  death  of  Maximin  (a.  d.  238) 
he  returned  to  Palestine,  where  he  pursued  his  private  studies 
and  public  labors,  and  produced  his  homilies  on  Isaiah,  Ezekiel, 
and  the  Canticles,  laboring  also  with  unwearied  assiduity  on  the 
Hexapla.  He  appears  now  to  have  made  a  second  journey  into 
Greece.  On  his  return  he  wrote  his  reply  to  Celsus,  an  Epi- 
curean, who  had  attacked  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faith, 
together  with  his  commentary  on  Matthew.  He  was  now  sixty 
years  of  age,  and,  as  he  was  no  longer  able  to  devote  his  time  so 
assiduously  as  heretofore  to  composition  in  his  closet,  short-hand 
writers  were  employed  to  take  down  his  discourses  as  he  deliv- 
ered them  in  public. 

In  the  year  249,  Decius  assumed  the  purple,  and  a  terrible 
tempest  of  persecution  followed  his  accession  to  the  throne.  All 
preceding  outrages  were  surpassed  by  this  outbreak,  to  which  the 
attention  of  the  reader  will  be  more  specifically  drawn  hereafter. 
At  this  time  Alexander,  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  so 
constantly  befriended  Origen,  died  in  prison.     The  aged  Origen 


A    D.    254,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  293 

suffered  cruelly.  He  was  condemned  to  wear  an  iron  collar;  he 
was  stretched  on  the  rack ;  was  loaded  with  irons ;  was  confined 
in  the  darkest  and  most  loathsome  dungeons,  and  threatened 
with  death  by  fire.  All  kinds  of  torments  short  of  those  which 
might  put  a  period  to  his  sufferings  were  heaped  upon  him  dur- 
ing two  years,  without  shaking  his  resolution,  till  the  death  of 
Decius  opportunely  released  him.  But  he  was  now  old  and 
exhausted,  and  Ambrose  having  died  without  making  provision 
for  his  master,  was  called  to  endure  all  the  privations  of  poverty. 
He  died  at  Tyre  in  his  sixty-ninth  year,  a.  d.  254. 

Whatever  exceptions  may  be  taken  to  the  theological  views 
of  Origen,  he  was,  unquestionably,  one  of  the  brightest  lights 
of  the  Christian  church.  His  industry  was  marvellous ;  no 
fewer  than  six  thousand  treatises  having  been,  perhaps  with 
some  exaggeration,  ascribed  to  his  pen.  He  is  said  to  have 
preached  most  of  his  homilies  extemporaneously ;  though,  as  a 
natural  consequence,  he  is  often  chargeable  with  too  great  dis- 
cursiveness, and  sometimes  with  incoherency.  He  was  a  master 
in  philosophy,  which  he  allowed  to  tincture  his  views,  and  often 
to  debase  his  perceptions  of  scriptural  truth.  His  love  of  alle- 
gory was  strong  and  unconquerable,  and  many  of  those  far- 
fetched allusions  by  which  vulgar  preachers  love  to  disguise 
simple  doctrine,  which  attract  the  ignorant  and  mislead  the 
unwary,  may  be  traced  to  his  pages  as  their  real  original.  But 
his  integrity  was  above  suspicion,  and  his  resolute  adherence  to 
Christianity  in  the  midst  of  the  severest  trials  gives  him  an 
eminence  only  to  be  surpassed  by  apostolic  fortitude  itself  His 
love  for  the  Scriptures  was  supereminent.  The  labors  of  his 
life  were  bestowed  upon  their  collection,  defence  and  exposition, 
and  he  enforced  the  duty  of  studying  them  upon  his  pupils  in 
the  strongest  terms. 

It  is  not  very  easy  to  determine  what  were  Origen's  precise 
views  regarding  the  Trinity,  as  his  book  "De  Principiis"  does 
not  now  exist  in  the  Greek,  and  has  been  confessedly  interpo- 
lated by  Rufinus,  his  translator.  He  is,  however,  accused  by 
25* 


294  ALEXANDRIA:    CLEMENS    AND    ORIGEN. 

Jerome,  doubtless  with  truth,  of  having  represented  the  Son  as, 
in  some  measure,  inferior  to  the  Father.  He  held  the  efficacy 
of  the  death  of  Christ  to  extend  even  to  angels,  devils,  and  irra- 
tional creatures ;  and  that  there  was  a  double  sacrifice,  —  one 
made  on  earth,  and  another  in  heaven.  He  speculated  much  on 
the  nature  of  angels,  believing  that  they  are  by  no  means  free 
from  faults,  for  which  they  shall  be  hereafter  judged  ;  that  every 
man  had  his  guardian-angel,  and  that  these  beings  may  be 
addressed  with  an  inferior  homage  ;  also  that  the  stars  were 
regulated  in  their  motions  by  presiding  spirits.  He  believed  in 
the  termination  of  the  torments  of  hell.  He  strongly  asserted 
the  doctrine  of  free-will,  and  regarded  grace  as  having  relation 
to  the  good  and  evil  which  men  do  in  the  use  of  their  natural 
liberty.  He  held  that  sins  committed  after  the  gift  of  the  Hoi}' 
Ghost  were  not  within  the  reach  of  pardon,  and  that  when 
Peter  denied  Christ  he  had  not  received  the  Holy  Spirit. 
Whilst  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  the  Resurrection  both  of 
the  just  and  unjust,  he  speaks  of  the  righteous  as  passing  through 
fire,  —  which,  however,  he  elsewhere  explains  to  mean  remorse  of 
conscience.  He  regarded  baptism  as  possessing  a  sanctifying 
power,  and  as  the  commencement  of  a  series  of  divine  influences, 
though  such  influences  were  by  no  means  independent  of  the 
state  of  the  heart.  In  like  manner,  though  the  bread  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  was,  in  his  opinion,  not  distinguishable  from  com- 
mon food,  yet  to  those  who  received  it  aright  it  conveyed  super- 
natural influence  through  the  medium  of  the  language  employed 
in  its  consecration.  Origen  opposed  the  usual  views  of  the 
Millenarians  of  his  day,  and  resisted  the  literal  sense  which 
they  gave  to  certain  passages  of  sacred  Scripture. 

So  voluminous  was  Origen  as  a  writer,  that  Jerome  ascribes 
to  him  the  composition  of  six  thousand  volumes.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  this  large  number  included  a  multitude  of  tracts 
and  fugitive  eompositions.  By  far  the  greater  part  of  the 
works  of  Origen  have  perished.  The  following  may  be  taken  as 
a  specimen  of  his  fantastical  manner  of  interpreting  scripture. 


A.    D.    254,    VALERIAN    EMl'EROK. 


295 


Speaking  of  Israel  in  Egypt :  Pharaoh  represents,  he  says,  the 
Devih  His  command  to  kill  the  young  male  children  and  to 
save  the  female,  means  that  the  devil  wishes  to  preserve  the 
worst  parts  of  our  nature  and  to  destroy  the  good.  Pharaoh's 
daughter  means  the  church ;  and  the  finding  of  Moses  repre- 
sents the  respect  which  the  church  has  for  the  Law.=^  When 
Origen  speaks  of  our  Lord  commissioning  Peter  to  cast  his  hook 
into  the  sea,  promising  him  that  he  should  find  a  piece  of  money 
with  which  to  pay  the  demand  of  the  tribute-gatherers,  he  in- 
terprets the  fish  taken  by  Peter  to  mean  a  carnal  man  caught  by 
the  gospel  and  becoming  dead  to  the  world ;  and,  as  the  fish 
opens  its  mouth  to  drop  the  money  into  the  hands  of  Peter,  so 


:- _^^^F 


ALEXANDRIA. 

he  represents  the  converted  man  to  part  with  his  narrow  and 
avaricious  views,  and  to  devote  his  money  to  the  service  of  God 
and  his  church.  In  a  similar  manner  he  interprets  the  parable 
of  the  G-ood  Samaritan.  The  benevolent  man  is  representative 
of  our  Lord;  the  injured  traveller,  of  the  sinful  race  of  man- 
kind ;  the  priest  and  Levite,  of  the  moral  and  ceremonial  law. 
The  inn  indicates  the  church;  the  landlord,  the  minister  of  God; 
and  the  two  pieces  of  money,  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Such  conceits  as  these  might,  no  doubt,  prove  attractive  in  the 
ears  of  some  of  the  Alexandrians  to  whom  they  were  addres.sed; 
and  they  have  been  frequently  imitated  by  those  who  can  "  tind 

♦  Origenis  Comment,  in  Exod.,  Horn,  i.— iv. 


296  ALEXANDRIA:  CLEMENS  AND  ORIGEN. 

as  much  of  the  marrow  of  divinity  in  the  fat  of  a  kidney  as  in 
the  whole  of  our  Lord's  Sermon  on  the  Mount,"  but  they  must 
ever  derogate  from  the  true  merit  of  the  Alexandrian  Father  as 
an  expositor  of  gospel  truth.  These  instances  might  be  abun- 
dantly multiplied,  did  our  space  permit.  The  faults  of  Origen 
must  not,  however,  blind  us  to  his  distinguished  excellences, 
which  have  been  the  theme  of  almost  universal  praise.  His 
pulpit  addresses  were  often  singularly  faithful,  and  his  oratory 
incomparable.  "Why  should  I  refer  to  his  eloquence,"  says 
Vincentius  Lyra,  "  when  his  speech  was  so  pleasant,  so  cheerful, 
so  sweet,  as  that  to  me  his  mouth  seemed  to  distil  not  words,  but 
honey  ? "  ^ 

*  Vincent.  Lyrensis  contr.  Hseres.  c.  23. 


CHAPTER    XIII 


CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 


The  church  of  Carthage,  though 
desolation  has  now  swept  away  every 
trace  of  the  city  in  which  it  was 
founded,  was  (as  we  have  already 
seen)  eminent  in  the  early  days  of 
Christianity  for  its  pious  energy, 
and  its  illustrious  maintenance  of 
scriptural  truth.  A  striking  in- 
stance of  this  was  afforded  during 
the  persecution  of  Severus,  to  which 
reference  has  been  already  made. 
Amongst  those  who  suffered  in  this 
city  for  tlieir  attachment  to  Christ, 
a  body  of  young  catechumens  stands 
peculiarly  distinguished.  In  the  year 
204,  Minutius  Firmanus  apprehended 
the  following  Christians  :  Rcvocatus 
and  Felicitas,  who  were  fellow-slaves  of  one  household ;  Satur- 
ninus  Secundulus;  and  Vivia  Perpetua,  a  woman  of  rank, 
beauty,  and  distinguished  virtues.  The  history  of  this  young 
lady  is  peculiarly  interesting  and  affecting.  She  was  beloved 
of  her  parents,  her  mother  being  a  Christian  and  her  father  a 
pagan,  and  had  an  infant  at  her  breast.  Her  age  was  twenty- 
two.     Her   father,  though   he   felt   deeply   for  his    daughter's 


298  CARTHAGE   AND    CYPRIAN. 

probable  suflFerings,  endured  still  more  from  the  apprehension 
of  the  disgrace  which  her  avowal  of  Christianity  would  bring 
upon  her  family.  Whilst,  therefore,  the  confessors  were  kept 
under  guard  in  a  private  house,  before  being  sent  to  prison,  her 
father  came  to  her,  and,  with  all  the  eloquence  which  the  most 
tender  affection  could  suggest,  earnestly  besought  her  to  recant 
her  superstition,  and  return  once  more  to  her  sorrowing  friends. 
The  plea  was  powerful  —  the  danger,  imminent  and  dreadful. 
But  Perpetua  was  unmoved.  She  pointed  to  a  vessel  on  the 
floor,  and  said,  "  Can  I  call  this  vessel  other  than  it  is?"  And 
when  the  father  said  "  No,"  she  continued,  "  Neither  can  I  call 
myself  by  any  other  name  than  that  of  Christian."  Whilst 
thus  in  confinement,  as  the  access  of  Christian  presbyters  was 
not  denied,  she  received  baptism,  and  afterwards  declared  that 
at  the  time  of  its  administration  she  was  prompted  to  pray  for 
nothing  but  patience  to  bear  her  future  trials.  She  was  soon 
after  this  consigned  to  a  dark  dismal  jail,  where  she  suffered 
much  from  the  heat  of  the  prisoners  crowding  around  her,  from 
the  ill-treatment  of  the  soldiers,  and  from  the  absence  of  her 
infant ;  till  the  deacons  purchased  for  her  and  her  companions 
the  use  of  a  more  commodious  apartment.  Her  child  was  now 
restored  to  her,  and  afterwards  committed  by  her  to  her  mother, 
whom,  with  her  brother,  she  endeavored  to  console  under  their 
woes.  "  After  a  few  days,"  she  said,  "  my  sorrow  was  changed 
into  comfort,  and  the  dungeon  became  a  palace  to  me." 

In  this  state  her  brother  asked  her  to  pray  that  she  might  be 
made  to  know  whether  this  imprisonment  would  terminate  in 
death ;  and  on  the  next  day  she  told  him  that  in  a  remarkable 
dream,  with  which  she  had  been  favored,  she  had  been  taught 
that  her  martyrdom  was  at  hand.  A  short  time  after,  her  aged 
father,  who  had  been  greatly  irritated  by  her  previous  firmness, 
and  had  even  struck  her  in  his  frenzy,  came  to  her  once  more, 
having  ascertained  that  she  was  to  be  brought  the  next  day 
before  the  magistrate.  Once  more  he  besought  her  to  retract. 
He  reminded  her  of  the  peculiar  affection  with  which  she  had 


A.  D.  CIRC.  212,  CARACALLA  AND  GETA  EMPERORS.    '299 

been  ever  regarded  —  of  her  mother  and  her  other  beloved  rela- 
tives, and  of  her  infant  child,  so  soon  to  be  deprived  of  her  fos- 
tering care.  "  Abandon  your  obstinacy,"  said  he,  "  or  you  will 
destroy  us  all :  not  one  of  us  will  be  able  to  speak  any  more 
with  boldness,  if  thou  diest  thus."  As  he  uttered  these  words 
the  tortured  father  took  her  hands  and  kissed  them,  threw  him- 
self weeping  at  her  feet,  and  called  her  not  his  daughter,  but 
the  mistress  of  his  fate.  Perpetua  was  deeply  moved  at  the 
sight  of  her  father's  gray  hairs ;  more  deeply,  because,  as  she 
said,  she  felt  "  that  he  alone  of  all  her  family  could  not  rejoice 
in  her  sufferings,"  but  her  reply  was  distinct  and  decisive : 
"Father,"  she  said,  "grieve  not;  what  will  happen  when  I 
come  before  the  tribunal  depends  on  the  will  of  God ;  for  know 
that  we  stand  not  in  our  own  strength,  but  in  the  power  of 
God." 

The  day  following  the  prisoners  were  summoned  to  examina- 
tion. They  appeared  at  the  bar  in  the  midst  of  a  great  crowd. 
Perpetua's  interrogation  came  last.  All  the  rest  had  boldly 
confessed  their  Master.  At  this  juncture  her  father  appeared 
with  her  infant  in  his  arms,  and  renewed  his  entreaty  that  she 
would  abjure  Christianity  for  the  sake  of  the  child  whom  he 
held.  Even  the  judge  was  melted  by  the  affecting  scene,  and 
added  his  entreaties  to  those  of  her  father.  "Sacrifice,"  said 
he,  "  for  the  welfare  of  the  emperor."  "  That,"  said  Perpetua, 
"I  cannot  do."  "Art  thou,  then,  a  Christian?"  "I  am  a 
Christian."  Her  father  endeavored  to  draw  her  off;  but  the 
president  now  interposed,  and  commanded  him  to  be  beaten. 
"That  blow  I  felt,"  said  Perpetua,  "as  if  I  had  been  myself 
struck,  so  affected  was  I  at  beholding  my  father  thus  treated  in 
his  old  age." 

The  prisoners  were  condemned  to  death,  and  were  sentenced 
to  be  thrown  to  wild  beasts,  in  public,  on  the  anniversary  of 
young  Geta's  accession.  In  the  mean  time  they  returned  to 
their  cells.  Perpetua  desired  again  to  see  her  child ;  but  her 
father  forbade  it,  and  only  renewed  his  former  entreaties.     The 


300  CARTHAGE   AND    CYPRIAN. 

recital,  thus  far,  is  derived  from  the  pen  of  Perpetua  herself, 
who  thus  affectinglj  concludes  her  narrative:  "Thus  have  I 
written  on  the  eve  of  the  spectacle.  Another,  if  he  pleases, 
will  describe  what  happened  there."  The  remainder  of  the 
narrative  is  less  authentic ;  but  .its  substantial  facts  are  doubt- 
less truly  given. 

Felicitas,  the  female  companion  of  Perpetua,  was  seized,  on 
the  eve  of  her  martyrdom,  with  the  pangs  of  child-birth.  One 
of  the  guards  said  to  her  in  her  anguish,  "  If  thou  complainest 
now,  what  wilt  thou  do  when  thrown  to  the  wild  beasts?"  Her 
answer  was  truly  memorable.  "  What  I  suifer  now,  I  suffer 
myself;  but  at  the  spectacle  there  will  be  another  who  will  suffer 
for  me,  because  I  shall  suffer  for  him." 

The  day  before  the  martyrdom  the  prisoners  were  allowed  a 
feast,  according,  it  appears,  to  a  usual  custom  ;  and  they  par- 
took of  it  in  public,  eating  it  as  an  Agape,  or  feast  of  love.  In 
the  midst  of  this  banquet  one  of  the  martyrs,  observing  the 
curiosity  of  the  spectators,  said,^"  Look  at  us  well,  that  you 
may  be  able  to  recognize  us  at  the  day  of  judgment."  When 
the  time  of  execution  was  arrived,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
clothe  them,  as  it  appears  was  usual  at  Carthage,  in  sacerdotal 
garments.  But  the  martyrs  resisted  this  imposition,  saying, 
"  We  have  come  here  voluntarily,  that  our  freedom  may  not  be 
taken  from  us.  We  have  given  up  our  lives  rather  than  be 
forced  to  such  abominations."  Their  resistance  was  successful, 
and  the  attempt  was  relinquished. 

The  men  were  exposed  to  a  leopard,  a  bear,  and  a  wild  boar, 
and  one  of  them  was  despatched  instantly. 

Perpetua  and  Felicitas  were  thrown  to  a  wild  cow,  having 
been  previously  enclosed  in  a  net.  Perpetua  was  first  gored  by 
the  furious  animal,  but,  recovering  herself  after  the  attack, 
gathered  her  garments  together,  and  helped  Felicitas,  who  had 
been  afterwards  outraged,  to  rise.  They  stood  thus  together,  as 
if  awaiting  another  assault.  But,  as  the  people  cried  out  that 
they  should  not  be  again  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the  wild  animal, 


A.  D.    247,    PHILIP    EMPEROK.  301 

tliey  were  led  away  to  be  put  to  death  by  the  confectors.  Per- 
petua  was  now  addressed  by  some  of  the  Christians  present ;  but 
she  was  apparently  unconscious  of  all  that  had  occurred,  and 
could  not  believe  it  till  she  was  shown  the  wounds  which  had 
been  inflicted  on  her."^  The  surviving  prisoners  were  placed  in 
the  centre  of  the  area,  and,  having  embraced  each  other  for  the 
last  time,  were  despatched  with  swords.  The  person  into  whose 
hands  Perpetua  fell  was  so  unskilful,  and  trembled  so  violently, 
as  to  give  her  many  wounds  which  were  not  mortal,  till  Per- 
petua, taking  his  hand,  directed  it  to  her  throat. 

The  bodies  of  these  martyrs  are  said  to  have  been  afterwards 
deposited  in  the  church  of  Carthage,  and  their  "  natal  day  "  (as 
the  anniversaries  of  the  martyrs  were  termed)  was  celebrated 
on  the  7th  of  March.  Their  memories  are  still  preserved  in  the 
calendar  of  the  English  church. 

We  now  arrive  at  a  period  of  ecclesiastical  history  in  which 
the  extant  letters  of  its  most  celebrated  personage  enable  us 
better  to  illustrate  the  character  of  the  times.  A  special 
interest,  however,  attaches  itself  to,this  crisis,  from  the  fact  that 
the  episcopal  system  of  church-government  had  now  become 
clearly  and  strongly  established ;  every  lover,  therefore,  of  mon- 
archical spiritual  rule  dwells  with  the  fondest  interest  on  the 
memory  and  acts  of  Cyprian ;  and,  from  this  period,  whatever 
the  church  may  have  gained  in  organization  and  order,  it  un- 
questionably lost  in  liberty. 

Thascius  Cyprianus,  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  Cyprian, 
was  by  birth  an  African,  and,  in  the  early  years  of  his  life,  a 
heathen.  The  precise  year  of  his  birth  is  not  known,  nor  are 
we  acquainted  with  many  details  relative  to  his  early  career. 
It  appears,  however,  that  he  had  received  a  liberal  education, 
and  had  been  a  popular  teacher  of  rhetoric  in  Carthage,  hy 
which  profession  he  had  gained  considerable  wealth.  A  pres- 
byter, named  Csecilianus,  an  aged  Christian,  was  the  means  of 

*  See  page  355. 

26 


302  CARTHAGE  AND  CYPKIAN. 

converting  him  to  the  faith  of  Christ.  This  change  in  his 
religious  opinions  led  to  the  most  important  results.  He  became 
deeply  humbled  under  a  sense  of  sin,  and  strongly  convinced  of 
the  power  of  that  grace  which  alone  could  save  him.  A  letter 
to  his  friend  Donatus  will  best  describe  his  feelings  on  this 
occasion.  The  reader  will  mark  for  himself  certain  passages 
expressive  of  departure  from  the  truth. 

"  Whilst  I  was  languishing  in  the  darkness  of  profound  night, 
and  whilst  floating  upon  the  stormy  sea  of  the  age,  I  was 
uncertain  what  I  ought  to  do ;  and,  rebelling  against  light  and 
truth,  I  found  it  extremely  hard  to  believe  that  which  they  told 
me  of  the  goodness  of  God  in  saving  sinners;  and  that  it  was 
necessary  to  be  born  again  in  such  a  manner  that,  receiving  a 
new  life  in  the  waters  of  baptism,  one  must  put  away  all  that 
one  had  delighted  in  before ;  and  that  a  man  must  entirely 
change  his  spirit,  whilst  his  body  remained  the  same.  How, 
said  I,  is  so  great  a  change  possible  ?  How  can  one  undo  at 
once  that  which  nature  and  habit  have  rendered  so  strong  ? 
These  are  things  profoundly  rooted  in  the  soul.  How  can  a 
man  accustomed  to  good  living  learn  in  a  moment  to  be  sober  ? 
Is  it  possible  that  a  woman  who  is  always  richly  clothed,  and 
who  has  worn  till  now  dresses  of  gold  and  silk,  can  resolve  to 
attire  herself  simply  and  modestly ;  or  that  another,  who  has 
passed  his  life  in  great  duties  and  employments,  can  reduce 
himself  to  a  private  condition  ;  and  he  who  is  always  accompanied 
by  a  crowd  of  persons  attending  on  him,  will  he  not  regard 
solitude  as  a  punishment  ?  It  must  be  that  those  who  have 
lived  so  long  under  the  empire  of  their  passions  will  be  governed 
by  them  ;  that  debauchery  will  entice  them ;  that  pride  will 
inflate  them ;  that  anger  will  inflame  them ;  that  avarice  will 
torment  them  ;  that  vengeance  will  animate  them  ;  that  ambition 
will  charm  them  ;  that  pleasure  will  destroy  them."  =^ 

"  But  when,  the  filth  of  my  past  life  being  washed  away  by 

*  Ad  Donatum. 


A.  D.  247,    PHILIP   EMPEROR.  303 

the  saving  water  of  regeneration,  the  light  from  on  high  spread 
itself  in  mj  heart,  —  when,  having  received  the  Holy  Ghost,  a 
second  birth  caused  me  to  become  a  new  man,  —  immediately 
my  doubts  became  clear,  my  soul  was  opened,  my  darkness  was 
dissipated ;  what  I  had  found  difficult  seemed  easy,  and  I  saw 
that  I  could  accomplish  that  which,  till  now,  seemed  impossible. 
You  know  yourself,  as  well  as  I,  and  acknowledge  what  this 
death  of  our  crimes  has  taken  away  within  us,  and  what  this 
life  of  virtue  has  inserted.  You  know  it,  and  I  have  nothing 
to  do  but  to  proclaim  it  ;  for  self-praise  is  odious,  though  we 
should  say  nothing  but  what  is  true,  but  should  attribute  all  the 
glory  to  God,  and  not  to  man."  ^ 

Pontius,  deacon  of  Cyprian,  who  wrote  the  life  of  that  cele- 
brated man,  relates  the  efi'ects  which  followed  his  conversion. 
He  tells  us  that,  believing  ambition  to  be  the  most  dangerous  of 
the  vices.  Cyprian  sold  all  his'  goods  to  feed  the  poor,  and  that 
he  began  to  attempt  the  perfection  of  Christianity  almost  before 
he  knew  what  Christianity  really  was.  The  generous  self- 
renunciation  by  which  Cyprian's  conversion  had  been  dis- 
tinguished rendered  him  an  object  of  love  to  the  Christians 
around.  He  was  ordained  presbyter,  and  soon  after  the  bishopric 
of  Carthage,  being  vacant,  was  offered  to  him ;  and,  when  he 
refused  the  post  of  honor,  Cyprian's  house  was  crowded  by  mul- 
titudes of  the  people  enfteating  him  to  accept  it.  At  length, 
though  most  reluctantly,  he  was  compelled  to  receive  this  trust ; 
to  which  he  was  called,  as  Pontius  tells  us,  by  the  judgment  of 
God  and  the  suffrages  of  the  people. 

The  general  popularity,  however,  which  urged  the  episcopacy 
upon  Cyprian,  did  not  prevent  the  malevolence  of  a  small 
party,  who  were  possibly  influenced  by  personal  motives  in  the 
opposition  which  they  raised  to  the  new  bishop. 

As  soon  as  Cyprian  was  installed  in  his  recent  office,  one  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  endeavor  to  govern  his  charge  under  the 

*  Ad  Donatum. 


304  CARTHAGE  AND  CYPRIAN. 

advice  of  the  presbyters,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  people. 
"  He  knew,"  says  Pontius,  '*  how  to  temper  his  gentleness  with 
firmness,  and  his  condescension  with  episcopal  vigor.  His  dress 
was  neither  sumptuous  nor  mean,  but  proper  and  modest ; 
because  there  is  often  not  less  ambition  in  affected  poverty  than 
in  luxury.  As  it  regarded  the  poor,  what  would  he  not  do  for 
them  as  bishop  who  had  done  so  much  for  them  as  a  mere  cate- 
chumen ?  "  ^ 

While  Cyprian  was  thus  devoting  himself  to  the  duties  of  his 
new  ministry,  an  unexpected  storm  burst  out  against  the  church. 
The  death  of  Philip,  who  had  befriended  the  Christians,  led  to 
the  exaltation  of  Decius,  his  murderer,  to  the  imperial  throne. 
No  sooner  had  he  attained  this  elevation,  than,  with  a  design 
entirely  to  extirpate  Christianity,  he  commanded,  in  the  year 
250,  that  all  who  did  not  conform  to  the  national  heathen  cere- 
monials should  be  threatened,  tortured,  and,  in  case  of  obstinacy, 
put  to  death.  This  persecution  was  felt  not  at  Rome  alone,  but 
gradually  enlarged  its  sphere  of  operation,  till  it  extended  over 
the  whole  empire.  Its  administration  was  systematic  and  se- 
vere. A  day  was  appointed  from  which  the  imperial  edict 
should  date  its  enforcement ;  and  on  that  day  all  Christians  of 
the  locality  were  commanded  to  be  present,  that  they  might 
swear  allegiance  to  the  ancient  heathenism.  Should  they  have 
exiled  themselves  through  fear  of  pffi'secution,  their  property 
was  confiscated,  and  they  were  forbidden,  under  capital  penalties, 
to  return  to  their  homes.  Those  who  were  within  reach  of  the 
magistracy  were  examined ;  were,  in  case  of  their  examination 
not  proving  satisfactory,  submitted  to  the  torture ;  were  fre- 
quently exposed  to  deprivation  of  sustenance ;  and  were  some- 
times, though  not  inevitably,  punished  with  death.  Bribery, 
hQwever,  gained  relief  for  a  few  who  might  otherwise  have  been 
deemed  worthy  of  extreme  punishment ;  and  some  who  were 
really  Christians  allowed  others,  in  ignorance  of  the  actual  fact, 

*  Pontius,  Cypriani  Vita. 


A.  D.    250,  DECIUS    EMPEROR.  305 

to  declare  that  their  brethren  had  complied  with  the  requisitions 
of  the  law.  But  such  a  deception  was  rightly  regarded  by  the 
body  of  believers  as  unworthy  and  traitorous  to  their  Christian 
profession.  The  influence  of  worldly  fears  shook  the  constancy 
of  many  who  had  large  possessions  or  situations  of  emolument. 
The  time  had  gone  by  when  every  avowed  believer  would  sufi'er 
the  last  penalty  rather  than  renounce  his  faith.  Some  pre- 
varicated ;  some  abjured;  some  denied;  and  some,  at  first  firm, 
confessed  their  weakness  when  subjected  to  the  torture.  But 
though  a  willingness  to  submit  to  martyrdom  was  by  no  means 
universal,  it  was  not  uncommon.  Among  the  rest,  special  men- 
tion is  made  of  Dioscorus,  a  youth  aged  only  fifteen,  whose 
endurance  of  torture  drew  from  the  governor  himself  expressions 
of  admiration,  and  caused  the  judge  to  dismiss  him  under  pre- 
text of  his  youth.  Numidicus,  afterwards  made  a  presbyter, 
afforded  a  signal  example  of  a  Christian  resolution  which  nothing 
could  shake.  His  trials  had  been  severe.  His  wife  had  under- 
gone martyrdom  before  his  eyes,  and  he  himself  had  been  left 
as  dead,  having  undergone  burning,  and  having  been  buried 
under  a  heap  of  stones.  In  this  state  he  was  found  by  his 
daughter,  and  by  her  recovered  for  a  life  of  future  usefulness. 
Some  dared  the  penalties  of  the  law  in  the  severest  shapes  it 
could  assume,  and,  after  being  exposed  to  starvation  and  burn- 
ing, showed  their  readiness  to  endure  still  greater  torments  for 
the  sake  of  Christ  and  his  gospel. 

The  heads  of  the  church  were  especially  singled  out  as  the 
objects  of  this  persecution.  Fabianus,  a  Roman  bishop,  suf-^ 
fered  for  the  Christian  faith.  Among  others,  Cyprian  was 
indicated  as  a  mark  for  outrage.  Though  at  heart  emulous  for 
the  crown  of  martyrdom,  which  he  valued  as  the  highest  earthly 
distinction,  he  deemed  it  more  prudent  to  yield  to  the  force  of 
the  circumstances  which  surrounded  him.  He  therefore  left  for 
a  time  the  scene  of  his  labors,  and  hid  himself  from  his  savage 
persecutors ;  yet  he  maintained  an  active  correspondence  with 
the  presbyters  of  his  society,  and  his  letters  and  tracts  furnish 
26* 


306  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

the  most  valuable  information  respecting  the  position  of  the 
church  in  the  third  century.  From  them  we  learn  that  the  love 
of  wealth  had  already  affected  the  Christian  community.  The 
taste  for  artificial  distinctions  had  greatly  prevailed  over  the 
simple  tastes  and  habits  of  early  Christianity.  Intermarriage 
with  unbelievers  was  not  unconnnon ;  quarrels  one  with  another 
were  by  no  means  infrequent ;  the  ancient  duties  of  beneficence 
and  almsgiving  were  in  a  great  degree  forgotten  ;  and  pastors 
were  more  desirous  of  gain  than  careful  respecting  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  their  flocks.  The  crowd  of  those  who,  terrified  at 
their  impending  dangers,  wished  to  renounce  Christianity,  was 
so  great,  that  in  some  instances  the  magistrates  desired  to  defer 
receiving  the  abjuration  of  many  of  them  till  the  next  day, 
but  were  besought  by  the  trembling  Christians  to  be  recorded 
as  heathens  that  very  night.  But  all  were  not  thus  recreant. 
Whilst  in  his  retirement,  Cyprian  warned  those  to  whom  he 
wrote  against  a  wanton  and  unnecessary  provocation  of  the 
anti-Christian  persecutors.  He  exhorted  them,  whilst  they  vis- 
ited their  imprisoned  brethren,  not  to  do  so  in  crowds  :  to  take  in 
rotation  the  duty  of  administering  to  the  necessities  of  the  cap- 
tives, and  to  cultivate  humble  and  peaceful  lives  amidst  the 
trials  to  which  they  were  so  unrighteously  exposed. 

The  persecution  of  Decius,  so  far  from  exhausting  itself  by  its 
first  impulse,  became  after  its  commencement  even  more  severe. 
The  cowardice  of  many  Christians  led  the  attacking  powers  to 
believe  that  an  increased  vigor  of  action  might  succeed  in 
beating  down  the  remaining  obstinacy,  as  they  chose  to  believe 
it,  of  the  Christian  professors.  But  the  most  cruel  enemies  of 
religion  have  their  moments  of  satiety ;  and  the  attention  of 
Decius  was  speedily  called  away  from  the  Christians  to  matters 
which  he  properly  regarded  of  greater  moment  —  certainly  to 
those  in  which  the  existence  of  his  empire  was  more  immediately 
involved.  The  Goths  made  an  irruption  into  the  empire ; 
Decius  marched  against  them;  and  after  a. battle,  in  which  he 
was  triumphant,  lost  his  own  life. 


A.  D.   251,    DECIUS    EMPEROR.  307 

During  the  continuance  of  these  persecuting  outrages,  which 
kept  Cyprian  in  retirement,  rather  from  the  wishes  of  others 
than  from  his  own,  the  party  who  had  opposed  his  election  to 
the  bishopric  availed  themselves  of  his  absence  to  stir  up  a 
spirit  of  disaffection  against  him  and  his  ministry.  The  declin- 
ing religion  of  the  church  has  already  been  stated.  The  num- 
ber of  the  lapsed  was  extremely  great.  But  many  of  these 
repented  of  their  grievous  sin  when  they  found  themselves  ex- 
cluded from  communion,  and  a  question  thereon  arose,  whether 
such  repentant  backsliders  should  be  restored,  whether  they 
should  remain  in  a  state  of  seclusion,  or  whether  they  should  be 
admitted  to  a  protracted,  but  not  hopeless,  probation.  These 
questions  were  deeply  interesting  to  the  whole  Christian  com- 
munity, as  well  as  to  the  fallen  themselves ;  and  in  the  state  of 
knowledge  then  existing  they  were  found  extremely  difficult  to 
answer.  It  was  the  age  in  which  the  church  had  begun  to 
depend  on  traditional  precedents,  and  in  this  case  there  were  no 
precedents.  The  difficulty  was  also  greatly  increased  by  the 
enemies  of  Cyprian,  who  stirred  up  the  strife  by  inflaming  the 
minds  of  the  lapsed  themselves.  The  bishop,  moved  on  the  one 
hand  by  pity  for  the  fallen,  yet  fully  alive  on  the  other  to  the 
honor  of  the  religion  which  these  men  had  outraged  by  their 
sad  defection,  wished  the  question  to  remain  open  till  the 
return  of  tranquillity  should  render  a  convention  on  the  subject 
possible.  This  intermediate  coiu-se  little  satisfied  some  of  the 
backsliders  themselves,  instigated  by  Cyprian's  rivals.  Their 
party  was,  however,  still  more  powerfully  strengthened  from 
another  quarter.  Some  of  those  who  had  demonstrated  their 
faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  by  suffering  for  his  name  had  expressed 
their  pity  for  the  condition  of  their  brethren,  who  had  not  at 
first  displayed  equal  courage,  but  who  had  repented  of  their 
sin ;  and  their  opinion  was  held  at  that  time  as  an  utterance 
scarcely  less  than  divine.  Several  of  these  lapsed  persons 
received  on  this  authority  the  Lord's  Supper  at  the  hands  of 
certain  presbyters  of  Carthage,  without  any  publication  of  their 


308  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

repentance,  or  consultation  of  Cyprian;  and  Feiicissimns  was 
ordained  as  deacon  witliout  his  knowledge.  In  fact,  Cyprian 
was  claiming  new  powers,  which  the  turbulent  spirit  of  the  five 
presbyters  was  unwilling  to  allow.  The  conflict  became  severe. 
It  was  not  unusual  for  the  martyrs,  in  departing  to  die,  to  give 
to  the  lapsed  penitents  a  paper  containing  the  following  form- 
ula :  —  Let ,  together  with  his,  be  received  into  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church."  So  vague  and  indiscriminate  a 
recommendation  opened,  of  course,  the  door  to  all  kinds  of 
irregularity.  The  situation  of  Cyprian  was  difficult ;  it  was  a 
case  in  which  his  position  could  only  be  maintained  by  defying 
present  unpopularity.  But  the  Bishop  of  Carthage  was  not 
wanting  in  the  firmness  necessary  to  his  situation.  He  opposed 
the  undue  reverence  which  was  attached  to  the  behests  of  mar- 
tyrs, declaring  that  true  martyrdom  consisted  not  in  single  and 
insulated  acts,  but  in  the  whole  conduct  consecrated  to  Christ 
and  his  service.  In  a  certain  case,  where  one  confessor  on 
behalf  of  another  gave  the  valedictory  absolution  to  one  of  the 
fallen  brethren,  as  well  as  the  libel  (certificate)  of  peace, 
Cyprian  boldly  withstood  the  claim,  declaring,  with  high  Chris- 
tian spirit,  that  the  martyrs  do  not  make  the  gospel,  but  the 
gospel  the  martyrs.  Yet,  however  resolute  the  bishop  might  be 
in  opposing  popular  opinion  on  this  one  point,  he  made  some 
concessions  to  it  in  another,  admitting,  in  case  any  of  the  lapsed 
were  about  to  die,  the  validity  of  the  certificates  he  in  the  other 
case  denied.  These  contradictory  proceedings  had,  however,  a 
common  point  of  harmony  ;  for  in  granting  the  latter  indul- 
gence the  bishop  was  much  influenced  by  the  determination  of 
the  Romish  Church  to  grant  such  favors  in  case  of  mortal  sick- 
ness.    Cyprian  was  always  true  to  his  episcopal  order. 

When  the  persecution  of  Decius  began  a  little  to  abate, 
Cyprian  prepared  himself  to  return  to  his  beloved  church.  Yet 
before  he  committed  himself  to  so  decided  an  act,  he  sent  a 
deputation,  consisting  of  two  bishops  and  two  presbyters,  to 
visit  the  united  body.     The  office  assigned  to  them  was  to  re- 


A.    D.    251,    DECIUS   EMPEROR.  309 

lieve  the  infirm  and  necessitous  poor,  and  to  point  out  especially, 
for  the  information  of  Cyprian,  those  who  had  been  eminent 
for  their  meekness  and  devotedness  during  the  late  persecutions, 
in  order  that  he  might  place  them  in  appropriate  offices  in  the 
church.  Such  an  act  of  episcopal  authority  met  with  stren- 
uous opposition.  Whether  it  were  that  the  protesting  party 
considered  such  conduct  as  an  infraction  of  the  rights  of  the 
deacons  and  presbyters  in  general,  or  whether  it  were  that  they 
were  resolved  to  humble  Cyprian  in  the  eyes  of  the  community, 
they  met  his  proposition  with  direct  resistance.  Amongst  these 
opposers  the  deacon  Felicissimus,  who  had  been  from  the  first 
adverse  to  Cyprian's  election,  was  distinguished.  Nor  was  such 
an  opposition  unnatural,  inasmuch  as  Cyprian,  a  newly-made 
bishop,  was  performing  by  his  episcopal  authority  the  very  ser- 
vices which  the  deacon's  office  had  been  instituted  to  embrace. 

In  this  crisis,  therefore,  Felicissimus  used  his  utmost  influ- 
ence to  oppose  and  to  abridge  the  priestly  power  which  Cyprian 
was  intent  on  exercising.  And,  as  he  had  been  appointed 
deacon  by  the  presbyter  Novatus,  who  was  pastor  of  a  commu- 
nity in  the  neighborhood  of  Carthage,  and  as  he  and  his  pres- 
byter had  a  fiery  spirit  of  liberty  within  them  (Cyprian  called 
Novatus  a  firebrand),  Felicissimus  declared  to  the  poor  of  his 
own  church  that,  if  they  gave  evidence  before  the  deputation 
whom  Cyprian  had  sent  to  Carthage,  they  should  be  at  once 
excluded  from  communion.  This  suburban  church  became  at  the 
same  time  the  rallying-point  for  all  those  backsliders  who  wished 
to  be  received  into  immediate  fellowship.  In  the  persons  of 
the  disafi"ected  the  church  was  in  fact  fighting  its  last  battle  for 
liberty ;  a  contest  in  which,  as  it  often  happens,  men  of  acerb 
tempers  and  violent  passions  gain  for  a  time  a  certain  predom- 
inance, and  excite  not  a  little  scandal,  but  in  which,  nevertheless, 
the  most  solemn  interests  of  truth  and  piety  are  often  embarked. 
The  contest  was  now  with  the  modern  demands  of  a  self-con- 
stituted prelacy. 

The  existence  of  this  disaffection  induced  Cyprian  to  delay 


310   '  CARTHAGE  AND  CYPRIAN. 

his  return  to  the  church  until  the  time  arrived  for  the  annual 
sjnod  of  the  North  African  bishops ;  for  at  this  period  synods 
were  beginning  to  be  assemblies  of  regular  recurrence,  and 
Cyprian  well  knew  their  value  as  helps  to  his  hierarchical  pre- 
tensions. The  decisions  of  this  synod  Cyprian  felt  would  give 
authority  to  his  position,  and  tend  to  the  settlement  of  the  per- 
plexed questions.  This  assembly  concurred  in  general  in  the 
bishop's  decisions.  It  determined  that  in  cases  of  death  the 
former  arrangement  should  stand  good,  but  that  when  no  such 
crisis  was  imminent  the  communion  should  only  be  granted  to 
such  as  had  given  evidence  of  true  penitence.  It  moreover 
pronounced  decisively  against  the  claims  of  the  disaffected  party. 

But  these  conclusions  were  not  acquiesced  in  without  a  strug- 
gle. Several  disorderly  persons  united  with  the  dissentients, 
and  among  the  rest  some  African  bishops,  who  had  been  deposed 
for  their  immoral  conduct.  They  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a 
bishop  of  their  own  choice  (for  as  yet  the  election  of  bishops 
remained  with  the  people) ;  and  commissioned  a  deputation  to 
represent  to  the  church  of  Rome  the  complaints  they  had  to 
prefer  against  Cyprian.  The  latter  at  the  same  time  addressed 
a  letter  on  his  own  part,  in  which  he  besought  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  not  to  allow  the  disaffected  to  disturb  the  unity  of  the 
church. 

At  this  crisis,  Novatus,  the  deputy  of  the  disaffected  party, 
journeyed  from  Carthage  to  Rome,  where  he  associated  himself 
with  Novatian,  a  learned  presbyter  of  the  church  in  that  city. 
This  eminent  man,  whose  treatise  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity 
is  one  of  the  best  productions  of  antiquity,  had  insisted  upon 
the  absolute  rejection  of  the  lapsed,  and  had  maintained  these 
opinions  in  opposition  to  Cornelius,  then  the  Roman  bishop. 
In  consequence  of  these  views,  which  had  been  endoi'sed  by  a 
council  of  sixty  bishops  at  Rome,  Novatian  renounced  the  com- 
munion of  the  church,  and  was  himself  consecrated  a  prelate 
of  Rome  by  two  or  three  Italian  bishops.  But  this  act  appears 
to  have  been  one  which  he  rather  yielded  to  than   promoted. 


A.    D.    251,    DECIUS    EMPEROR.  311 

The  chief  actor  was  probably  Novatus,  who,  though  he  had  now 
veered  round  to  the  opposite  point  of  the  compass  from  that  he 
formerly  occupied  with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  lapsed, 
and  contended  by  the  side  of  Novatian  for  the  very  asceticism 
which  he  had  decried  in  Cyprian,  was  true  at  least  to  one 
position  —  that  of  antagonism  to  the  ruling  powers. 

The  contest  which  now  began  was  severe  and  acrimonious. 
Each  party  not  only  censured  the  other,  but  each  ascribed  to 
the  opposite  the  most  ignominious  motives.  The  larger  churches 
of  Christians,  at  Antioch,  Alexandria  and  Carthage,  were  ap- 
pealed to  in  the  dispute.  Cyprian  (as  inconsistent  as  Novatus, 
though  for  an  opposite  reason),  whose  previous  views  might  have 
led  Novatian  to  hope  that  he  would  embrace  his  cause,  turned 
against  him,  and  expressed  his  detestation  of  those  who  would 
oppose  the  authority  and  divide  the  unity  of  the  church.  In 
this  dispute  the  true  merits  of  the  case  were  almost  altogether 
lost.  The  question  agitated  was  not  whether  the  all-powerful 
merits  of  Christ  could  cover  the  guilt  of  those  who  had  aposta- 
tized from  their  Christian  profession ;  but  whether  there  were 
authority  for  believing  that  such  as  had  broken  their  baptismal 
vow  by  open  and  mortal  sin  could  be  readmitted  into  the  besom 
of  the  church  without  vitiating  the  purity  of  its  communion. 
Starting  from  this  point,  the  Novatians  called  themselves  the 
Cathari  (en  audagol),  "the  Pure." 

In  the  progress  of  this  controversy,  which  touched  more  the 
discipline  than  the  doctrine  of  the  church,  the  party  of  Nova- 
tian found  itself  unable  to  grapple  with  the  powerful  influences 
brouo-ht  to  bear  on  the  contrary  side.  Many  of  his  adherents 
returned  to  the  communion  of  the  church  at  Rome.  The  subse- 
quent career  of  Novatian  is  unknown  ;  but  he  is  believed  to 
have  died,  under  Valerian,  a  martyr  to  the  Christian  faith. 
His  followers  held  only  a  modified  form  of  the  doctrine  of  their 
master,  denying  absolution  to  great  offenders. 

Were  we  better  acquainted  with  the  history  of  Novatianism 
than  throuo;h  the  medium  of  its  bitter  hierarchical  opponents,  it 


312  CARTHAGE   AND    CYPRIAN. 

is  not  improbable  that  we  miglit  discover  in  this  controversy 
many  points  to  enlist  our  feelings  on  the  side  of  the  separatists. 
It  would  appear  that  the  question  of  purity  of  communion  was 
much  agitated  in  the  controversy ;  the  Novatians  contending  for 
the  removal  from  the  church  of  those  who  had  proved  them- 
selves unworthy  members  of  its  communion,  though  maintaining 
their  views  with  a  severity  and  asperity  which  laid  them  open  to 
much  censure. 

Under  G-allus,  the  successor  of  Decius,  the  Christians  were 
allowed  a  momentary  interval  of  peace  ;  and  Cyprian  availed 
himself  of  the  pause  to  write  to  the  refractory  members  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  through  Cornelius,  the  bishop.  In  this  letter 
the  Carthagenian  avows  views  not  wholly  dift'erent  from  those 
of  Callistus,  with  regard  to  indiscriminate  communion : 

"  Though  there  appear  to  be  tares  in  the  church,  our  faith 
and  love  ought  not  to  be  hindered  by  beholding  them  so  as  to 
cause  us  to  desert  our  post.  Our  business  is  to  labor,  that  we 
ourselves  may  stand  a  scrutiny ;  that,  when  the  wheat  shall  be 
gathered  into  the  harvest,  we  may  receive  reward  according  to 
our  labor.  The  apostle  speaks  of  vessels  not  only  of  gold  and 
silver,  but  also  of  wood  and  of  earth,  and  some  to  honor  and  some 
to  dishonor."  Not  thus  did  the  apostle  Paul  write  to  the  Cor- 
inthians, when  he  described  to  them  the  care  which  should  be 
taken  by  a  bishop  in  laying  the  materials  of  the  church. 

The  quiet  which  had  attended  the  early  government  of  Gal- 
lus  was  speedily  interrupted  by  a  disastrous  occurrence.  A 
pestilence  of  unusual  malignity,  which  had  begun  its  ravages 
during  the  last  reign,  had  now  extended  over  the  whole  Roman 
empire,  and  was  spreading  the  most  extensive  desolation  in  all 
quarters.  Tertullian  had  said,  as  we  have  already  seen,  that 
whatever  calamities  befell  the  Roman  people  prompted  instantly 
the  cry,  "Throw  the  Christians  to  the  lions;"  and  the  present 
calamity  again  verified  its  truth.  At  this  time,  a  decree  of  the 
emperor  commanded  all  Roman  subjects  to  offer  public  sacrifice 
to  the  heathen  gods,  as  a  means  of  averting  the  wrath  of  heaven. 


A.    D.    251,    GALLUS    EMPEllOR.  313 

Great  numbers  absented  themselves  :  for  the  prestige  of  pagan- 
ism was  now  rapidly  giving  way.  So  remarkable  a  fact,  however, 
instigated  a  persecution  of  some  severity,  though  apparently 
unauthorized  by  any  imperial  rescript. 

In  this  crisis,  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  was  banished  from 
his  charge  to  Civita  Vecchia,  which  gave  occasion  to  Cyprian  to 
write  to  him  a  congratulatory  letter  on  the  event.  Cornelius 
died  in  banishment,  or,  as  some  have  related,  suffered  martyr- 
dom. Cyprian  speaks  of  him  as  a  "  wise  and  virtuous  bishop ;" 
though  neither  the  fragments  preserved  of  him  nor  the  testi- 
mony of  his  adversaries  confirm  the  favorable  verdict. 

The  Koman  Catholic  doctrine  is,  that  the  persecution  of 
Decius  was  permitted  by  God  to  demonstrate  that  Cornelius  was 
a  true  successor  of  the  apostles,  and  that  Novatian  was  only  an 
anti-pope.  But  the  papal  power  was  not,  even  3^et,  sufficiently 
confirmed  to  obtain  such  a  distinction,  even  were  its  claims  to 
apostolicity  founded  on  truth.  Its  disastrous  star  was,  however, 
rapidly  culminating  in  the  ecclesiastical  horizon.  The  next 
Bishop  of  Rome,  Lucius,  elected  to  fill  the  vacant  seat  of  Corne- 
lius, was  exiled  by  Gallus  immediately  after  his  election. 

Among  other  parts  of  the  Roman  empire,  Carthage  was 
peculiarly  afiected  by  the  visitation  of  the  pestilence  to  which 
we  have  already  referred,  Pontius'^  describes  its  ravages  as 
terrible,  and  the  number  of  its  victims  as  immense.  A  panic 
seized  the  inhabitants,  who  fled  from  the  city  in  all  directions, 
abandoning  the  dying  and  the  dead.  The  streets  were  crowded 
with  the  skeletons  of  miserable  beings  thrown  out  of  their 
houses  by  the  terrified  inhabitants,  who  vainly  asked  for  assist- 
ance of  the  passers  by.  Cyprian  describes  the  symptoms  of  the 
disorder  with  the  particularity  of  a  physician.  "  These  cruel 
inflammations  of  the  throat  which  distress  us  —  these  frequent 
vomitings  —  these  eyes  glittering  and  full  of  fire  —  these  cor- 
rupt limbs  which  must  be  amputated  —  the  cold  venom  of  disease 


*  Cypriani  Vita. 

27 


314  CARTHAGE   AND   CYPRIAN. 

which  destroys  the  use  of  our  legs,  our  ears,  and  our  eyes  —  all 
this  only  serves  to  exercise  our  faith.  How  great  the  courage 
necessary  to  sustain  without  shrinking  such  violent  attacks  of 
disease  and  death !  What  greatness  of  soul  in  remaining 
unmoved  in  the  midst  of  the  ruins  of  the  human  race ! " 

According  to  their  usual  custom  on  such  occasions,  the  multi- 
tude called  for  the  death  of  Cyprian.  But  the  demand  was  but 
a  momentary  impulse,  and  seems  to  have  been  attended  by  no 
very  imminent  danger.  With  a  magnanimity  which  does  him 
the  highest  honor,  the  bishop,  unmindful  of  such  animosity, 
resolved  to  demonstrate  the  superiority  of  the  religion  of  the 
gospel  in  such  a  crisis.  He  called  his  people  together,  and  repre- 
sented to  them  that  their  religion  required  that  they  should  not 
only  give  aid  to  one  another  under  so  fearful  a  visitation,  but 
should  imitate  Him  who  causes  "his  rain  to  descend  and  his  sun 
to  shine  on  the  evil  and  the  good,  on  the  just  and  on  the  unjust." 
Touched  by  his  sincerity  and  his  eloquence,  the  flock  responded 
warmly  to  the  appeal  of  their  bishop.  The  church  was  organ- 
ized for  this  benevolent  undertaking.  Some  offered  their  money ; 
some,  with  greater  self-sacrifice,  their  personal  service.  Al- 
though the  richer  part  of  the  pagan  population  had  fled  from 
the  city,  the  benevolence  of  the  church  at  Carthage  was  a  full 
compensation  for  their  loss.  At  the  same  time  Cyprian  drew 
up  a  tract  to  instruct  and  encourage  his  people,  and  taught  them 
that  they  should  rather  rejoice  than  grieve  at  this  calamity, 
'nasmuch  as  it  was  a  means  of  delivering  them  from  the  cruelty 
if  their  persecutors,  and  leaving  them  to  a  death  which  would 
»e  quick  and  quiet.  He  reminded  them,  at  the  sam«  time,  that 
jrod  was,  on  this  occasion,  trying  the  virtues  of  each,  and  puri- 
ying  that  which  in  them  was  spiritual  from  the  taints  which 
night  disfigure  it.  We  dwell  with  pleasure  on  this  incident, 
30  honorable  to  the  piety  of  the  third  century,  and  so  creditable 
to  the  zeal  and  enlarged  benevolence  of  the  bishop  himself. 
Enough  of  Christianity  yet  remained  to  win'  the  admiration  of 
enemies,  and  to  put  heathenism  to  shame. 


A.  D.    252,    GALLUS    EMPEROR.  315 

Cyprian's  views  with  regard  to  such  calamities  had,  however, 
something  in  them  peculiar  to  himself.  In  his  judgment  the 
world  was  near  its  close  —  the  worn-out  wheels  of  nature  no 
longer  performed  their  usual  functions,  and  whatever  calamities 
befell  the  heathen  were  only  a  fraction  of  what  they  had  de- 
served.^ A  letter  of  his,  written  to  the  church  of  Thibaritans 
in  Africa,  exhibits  the  uneasy  posture  of  the  period : 

"  Let  no  one  be  disturbed,  most  beloved  brethren,  when  he 
sees  our  people  put  to  flight  and  scattered  through  fear  of  perse- 
cution, that  he  does  not  behold  the  collected  brotherhood  nor 
hear  the  preaching  of  the  bishops.  All  cannot  then  meet  to- 
gether, since  it  is  not  lawful  for  us  to  kill,  but  we  are  in  constant 
danger  of  being  killed.  Wherever  in  these  days  any  one  of  the 
brethren  shall  be  separated  from  the  church  in  body,  though  not 
in  spirit,  let  him  not  be  moved  by  the  horror  of  such  a  flight ; 
nor,  if  he  shall  be  compelled  to  withdraw  and  hide  himself,  be 
terrified  by  the  solitude  of  the  desert.  For  he  is  not  alone  who 
has  Christ  as  the  companion  of  his  flight ;  he  is  not  alone  who, 
preserving  the  temple  of  Grod,  wherever  he  may  be,  has  the 
presence  of  Grod.  And  if  a  robber  shall  assault  such  a  fugitive 
in  his  solitude  and  his  mountains,  if  a  wild  beast  shall  attack 
him,  if  hunger,  thirst,  or  cold  shall  afflict  him,  or  tempests  and 
storms  shall  drown  him  as  he  hastens  his  flight  across  the  sea, 
Christ  beholds  him  as  his  soldier  everywhere  fighting  for  his 
cause,  and  will  give  him  the  reward  of  sufi"ering  undertaken  for 
his  own  name's  sake,  as  he  has  promised,  in  the  resurrection." 

In  the  year  252  a  council  was  held  at  Carthage,  composed  of 
sixty-six  bishops.  Its  object  was  to  settle  several  matters  in 
dispute  within  the  church.  Two  points  especially  seem  to  have 
engaged  their  attention  ;  one  was  the  readmission  to  the  church 
of  a  deposed  presbyter  by  his  bishop,  Therapius,  without  the 
consent  of  the  people  themselves.  This  was  evidently  a  stretch 
of  prerogative,  though  one  perfectly  consistent  with  the  charac- 

*  Ad  Demetrianum. 


316  CARTHAGE   AND    CYPRIAN. 

ter  of  the  times.  The  council,  through  Cyprian,  determined 
the  act  to  be  undesirable  and  reprehensible,  yet  it  confirmed  the 
decision  of  the  bishop.  The  other  question  related  to  infant 
baptism,  and  to  the  inquiry  whether  the  time  prescribed  by  the 
ancient  law  of  circumcision  should  be  adhered  to  in  its  adminis- 
tration to  infants.  The  council  unanimously  determined  that 
baptism  immediately  after  birth  was  lawful. 

Among  other  matters  which  claimed  and  received  the  notice 
of  Cyprian,  as  bishop  of  the  church  at  Carthage,  was  this  — 
whether  an  actor  continuing  his  theatrical  occupation  should  be 
permitted  to  enjoy  Christian  communion.  To  this  interroga- 
tion Cyprian  replied  most  decidedly  in  the  negative,  and,  in  the 
course  of  his  letter,  thus  expresses  himself:  "If  he  shall  make 
poverty  or  necessity  a  plea,  he  can  be  placed  among  those  who 
are  sustained  by  the  gifts  of  the  church  —  if  only  he  shall  be 
content  with  frugal  food,  and  do  not  think  that  he  is  redeemed 
by  a  salary  to  cease  from  sin,  inasmuch  as  this  does  not  concern 
us  as  much  as  himself.  But,  whatever  his  gains  may  be  from 
that  quarter,  what  kind  of  gain  is  that  which  snatches  men 
from  the  banquet  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  and  miserably 
and  destructively  leads  them  from  feasting  in  this  world  to  the 
eternal  punishments  of  hunger  and  thirst  ?  Therefore,  as  far  as 
you  are  able,  recall  him  from  this  depravity  and  disgrace  to  the 
hope  of  life  eternal,  that  he  may  be  content  with  the  aids  of  the 
church,  which,  though  they  may  be  sparing,  wil>  be  safe.  But 
if  the  church  there  "  (that  is,  at  Thenae,  near  Carthage)  "  is  not 
able  to  afibrd  nourishment  to  its  poor,  he  can  transfer  himself  to 
us,  and  here  he  can  receive  whatever  may  be  necessary  for  his 
food  and  clothing ;  but  he  must  not  teach  those  who  are  without 
the  church  his  mortal  errors,  but  must  learn  within  the  church 
the  things  necessary  to  salvation."  =^ 

The  reign  of  Gallus  was  short ;  and  his  death,  which  took 
place  in  the  year  253,  restored  peace  to  the  Christians  over  the 

*  Cyprianus  Euchratio  fratri. 


A.   D.  255,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  317 

Roman  empire.  He  was  succeeded  by  Valerian,  chosen  as  em- 
peror  by  the  senate  (in  opposition  to  ^milian,  who  contested 
for  a  brief  time  that  honor,  but  was  slain  by  his  own  soldiers). 
This  aged  man  (he  was  nearly  seventy  years  old)  began  his 
imperial  course  by  a  careless  toleration  of  (Christianity,  and  the 
church  enjoyed  four  years  of  comparative  repose.  It  was,  how- 
ever, by  no  means  free  from  internal  discords. 

About  the  year  255,  an  important  question  arose,  which 
greatly  agitated  the  Christian  community,  and  excited  the  most 
angry  feelings  among  the  churches.  It  was,  whether  those  who 
had  been  baptized  by  heretics  and  schismatics  should  be  re-bap- 
tized on  their  return  to  the  orthodox  church.  Cyprian,  ever 
intent  upon  the  maintenance  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  declared 
that  Novatian's  and  other  heretical  baptism  was  null  and  void ; 
whilst  Stephen,  who  was  then  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  contended 
that  nothing  more  was  necessary  for  their  reception  than  the 
imposition  of  hands.  The  contest  grew  severe  and  exceedingly 
inflamed.  A  council  held  at  Carthage  sustained  the  views  of 
Cyprian ;  whilst  Stephen,  on  the  ground  of  tradition,  fulminated 
excommunication  on  the  whole  body,  refused  to  receive  their 
deputation,  stigmatized  Cyprian  as  Antichrist,  and  declared 
that  his  adherents  ought  to  be  refused  the  rites  even  of  hospi- 
tality. As  the  churches  in  the  East  agreed  to  the  opinions  of 
Cyprian,  and  had  indeed  first  raised  the  question,  Stephen  includ- 
ed them  in  the  same  condemnation.  The  ground  of  argument 
taken  by  Firmilian  and  others  was,  that  as  the  gifts  of  God  were 
widely  distributed,  nq,  absolute  rule  could  be  laid  down  applica- 
ble to  all  occasions.  Cyprian  himself  was  compelled  to  oppose 
argument  to  tradition.  So  far,  indeed,  were  his  previous  eccle- 
siastical assumptions  from  securing  the  unity  of  the  church  for 
which  he  had  so  strenuously  contended,  that  a  mere  point  of 
discipline  proved  an  element  of  combustion  which  exploded  with 
disastrous  effect. 

In  the  midst  of  these  contentions,  a  new  source  of  trouble, 
however,  arose,  which,  for  the  present,  placed  these  internal  dis- 
27^ 


318  CARTHAGE   AND    CYPRIAN. 

sensions  in  abeyance.  Valerian,  whose  kindness  to  the  Chris- 
tian body  had  been  remarkable  and  unusual,  now,  prompted  by 
Macrianus,  a  favorite  addicted  to  the  practice  of  magic,  revived 
the  persecution,  which  continued  till  his  death.  It  was  his  fii'st 
object  to  prevent  the  progress  of  Christianity  without  bloodshed ; 
and  with  this  view  an  effort  was  made  to  deprive  Christian 
churches  of  their  leaders,  especially  of  their  bishops.  In  com- 
pliance with  this  desire,  Cyprian  was  cited  before  the  tribunal 
of  the  proconsul,  Paternus.  When  he  had  presented  himself, 
he  was  thus  addressed  : 

Proc.  The  most  holy  emperors.  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  have 
commanded,  by  letters  which  they  have  deigned  to  write  to  me, 
that  all  those  who  do  not  make  profession  of  the  Roman  religion 
shall  be  constrained  to  conform  to  it.  I  have  learned  that  you 
are  one  of  that  number.     What  is  your  reply  ? 

Cyp.  I  am  a  Christian  and  a  bishop.  I  know  no  other  gods 
than  the  only  true  Cod,  who  has  created  the  heaven,  the  earth, 
and  the  sea,  and  all  that  are  in  them.  This  is  the  God  whom 
we  Christians  adore ;  to  him  we  pray  day  and  night,  for  our- 
selves for  all  men,  and  for  the  welfare  of  the  emperors  them- 
selves. 

Proc.    Do  you  persist,  then,  in  this  resolution  ? 

Cyp.  A  good  resolution,  grounded  on  the  knowledge  of  Cod, 
cannot  be  changed. 

Proc.  You  must  then  go  to  the  city  of  Curubis,  according  to 
the  commandment  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus.  (This  was  a  sen- 
tence of  banishment.) 

Cyp.    I  go. 

Proc.  The  emperors  have  not  only  written  respecting  bishops, 
but  presbyters.  I  desire  you  to  tell  me  who  are  the  presbyters 
who  dwell  in  this  city. 

Cyp.  Your  law:;  prohibit  the  laying  of  informations.  I 
therefore  cannot  tell  you  who  they  are ;  but  in  the  places 
where  they  preside  you  will  be  able  to  find  them.       %• 


A.  D.   '257,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  819 

Proc.  We  are  concerned  at  present  only  with  this  place. 
To-day  our  investigation  is  limited  to  the  present  place. 

Cyp.  As  our  doctrine  forbids  a  man  to  give  himself  up,  and 
as  it  is  likewise  contrary  to  your  own  rules,  they  cannot  give 
themselves  up  ;  but,  if  you  seek  for  them,  you  will  find  them. 

Pi-oc.  Yes,  I  will  find  them.  (Then  he  added)  I  have  an 
order  also  from  the  same  emperors  to  prevent  assemblies  being 
held  in  cemeteries  and  elsewhere.^  The  first  who  shall  break 
this  rule  shall  be  punished  with  death. 

Cyp.    Execute  your  orders. 

The  Bishop  of  Carthage  was  accordingly  sent  by  Paternus, 
who  seems  to  have  avoided  undue  harshness  in  his  treatment  of 
him,  to  Curubis,  a  small  town  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean. During  eleven  months  he  was  kept  in  confinement,  not 
being  subject  to  severity,  but  being  allowed  to  occupy  pri- 
vate lodgings.  The  inhabitants  of  Curubis  treated  him  with 
great  kindness.     During  this  exile,  the  proconsul  died. 

The  favorable  regard,  however,  which  Cyprian  received,  was 
not  extended  to  his  fellow-laborers.  The  heathens  seized  nine 
bishops,  with  several  priests  and  deacons,  and  even  girls  and 
children,  beat  them,  and  sent  them  to  labor  in  the  copper-mines 
of  the  neighboring  mountains.  In  a  sympathizing  letter  ad- 
dressed to  them,  Cyprian  thus  consoles  them  in  his  own  charac- 
teristic style : 

"  It  is  not  to  be  lamented  that  you  have  been  beaten  with 
clubs,  and  have  been  thus  introduced  by  this  punishment  into 
the  Christian  profession.  The  body  of  a  Christian  trembles  not 
on  account  of  clubs,  for  all  his  hope  is  in  wood.  The  servant 
of  Christ  acknowledges  wood  as  the  sacrament  of  salvation. 
He  is  redeemed  by  wood  to  eternal  life ;  he  is  carried  by  wood 
to  a  crown.     What  wonder  is  it  that,  being  as  you  are  vessels 

*  This  refers  to  the  practice  of  the  early  Christians  of  holding  their 
meetings  at  the  tombs  of  their  martyrs.  The  custom  was  derived  not  only 
from  the  impulse  wliich  such  scenes  gave  to  their  ardor  and  courage,  but 
also  from  the  concealment  thereby  secured. 


320  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

of  gold  and  silver,  you  have  been  sent  to  the  mines,  that  is,  to 
the  home  of  gold  and  silver  ?  .  .  .  Your  persecutors  have  loaded 
your  feet  with  chains,  and  have  bound  the  holy  members  and 
temples  of  God  with  infamous  fetters,  as  if  the  spirit  could  be 
bound  with  the  body,  or  your  gold  could  be  soiled  by  contact 
with  iron.  0  feet,  happily  shackled  with  fetters  which  do  not 
cease  to  march  in  the  way  to  Paradise  !  0  feet,  confined  in 
the  present  world,  that  they  may  be  always  free  to  God !  0 
feet,  bound  for  a  little  time  with  fetters,  but  which  will  soon 
run  lightly  in  the  glorious  road  that  leads  to  Jesus  Christ ! 
Your  body,  weary  with  labors,  lies  on  the  ground ;  but  it  is  no 
punishment  to  lie  with  Christ.  Your  limbs  are  deformed  by 
dirt  and  filth,  and  ye  are  without  baths;  but  you  are  internally 
washed,  though  you  are  outwardly  filthy.  You  have  little  bread ; 
but  man  lives  not  in  bread  alone,  but  in  the  word  of  Christ. 
You  have  no  clothes  to  keep  you  from  cold ;  but  he  who  puts 
on  Christ  is  clothed  abundantly.  The  hair  of  your  half-shaven 
head  is  in  disorder ;  but  since  Jesus  Christ  is  the  head  of  the 
man,  all  becomes  the  head  which  the  confession  of  His  name 
has  made  illustrious.  With  what  splendor  will  not  all  this  dis- 
honor, so  horrible  in  the  eyes  of  pagans,  be  recompensed !  This 
is  a  light  and  brief  passage,  which  will  soon  be  changed  into 
immortal  glory,  when,  according  to  the  word  of  the  apostle,  the 
Lord  shall  change  this  body  of  humiliation,  that  he  may  con- 
form it  to  the  body  of  his  brightness."^ 

To  other  imprisoned  confessors  of  Christ  Cyprian  writes  in 
similar  terms  of  Christian  consolation.  If  the  African  taste  of 
these  compositions  appear  to  the  modern  reader  somewhat  ques- 
tionable, the  piety  which  they  breathe  will  command  his  admira- 
tion. 

Cyprian  was  permitted  to  return  to  Carthage  in  the  year 
257  Such  a  mode  of  proceeding  against  the  Christians  as  that 
adopted  by  Valerian  was  evidently  worse  than  futile.     It  had 

♦  Epist.  Ixxvi. 


A.    D.    258,  YALERIAN    EMPEROR.  321 

stirred  up  the  churches  by  appealing  to  their  sympathies  on 
behalf  of  their  exiled  pastors ;  and,  in  many  cases,  the  exiles 
had  gathered  around  them  small  congregations,  to  whom  they 
had  expounded  a  gospel  hitherto  unknown.  Witness  the  testi- 
mony of  Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  who,  having  been 
banished  to  Lybia,  declares  that  by  means  of  the  deported 
Christians  the  ignorant  heathen  had  been  led  to  abandon  their 
idols,  and  to  worship  the  true  God.  In  enumerating  the  vic- 
tims of  this  persecution,  the  same  author  states,  "  You  must 
know  that  there  are  "  (among  the  martyrs)  "  men  and  women, 
old  and  young,  young  virgins  and  aged  matrons,  soldiers  and 
private  men,  every  class  and  every  age,  some  that  obtained  the 
crown  of  victory  under  stripes  and  in  the  flames,  some  by  the 
edge  of  the  sword."  "^  This  shows  that,  however  bloodless 
might  be  the  first  proceedings  of  Valerian,  the  persecution  soon 
gathered  greater  severity.  A  new  imperial  decree,  issued  in 
258,  assigned  the  punishment  of  death  to  Christian  bishops, 
presbyters,  and  deacons ;  deprivation  of  rank  to  senators  and 
nobles ;  banishment  to  women  of  high  station,  and  hard  labor 
in  chains  to  those  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  palace.  Such 
a  decree  speaks  volumes  respecting  the  rapid  progress  made 
by  Christianity,  even  among  the  higher  orders  of  the  commu- 
nity. 

The  first  victims  of  this  new  rescript  were  the  Roman  bishop 
Sixtus,  and  four  deacons  of  his  church.  The  fury  of  the  storm 
soon  reached  Cyprian. 

On  his  return  to  Carthage,  Cyprian  had  occupied  a  retired 
house  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city,  in  daily  expectation  of 
being  summoned  to  the  heathen  tribunal.  The  new  proconsul, 
Galerius  Maximus,  was  at  this  time  residing  at  Utica.  Cyprian 
heard  that  his  guards  had  been  sent  to  apprehend  him ;  but 
though  he  ardently  longed  for  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  he 
desired  to  address  his  last  counsels  to  his  flock,  and  therefore 

*  Euseb.  1. 


322  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

yielded  to  the  advice  of  his  friends,  and  hid  himself  for  a  time 
till  the  proconsul  should  return  to  Carthage.  His  wish  was  to 
utter  his  dying  counsels  in  the  presence  of  his  own  people.  As 
soon  as  Galerius  Maximus  reappeared  at  Carthage,  Cyprian 
returned  to  his  residence.  He  was  immediately  seized  and 
carried  before  the  proconsul  to  his  villa  at  Sextus,  .six  miles 
from  Carthage.  Thence  he  was  taken  back  to  the  residence  of 
the  captain  of  the  guard  in  the  environs  of  Carthage,  being 
remanded  till  the  next  day.  In  the  mean  time  the  news  of  his 
capture  spread  through  the  city,  and  greatly  agitated  the  whole 
community.  The  people  ran  to  the  spot  where  Cyprian  was  a 
prisoner,  from  all  quarters.  Cyprian  passed  the  night  at  the 
house  of  the  captain  of  the  guard ;  but  the  people,  who  were 
fearful  lest  anything  should  befall  the  bishop  in  their  absence, 
kept  watch  before  the  door.  The  crowd  was  composed  of  a 
mixed  populace  of  both  sexes,  and  Cyprian,  looking  out  on 
them,  requested  that  special  regard  should  be  paid  to  those 
young  females  whom  regard  for  himself  had  thus  drawn, 
amongst  others,  around  him. 

On  the  morning  of  the  next  day  the  bishop  of  the  church 
of  Carthage,  attended  by  a  large  crowd,  walked  to  the  prseto- 
rium  to  appear  before  the  proconsul.  He  went,  says  Pontius, 
"  like  a  general  of  the  army  of  God  and  of  Jesus  Christ, 
attended  by  an  immense  number  of  the  faithful,  who  were 
united  in  soul  to  him,  as  if  that  they  might  together  achieve  an 
illustrious  victory  over  death."  As  the  proconsul  had  not  yet 
arrived,  he  sat  down,  fatigued  and  heated  by  his  walk-  in  the 
midst  of  such  a  concourse.  One  of  the  soldiers  oflfered  him  a 
change  of  linen.  But  Cyprian  refused,  saying,  "  Do  you  wish 
to  relieve  an  inconvenience  which  I  shall  not  suffer  beyond 
to-day  ?  " 

The  proconsul  having  now  arrived,  Cyprian  was  brought 
before  him,  when  the  following  conversation  ensued  : 

Proc.  Art  thou  Thascius  Cyprian  ?  • 

Cyp.  I  am  he. 


A.  D.    258,    VALERIAN   EMPEROR.  323 

Proc.  Thou  art,  then,  the  bishop  of  this  impious  sect  ? 

Cyp.  I  am. 

Proc.  The  most  holy  emperors  command  thee  to  worship  the 
gods. 

Cyp.  That  I  may  not  do. 

Proc.  Consider  what  thou  dost. 

Cyp.  Do  thy  duty.  I  have  no  need  to  deliberate  upon  so 
clear  a  matter. 

Proc.  Thou  wouldst  do  better  to  consult  thy  safety,  and  not 
to  despise  the  gods. 

Cyp.  My  safety  and  strength  is  Christ  the  Lord,  whom  I 
desire  to  serve  forever. 

Proc.  I  pity  thy  case,  and  could  wish  thee  to  deliberate. 

Cyp.  I  have  no  desire  but  to  worship  God,  and  to  hasten  to 
him  with  all  the  ardor  of  my  soul ;  for  the  afflictions  of  this 
present  time  are  not  worthy  to  be  compared  with  the  glory 
which  shall  be  revealed  in  us. 

The  proconsul,  who  was  at  this  time  in  a  state  of  great  illness^ 
pronounced  these  words : 

"  Thou  hast  lived  for  a  long  time  in  impiety.  Thou  hast 
associated  with  a  body  of  abandoned  men,  declared  enemies  of 
the  gods  and  the  laws ;  thou  hast  never  yielded  to  the  religion 
of  the  most  pious  and  holy  emperors.  Thou  hast  been  con- 
victed of  being  the  chief  and  leader  of  this  criminal  sect,  and 
thou  shalt  serve  as  an  example  to  those  whom  thy  crime  has 
associated  with  thee  ;  and  thou  shalt  seal  thy  doctrine  with  thy 
blood." 

He  then  read  his  sentence  : 

"  I  order  that  Thascius  Cyprian  shall  be  beheaded." 

Cyp.  God  be  praised  !        • 

Cyprian  was  led  away,  the  multitude  crying,  as  they  accom- 
panied him,  "  Let  us  be  beheaded  with  him  !  " 

On  issuing  from  the  house  of  the  proconsul,  the  bishop  was 
encircled  by  a  band  of  soldiers,  and  thus  led  to  the  place  of 
execution.     It  was  a  plain   bordered  with  trees;   these  trees 


324  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

were  crowded  with  spectators,  who  could  not  otherwise  behold 
the  spectacle.  Cjpriau  was  divested  of  his  mantle,  and  then, 
falling  on  his  knees,  addressed  himself  to  God  in  prayer.  Then, 
having  pulled  off  his  robe,  which  he  gave  to  his  deacons,  he  pre- 
pared himself  for  death.  He  ordered  a  large  sum  of  money  to 
be  given  to  the  executioner.  His  friends  threw  doAvn  linen  and 
handkerchiefs  before  him  to  catch  the  blood,  which  they  re- 
garded as  sacred.  He  bound  his  own  eyes,  and  then,  endeavored 
to  unloose  the  collar  of  his  inner  garment ;  but,  being  unable  to 
do  it,  the  presbyter  Julian,  and  another  Julian,  a  subdeacon, 
unloosed  it  for  him.  He  begged  the  executioner  to  hasten  his 
process;  but  the  man's  hands  trembled  till  the  last  moment, 
when,  making  a  sudden  effort,  he  struck  off  the  bishop's  head, 
on  the  14th  of  September,  a.  d.  258. 

Thus  died,  in  the  faith  and  hope  of  the  gospel,  a  man  who, 
whatever  the  differences  of  opinion  which  may  exist  respecting 
certain  parts  of  his  career,  has  an  unquestionable  claim  to  be 
ranked  among  the  most  distinguished  ornaments  of  ecclesiastical 
biography.  His  piety  was  unquestionable ;  his  abilities,  remark- 
able ;  his  eloquence,  though  turgid,  and  formed  after  the  model 
of  Tertullian,  whom  he  called  his  "  master,"  fascinating  and 
powerful ;  his  energy,  irrepressible ;  his  courage,  undaunted, 
and  in  some  respects  heroic.  Though  a  new  man  (for  the 
period  from  his  conversion  to  his  death  only  fills  a  space  of 
thirteen  years),  his  unyielding  conscientiousness  gave  him 
rapidly  influence  and  power,  and  drew,  by  the  magnetic  attrac- 
tion of  such  characters  as  his,  others  within  his  sway,  whilst  his 
clear  insight  into  human  nature  gave  him  facility  in  wielding 
the  authority  he  had  won.  In  an  important  respect  he  was  one 
of  the  greatest  enemies  of  primitive  Christianity.  When  bad 
men  become  tyrants  they  usually  provoke  a  reaction  which 
ultimately  undoes  the  despotism.  It  is  goodness  which  not 
only  makes  the  chains  graceful,  but  enduring  as  well  as  orna- 
mental. Allied  to  Cyprian's  excellences  wei-B  great  and  glaring 
faults.     Though  clement  and  pitiful  to  the  fallen,  his  opponents 


A.  D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  325 

found  him  unrelenting  and  severe.  Generous  and  noble,  he 
was  yet  self-complacent,  dictatorial,  and  sometimes  arrogant. 
No  one  ever  used  his  personal  popularity  more  to  extend  the 
authority  of  his  order,  and  to  advance  the  cause  of  prelacy. 

The  really  Christian  views  which  Cyprian  held  were  dis- 
figured by  more  errors  —  and  serious  errors  too  —  than  would 
be  easily  conjectured  from  the  laudatory  language  of  his  ad- 
mirers. The  doctrine  of  baptismal  regeneration  was  held  by 
Cyprian  in  a  similar  manner  to  that  avowed  by  Tertullian. 
Cyprian,  moreover,  regarded  every  man  as  possessed,  in  his 
unregenerated  state,  by  an  evil  spirit,  which  nothing  but  the 
water  of  baptism  could  expel.  That  baptism  was,  in  his  view, 
the  entrance  to  eternal  life ;  and  children  who  died  without  it, 
in  his  opinion,  perished  in  the  guilt  of  original  sin.  The  com- 
memoration of  the  dead,  though  not  yet  perhaps  assuming  the 
form  of  praying  for  the  departed,  is  mentioned  by  Cyprian  in  a 
manner  which  shows  that  he  adopted  the  germ  of  that  grievous 
error ;  for  he  speaks  of  making  mention  of  the  dead  at  the  altar, 
celebrating  a  sacrifice  for  his  repose,  and  naming  the  departed 
in  the  prayer  of  the  priest."^  His  views  also  of  celibacy,  espe- 
cially that  of  women,  were  worthy  of  the  Oxford  Tracts  them- 
selves, though  his  letters  paint  the  working  of  the  system  in 
colors  so  glaring  as  to  disgust  the  Christian,  rather  than  to 
invite  him  to  the  practice.  Cyprian's  notions  of  alms-giving 
are  thus  expressed  in  his  treatise  on  that  subject :  "  Alms- 
giving, my  brothers,  is  a  thing  most  excellent  and  divine.  It  is 
the  consolation  of  believers,  the  pledge  of  our  salvation,  the 
foundation  of  our  hope,  the  buckler  of  our  faith,  the  remedy  for 
our  sins  ;  it  is  at  once  a  great  thing  and  an  easy  thing  ;  .  .  . 
useful  to  all  Christians  to  obtain  the  grace  of  heaven,  to  make 
G-od  himself  our  debtor."  t  The  Romanists  have  claimed  St. 
Cyprian  as  avowing  his  belief  in  the  intercession  of  the  saints, 
because  he  speaks  of  asking  God,  and  Christ,  and  angels,  to  be 

*  Cypriani  Epistolse,  Ixv.  t  De  Eleemosynis. 

28 


o26  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

propitious  to  human  actions  ;  and  the  passage,  certainly,  is  not 
reconcilable  with  any  clear  view  of  apostolical  Christianity, 
though,  perhaps,  not  warranting  the  whole  Romish  inference. 
The  Bishop  of  Carthage  quotes  the  Apocrypha  without  dis- 
tinguishing it  from  the  inspired  Scriptures.  Though  by  no 
means  of  an  enthusiastic  and  excited  temperament,  he  fostered 
much  superstition.  He  mentions  more  than  once  remarkable 
and  incredible  visions  which  he  had  seen,  dictating  the  course 
he  was  to  pursue ;  and,  in  his  treatises  against  Demetrian, 
speaks  of  the  confessions  and  tortured  exclamations  which  the 
demons  made  when  under  the  influence  of  Christian  exorcism. 
Cyprian's  times  have  been  evidently  those  which  the  Tractarians 
have  made  their  stand-point.  It  will  be  a  fatal  blow  to  the 
church  if  the  personal  goodness  of  the  Bishop  of  Carthage  shall 
be  accepted  as  an  excuse  for  his  unscriptural  and  dangerous 
errors. 

A  few  indications  of  the  practices  of  the  church  at  this 
period  may  form  an  appropriate  adjunct  to  this  chapter. 

It  is  evident  that  the  purity  of  the  Christian  faith  was  griev- 
ously degenerated  from  gospel-times.  Of  this  fact,  the  practices 
of  those  who  had  dedicated  themselves  to  celibacy^ — practices 
which  Cyprian  so  sternly  condemns,  though  he  applauded  the 
institution  itself — are  no  small  proofs.  The  time  had  also 
passed  when,  in  the  cause  of  Christ,  the  tortures  and  the  sword 
of  the  heathen  magistrates  had  no  terrors.  The  large  number 
of  the  lapsed  testify  that  the  present  world  had  become  exceed- 
ingly attractive,  and  the  glories  of  a  world  to  come  had  lost 
much  of  their  power.  Yet  still  many  true  believers  remained ; 
and  the  distinction  between  the  followers  of  Jesus  and  the 
pagans  around  them  often  excited  the  wonder,  and  sometimes 
the  praise,  of  an  ignorant  and  unenlightened  age.  We  have 
seen  the  exertions  made  by  Cyprian  to  alleviate  the  woes  of  the 
Carthaginians  in  a  time  of  general  pestilence.  N-or  was  this 
the  only  instance  of  the  liberality  of  himself  and  his  church ; 
for  when  certain  Christians  were  seized  and  carried  captive  by 


A.  D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  327 

the  Numidians,  Cyprian  urged  his  people,  hy  all  the  argu- 
ments derived  from  their  religious  profession,  by  the  sympathy 
which  bound  together  the  members  of  a  common  spiritual  family, 
by  the  consideration  that  every  Christian  was  a  temple  of  God, 
and  by  the  powerftil  argument  that  Christ  had  died  to  ransom 
them  from  their  sins,  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  afflicted  ; 
and  no  less  than  a  hundred  thousand  sesterces  (nearly  one  thou- 
sand pounds)  were  raised  to  deliver  them  from  their  captivity. 
Nor  were  there  wanting  many  proofs  that  Christianity  was  yet  a 
powerful  instrument  of  good  :  there  was  no  lack  of  faithfulness 
in  declaiming  against  the  luxuries  of  dress  and  manners  of 
living  which  had  begun  to  creep  into  the  church ;  the  rites  of 
private  prayer,  and  the  cultivation  thereby  of  devout  religion, 
were  much  insisted  on ;  and  the  practical  duties  of  Christianity 
exhibited  in  all  their  grandeur  and  importance.  But,  though 
Christianity  had  not  as  yet  become  a  matter  of  national  profes- 
sion, there  were  —  as  there  always  are  —  sufficient  worldly  in- 
ducements (real  or  imaginary)  to  produce  defection  and  to  suggest 
hypocrisy,  and  we  have  already  seen  the  infection  of  a  corrupt 
system  extending  even  to  the  higher  ecclesiastics  themselves. 
To  counteract  such  tendencies  was  the  sincere  aim  of  many  who 
occupied  conspicuous  positions  in  the  church  ;  but,  as  the  vitality 
of  religion  became  less,  the  prescriptions  of  external  safeguards 
became  more,  and  ascetic  practices  daily  multiplied.  To  insist 
on  observances,  —  to  enforce  the  "  touch  not,  taste  not,  handle 
not,"  —  has  always  been  an  accompaniment  of  a  declining  re- 
ligion. Of  such  institutions  the  days  of  Tertullian  and  Cyprian 
were  prolific,  though  a  subsequent  age  greatly  increased  and 
multiplied  them;  but,  as  yet,  though  asceticism  abounded, 
monkery  did  not,  nor  was  its  practice  earlier  than  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Constantine.  Not  yet  did  men  separate  them- 
selves from  common  intercourse,  or  constitute  themselves  distinct 
societies ;  but  the  use  of  the  philosophical  cloak,  various  forms 
of  practised  abstinence,  avoidance  of  marriage,  or  the  employ- 
ment  of    its    advantages   under    severe   restrictions,    strongly 


328  CARTHAGE  AND  CYPRIAN, 

marked  the  period.  In  these  cases  a  distmction  seems  to  have 
been  made  between  the  jussa  and  the  suasa,  —  between  things 
commanded  and  things  recoinmended^  —  though  the  force  of  the 
latter  was  regarded  as  almost  equal  to  that  of  the  former.  Ter- 
tullian  marks  three  degrees  of  holiness  :  the  first  existing  in 
those  who  have  been  chaste  from  birth ;  the  second,  in  those 
who  have  been  chaste  from  their  baptism;  the  third,  in  those  who, 
their  wives  having  died,  have  not  again  married.  His  opinion 
was,  that  as  the  Christian  religion  had  taken  away  the  liberty 
of  divorce  which  Moses  had  allowed,  so  the  administration  of 
the  Spirit,  in  later  times,  had  taken  away  the  liberty  of  a 
second  marriage,  which  Paul  had  permitted.^ 

Public  worship  was  insisted  on  as  an  important  element  of 
the  Christian  profession ;  and  though  magnificent  temples  had 
not  as  yet  begun  to  arise,  suitable  buildings  appear  to  have 
been  furnished  for  the  larger  churches.!  These  buildings  were, 
perhaps,  approximations  to  those  which  distinguished  a  some- 
what later  age,  having  the  communion-table  (already  called  an 
altar)  between  the  apse  and  the  nave  of  the  edifice,  with  an 
elevated  desk  for  the  reader  and  the  preacher.  Images  in 
churches  were  as  yet  unknown,  though  symbolical  representations 
were  beginning  to  find  their  way  into  more  private  use.  The 
sign  of  the  cross  was  plentifully  employed  in  these  acts  of 
worship.  Tertullian  mentions  it  frequently  ;  and  by  the  fourth 
century  it  had  become  an  indispensable  mark  of  Christianity. 
Before  that  time,  however,  it  was  used  on  every  journey,  on 
entering  the  house  and  departing  from  it,  before  washing, 
eating,  clothing,  and  sitting  down.t  The  first  day  of  the  week 
was  observed  universally  in  the  place  of  the  Jewish  sabbath, 

*  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  p.  375. 

f  The  word  "  church  "  was,  up  to  this  time,  employed  to  indicate  the 
worshipping  body,  not  the  place  in  which  they  worshipped.  Cyprian  uses 
the  term  not  merely,  as  was  customary,  to  designate^ a  particular  society, 
but  to  express  the  whole  body  of  Christians  in  Africa  and  Numidia. 

:j:  Tertullian  dc  Cdron.  mil    \S,  4. 


A.  D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  329 

though  the  term  Sabbath  indicates  the  seventh,  not  the  first  day 
of  the  week,  and  Wednesday  and  Friday  were  commonly 
regarded  by  the  Christians  as  days  consecrated  to  fasting  and 
prayer.  Good  Friday,  Easter  Sunday,  Lent,  Pentecost,  were  in 
varying  degrees  observed.  It  was  forbidden  to  fast  on  Sunday. 
The  sermons  of  this  period  were  rather  extemporaneous  obser- 
vations on  the  passages  of  scripture  which  had  been  read,  than 
set  and  formal  orations.  The  faces  of  the  worshippers  were 
ordinarily  turned  towards  the  east,  as  we  learn  from  Justin, 
Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Origen  and  Basil,  and  as  we  have 
already  seen  in  a  passage  quoted  from  Tertullian.  Somewhat 
later,  Athanasius  advocates  this  practice  on  three  grounds  : 
First,  that  it  became  Christians  to  worship  toward  the  place 
where  Christ's  feet  had  stood  (Zechariah  xiv.) ;  secondly, 
because  God  is  light,  and  the  sun  rises  in  the  east ;  thirdly, 
because  Paradise  was  planted  in  the  east.  This  practice  gave 
rise  to  the  heathen  belief  that  Christians  worshipped  the  sun. 

In  the  time  of  Cyprian  forms  of  prayer  had  not  been  in- 
troduced, though  we  have  traces  of  them  at  a  period  not 
very  long  after.  Cyprian  and  Origen  both  wrote  treatises  on 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  yet  without  furnishing  any  direct  evidence 
of  the  use  of  a  liturgy,  or  even  of  the  employment  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer  as  a  necessary  part  of  public  worship.-^  The 
manner  in  which  Tertullian  speaks  of  the  performance  of  the 
public  service  in  his  day  seems  to  indicate  that  there  was  then 
no  precise  model.  He  says,  "  after  the  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, psalms  are  sung,  or  addresses  are  made,  or  prayers  are 
offered ;"  implying  that  there  was  no  special  and  invariable  form- 
ula. Justin  Martyr,  in  a  much  disputed  passage,  speaks  of  the 
officiating  minister  as  praying  oay  dvraun  ahiib,  —  words  which 
have  been  interpreted  by  some  to  mean  "  with  as  loud  a  voice 
as  he  can,"  or  "  with  all  the  energy  he  can  command :  "  but  this 
rendering  is  gratuitous  ;  the  literal  meaning  evidently  being  "  to 

*  De  Oratione  Dominica,  chap.  ix. 

28^ 


330  CARTHAGE  AND  CYPRIAN. 

the  best  of  his  power."  Tertullian  confirms  this  rendering  by 
employing  the  phrase  "  ex  proprio  ingenio."  Yet  the  devotions 
of  the  congregated  church  of  Carthage  appear  to  have  been 
always  prefaced  by  the  admonition  of  the"  priest,"  —  a  term  then 
in  vogue,  —  "  Sursam  corda"  (lift  up  your  hearts) ;  to  which  the 
people  responded  —  "  Habemus  ad  Dominum"  (we  lift  them  up 
to  Grod).^  Archbishop  Whately  admits  that  no  form  of  prayer 
has  come  down  to  us  from  the  immediate  successors  of  the 
apostles ;  and  the  Chevalier  Bunsen  expresses  himself  in  these 
words :  "  Some  formularies  may  have  been  written  down  for 
the  private  use  of  the  weak  and  ignorant  (in  the  third  century) ; 
but  even  that  is  doubtful.  The  idea  of  reading  prayers  seems 
to  have  been  particularly  abhorrent  to  the  ancient  church  at 
this  solemn  time."  In  fact,  liturgical  worship  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  common  till  the  fifth  century  .t 

The  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours  were  deemed  peculiarly 
suitable  for  devotion. 

Tertullian  speaks  of  the  attitude  employed  in  prayer;  he 
describes  it  as  with  eyes  upraised,  and  hands  outspread  in  the 
form  of  a  cross :  sometimes,  however,  the  eyes  were  closed,t 
and  the  body  prostrate.  Men  prayed  with  their  heads  uncov- 
ered ;  virgins  were  exhorted  by  Tertullian  to  be  veiled.  The  kiss 
of  peace  was  usual  except  on  Good  Friday,  which  was  a  fast. 

Singing  was  a  prominent  part  of  worship ;  and  the  multiplied 
testimonies  of  the  early  writers  show  with  what  frequency  it 
was  employed  by  the  first  Christians.  In  his  letter  to  Trajan, 
Pliny,  it  will  be  remembered,  describes  the  practice  of  singing 
hymns  to  Christ  as  God  ;  and  the  earlier  psalmody  of  the  church 
appears  to  have  been  uniformly  in  honor  of  Him.  Among  the 
works  of  Clemens  of  Alexandria  is  one  of  these  hymns,  ascribed 
in  the  volume  of  his  treatises  to  Clemens  himself,  but  supposed 
by  many  to  be  of  considerably  older  origin.  As  this  hymn  has 
not  been  preserved  in  the  devotions  of  Christians,  because   it 

*  Cyprian,  De  Oratione  Dominica. 

t  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  vol.  ii.  p.  168.  :f  Origen. 


A.  D.    258,  VALERIAN  EMPEROR.  331 

was  thought  to  bear  too  close  a  resemblance  to  the  heathen 
odes,  a  rough  specimen  of  it  may  not  be  inappropriate : 

0  !  Bridle  of  undisciplined  foals  ! 

0  !  Wing  of  unwandering  birds  ! 

True  Rudder  of  infants  ! 

Shepherd  of  the  royal  fold  ! 

All  the  simple 

Children  do  there  congregate; 

Worthily  to  praise. 

Sincerely  to  sing, 

With  undefiled  mouths;  — 

Christ  the  Leader  of  children  ! 

King  of  the  saints  ! 

Word  all-subduing  ! 

Of  the  Most  High  Father's 

Wisdom,  the  President  ! 

Support  of  labors  ! 

Duration-loving  ! 

Of  the  human  family 

Jesus,  the  Saviour  !  <fcc. 

It  is  probable  that  this  hymn  was  intended  to  be  sung  antiphon- 
ally,  though  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  much  employed. 
An  extant  hymn,  sung  at  the  lighting  of  candles,  is  also  of  very 
early  origin. 

HYMN    AT    LIGHTING. 

Cheerful  light  of  the  holy  glory 

Of  the  Everlasting  Father,  Jesus  Christ ! 

We  arriving  at  the  setting  sun. 

And  beholding  the  evening  light. 

Sing  hymns  to  the  Father,  and  the  Son, 

And  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  ! 

Worthy  it  is  at  all  times 

To  sing  in  hallowed  hymns. 

0  Son  of  God,  Thou  givest  life, 

Therefore  the  world  worshippeth  Thee  ! 

The  influence  of  these  hymns,  like  that  of  those  put  forth  by 
Luther  and  his  companions    at  a  later  period,  was  extremely 


332  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

great ;  and  Jerome  describes  the  ploughman  singing  at  his 
plough,  and  the  mower  and  vine-dresser  regaling  themselves  by 
this  exercise  during  the  intervals  of  their  busy  occupations. 

But  the  lighting  hymn  was  private ;  for  no  candles  had  as  yet 
begun  to  gleam  in  sad  mockery  on  the  altar. 

Baptism  was  not  administered' until  after  a  period  of  prelim- 
inary examination ;  and  the  catechumens,  as  those  who  were 
preparing  for  baptism  were  termed,  were  divided  into  two  classes, 
the  more  advanced  of  which  was  allowed  to  attend  the  public 
services  of  the  congregation.  These  "  inquirers,"  as  more  mod- 
ern language  might  designate  them,  were  first  brought  before 
the  teachers,  who  instituted  the  requisite  investigation  into  their 
previous  habits  of  life.  If  their  original  course  had  been 
immoral, —  if  they  had  been  engaged  in  the  fabrication  of  idols, 
or  in  theatrical  occupations,  or  had  been  magicians,  —  they  were 
required  to  abandon  their  former  course.  Unless  in  special 
cases,  the  period  of  probation  was  three  years,  during  which 
time  they  were  admitted  to  hear  sermons,  and  afterwards  prayed 
apart.  Sponsors  had  already  appeared,  although  the  time  of 
their  origin  cannot  be  determined.  The  prayers  of  the  officiat- 
ing minister  were  supposed  in  Cyprian's  time  to  consecrate  the 
water  of  baptism,  which  was  then  applied  to  the  catechumen  in 
the  name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost.  Those  who 
desire  to  study  the  bearings  of  the  baptismal  controversy  will 
find  abundant  materials  in  the  writings  of  this  period.  Anoint- 
ing, signing  with  the  cross,  and  imposition  of  hands,  accompa- 
nied the  administration  of  this  sacrament.  Some  extracts  from 
the  "  Apostolical  Constitutions "  of  Alexandria  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  the  reader  in  illustration  of  this  subject.  It 
applies  to  adult  baptism  : 

"  And  when  those  appointed  to  receive  baptism  have  been 
chosen,  and  when  their  life  has  been  investigated  —  if  they  have 
lived  in  chastity  during  their  catechumenship  ;  if  they  have  hon- 
ored the  widow ;  if  they  have  visited  the  sick ;  if  they  have 
fulfilled  every  good  work;  and   if  those  who  introduced  them 


A.  D.   258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  333 

have  witnessed  to  them  that  they  have  done  this,  let  them  hear 
the  gospel.  And  at  the  time  when  they  shall  be  separated,  let 
hands  be  laid  upon  them  in  that  day,  and  let  them  be  exorcised ; 
and  when  the  day  approaches  in  which  they  shall  be  baptized,  let 
the  bishop  exorcise  each  one  of  them,  that  he  may  know  that  they 
are  pure.  .  .  .  Let  those  who  shall  receive  baptism  fast  on 
the  eve  of  the  Sabbath.  But  on  the  Sabbath,  when  those  who 
are  to  receive  baptism  have  been  gathered  together  in  one  place 
by  the  advice  of  the  bishop,  let  them  all  be  commanded  to  pray, 
and  to  kneel ;  and  when  he  has  laid  his  hand  upon  them,  let 
him  exorcise  every  strange  spirit  to  flee  from  them,  and  not  to 
return  to  them  from  that  time.  And  when  he  has  finished  exor- 
cising, let  him  breathe  on  them ;  and  when  he  has  sealed  their 
foreheads  and  their  ears,  and  the  opening  of  their  mouths,  let 
him  raise  them  up ;  and  let  some  watch  all  the  night,  reading  to 
them  and  exhorting  them.  And  let  those  who  shall  receive 
baptism  not  receive  anything  within  them,  but  that  alone  which 
each  one  shall  bring  in  for  the  thanksgiving.  .  .  .  And  all 
who  are  able  to  answer  for  themselves  let  them  answer;  but 
those  who  are  not  able  to  answer,  let  their  parents  ans^jjer  for 
them,  or  one  other  numbered  among  their  relations.  .  .  . 
And  at  the  time  which  is  appointed  for  the  baptism,  let  the 
bishop  give  thanks  over  the  oil,  which,  putting  into  a  vessel,  he 
shall  call  the  oil  of  thanksgiving.  Again,  he  shall  take  other 
oil,  and,  exorcising  it,  he  shall  call  it  the  oil  of  exorcism.  And 
a  deacon  shall  bear  the  oil  of  exorcism,  and  stand  on  the  left 
hand  of  the  presbyter.  Another  deacon  shall  take  the  oil  of 
thanksgiving,  and  stand  on  the  right  hand  of  the  presbyter. 
And  when  the  presbyter  has  taken  hold  of  each  one  of  those 
who  are  about  to  receive  baptism,  let  him  command  him  to 
renounce,  saying,  '  I  will  renounce  thee,  Satan,  and  all  thy  ser- 
vice, and  all  thy  works.'  And  when  he  has  renounced  all  these, 
let  him  anoint  him  with  the  oil  of  exorcism,  saying,  '  Let  every 
spirit  depart  from  thee.'  (After  this  the  subject  was  baptized, 
anointed  with  the  anointing  oil,  and  sealed  upon  his  forehead.) 


334  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

And  all  those  who  receive  baptism  shall  be  praying.     Let  them 
say  '  Peace  '  with  their  mouths."  ^ 

The  Lord's  Supper  had  now  become  dissociated  from  the  ordi- 
nary meal,  and  formed  a  part  of  the  public  devotional  service; 
the  whole  flock  of  each  bishop  communed,  even  so  early  as  the 
days  of  Ignatius,  at  one  common  sacramental  table ;  and  the 
same  practice  remained  unaltered  in  the  time  of  Cyprian.  The 
supper  was  called  the  Eucharist,  from  the  thanksgiving-prayer 
which  was  offered  before  its  celebration.  To  this  prayer  a 
peculiar  value  began  already  to  be  attached.  Wine  mixed  with 
water  was  employed  in  this  rite  ;  t  and  the  cups,  which  were 
sometimes  of  glass,  often  bore  upon  them  emblematical  pic- 
tures —  as,  for  instance,  a  shepherd  carrying  a  sheep  upon  his 
shoulders,  which  figure  also  frequently  occurred  in  the  Christian 
catacombs.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  not  indiscriminately  admin- 
istered, being  reserved  for  those  who  had  been  baptized,  and  who 
had  previously  received,  according  to  the  expression  of  Tertul- 
lian,  "  pious  initiation."  Before  the  administration  of  this 
sacrament,  the  catechumens  were  removed,  and  the  communi- 
cants presented  such  gifts  as  their  means  enabled  them  to  offer. 
These  collections  were  appropriated  to  the  service  of  the  church 

*  Bunsen's  Hippolytus,  vol.  ii.  p.  320. 

t  That  Cyprian  was  no  believer  in  transubstantiation  may  be  inferred 
from  the  following  passage,  which  refers  to  those  who  would  have  used  water 
instead  of  wine  at  the  Lord's  Supper.  "  Whereas  Christ  has  said,  '  I  am 
the  true  vine  ! '  how  can  aught  but  wine  be  his  blood  1  and  how  can  the  cup 
appear  to  contain  blood,  when  destitute  of  that  wine  which  throughout 
Scripture  is  the  type  of  it  'l  "  Some  of  Cyprian's  arguments  against  the 
use  of  water  are  extremely  far-fetched.  Water  ought  not  to  be  used 
because  —  1.  Noah,  who  was  a  type  of  the  future  church,  was  drunk  with 
wine  :  2.  Because  Melchisedek  brought  forth  bread  and  wine  :  3.  Because 
Wisdom,  also  a  type  of  Christ  (Prov.  9.  1 — 5),  when  she  makes  a  repre- 
sentative feast,  says,  "  Drink  of  the  wine^ which  I  have  mingled  :"  4. 
Because  of  the  prophecy  regarding  Judah  (Gen.  49.  11),  "  he  washed  his 
garments  in  wine  :"  5.  Because  of  the  prophecy  which  represents  Christ  as 
"red  as  with  the  blood  of  the  wine-press,"  &c.  We  are  afraid  that  those 
who  object  to  the  use  of  wine  at  the  Lord's  Supper  would  scarcely  deem 
some  of  these  arguments  conclusive. 


A.   D.    258,    VALERIAN   EMPEROR.  335 

and  the  use  of  the  poor.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  administered 
in  the  churches  at  Alexandria  to  the  worshippers  standing : 
according  to  the  testimony  of  Tertullian,  it  was  forbidden  to 
kneel  on  the  Lord's  day,  or  at  any  other  time  between  Easter 
and  Whitsuntide;  inasmuch  as  those  periods  were  times  of 
rejoicing,  at  which  a  kneeling  posture  was  deemed  inappro- 
priate. After  the  reception  of  the  supper,  a  hymn  was  sung. 
From  the  table  of  the  congregation,  the  bread  and  wine,  which 
was  often  mixed  with  water,  were  carried  to  the  diseased,  the 
captives  and  the  strangers.  As  the  consecrated  bread  was 
already  supposed  to  be  possessed  of  a  mystic  virtue,  it  was  laid 
up  by  the  pious  in  their  houses,  and  received  as  a  hallowing 
preparation  for  the  labors  of  the  day.  The  church  of  Africa 
administered  the  communion  to  infants,  who,  when  they  could 
not  partake  of  the  bread,  received  the  wine.  Letters  called 
"  Pacificae  "  were  given  to  poor  travellers,  whereby  their  faith 
might  be  known,  and  they  might  be  enabled  to  communicate 
with  distant  churches.  There  were  also  disraissory  letters, 
without  which  pastors  could  not  be  honorably  received. 

At  this  period  it  is  evident  that  tradition  had  become  almost 
equal  to  an  express  apostolical  law.  "  The  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions" of  Alexandria  —  which  are,  beyond  doubt,  unau- 
thentic, though  in  general  use  in  the  ante-Niccne  age  — 
declare  that  the  twelve  apostles,  before  departing  on  their 
several  ministrations,  met  in  order  to  make  certain  necessary 
appointments  relative  to  the  working  of  the  church ;  and  that 
each  of  them  delivered  specific  principles,  among  which  that  of 
Barnabas  is  certainly  most  remarkable  :  "  Be  ye  lawgivers  to 
your  own  selves ;  be  ye  teachers  to  yourselves  alone,  as  God 
hath  taught  you." 

In  the  public  worship  of  the  Christians  of  this  period,  the 
reading  of  the  Scriptures  occupied  a  distinguished  place ;  and 
in  cases  where  the  people  could  not  understand  the  language  in 
which  the  version  employed  was  written,  the  reader  translated 
the   passage   for  their  benefit.     The  gospel  was  read  in    the 


336  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

churches  in  a  loud  voice  by  persons  specially  appointed :  in 
performing  this  duty,  there  was  a  difference  between  the  prac- 
tice of  the  African  and  other  Latin  churches.  The  deacons 
performed  it  in  Eome ;  in  Africa  the  duty  was  discharged  by 
readers. 

In  this  early  Christian  worship  the  commemoration  of  the 
martyrs  occupied  a  very  distinguished  place.  This  is  not  won- 
derful. The  glory  of  the  religion  of  the  gospel  is  the  triumph 
it  achieves  over  the  last  enemy,  and  the  emphasis  of  Christ's 
system  is  exhibited  in  the  remarkable  phrase,  "  Who  hath  abol- 
ished death."  It  was,  besides,  the  object  of  the  early  Chris- 
tians to  impress  upon  the  minds  of  their  persecutors  that  they 
really  had  no  power  to  harm  them,  and  that,  though  they 
destroyed  the  body,  the  soul  defied  their  torture.  These  grand 
and  impressive  notions  of  religion  became,  however,  liable  to 
accretions  which  disfigured  their  proportions.  The  reader  of 
early  ecclesiastical  history  can  trace  continually  the  impression 
that  the  bodies  of  the  martyrs  were  not  merely  fortified  against 
pain  by  the  superiority  of  mind  over  matter,  but  actually  hard- 
ened by  miraculous  agency  against  its  influence.  If  Polycarp 
died,  a  supernatural  air,  like  the  sail  of  a  ship,  sheltered  him 
from  the  flames.  If  Perpetua  was  gored,  she  was  insensible  to 
the  injuries  she  had  received.  The  martyrologies  of  the  early 
church  (forbidden  by  the  Quinesextan  Council,  a.  d,  706,  to  be 
read  in  the  churches  because  of  their  containing  "  false  stories 
of  martyrdom  ")^   supply  perpetual   instances  of   this   belief; 

*  The  story  of  the  eleven  thousand  virgins  (which  every  visitor  to  Co- 
logne will  remember)  has  made  the  fortune  of  a  church  in  that  city  by  the 
exhibition  of  their  bones.  The  error  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  a  misread- 
ing of  VRSVLA  ET  XI  MM.  VV.,  the  MM  being  taken  to  represent  MIL- 
LIA  (thousands)  instead  of  MARTYRES  (martyrs).  But  how  this  error 
became  associated  with  such  a  heap  of  ossification,  we  are  not  told.  The 
authority  is,  however,  in  all  probability,  quite  as  good  for  these  remnants, 
as  for  the  alabaster  vase  exhibited  in  the  same  church  tis  having  been  one 
of  the  firkins  used  at  the  marriage  of  Cana.  Make  the  authority  of  the 
church  absolute,  and  the  production  of  such  memorials  is  extremely  easy  ! 


A    l;.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  337 

and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  martyrdoms  which  are  told  in 

a  different  manner  from  the  rest,  are  unworthy  of  regard, so 

impossible  is  it  to  disentangle  the  true  from  the  false.  Pru- 
dentius,  a  Spanish  Christian  poet  of  the  fourth  century,  has 
collected  together  these  wonders ;  and  absolutely  gloats  over  the 
recital  of  tortures,  which,  however,  are  in  the  narrative  miuh 
to  fall  much  more  heavily  on  the  accusers  than  the  accu.'^e<l. 
Yet  it  might  have  been  remembered  that  all  which  derogated 
from  the  torture  of  the  sufferer  diminished  in  the  same  propor- 
tion his  Christian  courage. 

This  disposition,  however,  to  dwell  with  eagerness,  and  even 
with  triumph,  on  the  suiFerings  of  the  martyrs,  directed  and 
modified  the  observances  in  their  memory.  They  were  thought 
of,  —  not  with  sorrow,  but  with  joy ;  as  those  raised  above 
ordinary  Christians  —  as  those  who  by  their  distinguished  vir- 
tue had  gained  the  highest  place  in  heaven.  The  anniversary 
of  their  death  was  called  their  birth-day  [dies  natalis).  On 
that  day  multitudes  gathered  themselves  together  about  the  spot 
where  their  remains  were  interred,  and  cemeteries,  for  this  rea- 
son among  others,  became  sanctuaries.  So  rapidly  did  the 
abuse  of  this  practice  grow,  that,  in  a  council  held  at  Carthage 
A.  D.  401,  it  was  ordered  that  fictitious  relics  should  be  destroyed. 

The  utmost  reverence  was  shown  for  the  smallest  vestige 
belonging  to  those  who  had  gained  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  or, 

One  of  the  martyr  stories  of  Nicephorus  is  the  following,  —  it  relates  to 
the  persecution  of  Dioclesian  :  A  young  Christian  lady  placed  in  the  power 
of  a  Pagan,  and  seeing  no  way  of  escape,  told  him  that  she  was  a  magician, 
and  had  found  a  preparation  by  which  steel  might  be  resisted.  She  offered 
to  try  it  on  herself,  and,  having  anointed  her  neck,  told  the  Pagan  to  strike 
as  if  beheading  her,  and  he  would  see.  He  struck  accordingly,  and  her 
head  rolled  on  the  floor.  If  this  lady  were  a  martyr,  she  was  certainly  not 
one  for  truth  !  Where  there  is  no  fraud,  as  there  must  have  been  in 
describing  at  least  one  of  the  cases  above,  there  may  be  great  credulity. 
Leipi,  having  found  the  body  of  a  child  seven  years  old  in  one  of  the 
catacombs,  with  the  shoulder-blade,  vertebra^  and  ribs  broken  (no  very 
strange  thing  after  the  lapse  of  fourteen  centuries),  concluded  that  this 
must  of  course  have  been  a  little  saint  scourged  to  death  by  the  plumbata. 

29 


338  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

as  it  was  often  called,  "  the  baptism  of  blood."  "There  is," 
said  Cyprian,  "  this  difference  between  the  baptism  by  water 
and  that  by  blood,  that  the  one  entitles  us  to  the  immediate 
remission  of  our  sins,  the  other  to  the  immediate  reward  of  our 
virtues;  —  it  is  a  baptism  after  which  no  sin  can  be  committed." 
Was  it  wonderful  that  the  church,  which  in  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  so  expressed  itself,  should  before  the  end  of  it 
arrive  at  the  dangerous  practice  of  martyr-worship  ? 

These  commemorations  were  not  unfrequently  attended  by 
the  "agap8e,"Qr  love-feasts,  often  celebrated  upon  the  spot 
supposed  to  be  consecrated  by  the  relics  of  the  departed.  The 
lapidarian  remains  extracted  from  the  ancient  Christian  cata- 
combs of  Rome  establish  this  fact.  At  a  later  period  St. 
Augustine  refers  to  it,  and  warns  those  who  abused  the  occa- 
sions by  sinful  revelry  of  the  consequences  of  their  crime : 
"  The  martyrs  hear  your  bottles,  your  frying-pans,  your  drunken 
revels."  The  council  of  a.  d.  706,  however,  disallowed  the 
practice.  The  Lord's  Supper  was  also  as  eav]j  as  the  year 
270  celebrated  at  the  martyrs'  tombs.  Masses  for  the  dead 
soon  followed ! 

Nor  was  it  uncommon  for  Christians,  when  pursued  by  their 
pagan  enemies,  to  seek  a  refuge  from  persecution  in  the  spots 
rendered  sacred  by  the  bodies  of  their  saints.  Stephen,  Bishop 
of  Rome,  —  to  whose  dispute  with  Firmilian  and  Cyprian  we 
have  already  had  occasion  to  make  reference,  —  was,  during  a 
considerable  period,  secreted  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome.  Here 
his  clergy  came  to  him  to  consult  him  respecting  any  matters 
of  importance,  whilst  here  he  was  joined  by  Hippolytus,  a  per- 
secuted layman,  and  subsequently  by  some  friends  of  the  latter, 
who,  coming  to  seek  him,  were  converted  under  Stephen's 
addresses.  They  all  suffered  martyrdom.  StejDhen  was  killed 
as,  after  celebrating  divine  service  below  ground,  he  sat  in  his 
episcopal  chair. 

The  distinction  between  the  clergy  and  laity  had  become,  at 
this  period,  very  clearly  marked  ;  —  TertuUian  complains,  with 


A.  D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  330 

his  usual  waspishness,  that  the  heathen  could  not  understand  W* 
The  deacons  usually  ranked  as  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  body  — 
the  Levites  of  the  Xew  Testament.  Their  duties  were  —  to  re- 
ceive the  oblations  of  the  faithful ;  to  prepare  the  bread  and 
wine  for  the  Eucharist ;  to  exhort  persons  to  attend  public  ser- 
vice; to  report  to  the  bishop  criminal  cases,  &c.  They  often 
preached  by  the  appointment  of  the  president.  Deaconesses 
were  sometimes  the  wives  of  deacons,  and  sometimes  widows, 
specially  appointed  after  a  prescribed  age.  They  visited  the 
sick  females,  and  attended  on  those  women  who  were  bap- 
tized. 

In  the  days  of  Cyprian,  Christians  were  making  rapid  ad- 
vances towards  a  system  of  external  ecclesiastical  unity.  Tlie 
Jewish  notions,  with  which  the  church  was  largely  imbued,  were 
regarded  as  presenting  the  model  according  to  which  the  Chris- 
tian church  should  be  constituted.  The  smaller  societies  existing 
in  the  neighborhood  of  metropolitan  or  other  large  communities 
gradually  and  naturally  fell  under  their  influence ;  and  the  fre- 
quency of  synods,  always  convened  in  the  larger  cities,  gave  to 
those  more  populous  spots  increased  ecclesiastical  importance. 
The  small  number  of  churches  in  the  West  prevented,  to  a 
considerable  degree,  the  hierarchical  tendency  from  developing 
itself  so  extensively  as  in  the  East.  But  already,  though  all 
bishops  were  declared  to  be  equal  in  authority,  Rome,  Alex- 
andria and  Antioch,  were  regarded  as  posts  of  superior  influence 
and  power.  The  revenues  which  were  collected  in  the  larger 
churches  were  not  a  little  instrumental  in  promoting  the  increase 
of  this  jurisdiction,  inasmuch  as  the  needy  and  destitute  looked 
for  assistance  to  the  quarters  where  such  help  could  be  most 
readily  rendered.  The  bishop,  assisted  by  the  deacons,  began  now 
to  be  the  administrator  of  these  funds.  The  church  elected  its 
bishop,  though  the  metropolitans  exercised  considerable  influence 
over  the  choice,  and  even  the  presbyters  were  approved  by  the 

*  Tertull.,  De  Prasscrip.  c.  xli. 


340  CARTHAGE    AND    CYPRIAN. 

collective  body.  About  this  time  a  number  of  subsidiary  church- 
offices  began  to  be  appointed,  under  the  names  of  subdiaconi, 
acolythi,  exorcistse,  lectores,  and  ostiarii,  which  added  not  a 
little  to  the  force  of  the  hierarchical  influence.  Though  Cyprian 
often  consulted  his  clergy  in  his  public  movements,  he  did  not 
scruple,  when  the  necessity  seemed  to  be  pressing,  to  ordain,  and 
even  to  excommunicate,  without  their  concurrence.  His  pre- 
tensions to  ecclesiastical  authority  wei-e  extremely  great,  and  in 
some  instances  enormous.  "  To  believe,"  says  he,  "  that  those 
who  are  consecrated  are  unworthy  and  unclean  — what  is  it  but 
to  believe  that  the  priests  are  not  inaugurated  of  God  and  by 
Grod  ?  What  presumption,  what  arrogance,  what  pride,  is  it  to 
call  the  prelates  and  priests  to  account !  "  Again,  "  The  prelate 
exists  in  the  church,  and  the  church  in  the  prelate  ;  and,  if  any 
one  be  not  with  the  prelate,  he  is  not  in  the  church."  In  a 
similar  manner  Cyprian  speaks  of  the  church  as  resident  in  the 
bishops  and  clergy,  and  in  those  who  have  remained  firm  in  times 
of  persecution ."^  He  says,  "  There  is  but  one  Grod,  one  Christ, 
and  one  church,  and  one  seat  founded  on  the  rockt  by  the  word 
of  Christ,  and  it  is  impossible  to  constitute  any  other  altar  or  any 
other  priesthood."  He  regards  all  separation  from  the  church 
as  destructive,  and  says  of  heretics  and  schismatics,  that  though 
they  may  die  confessing  the  name  of  Christ,  they  will  not  obtain 
the  crown  of  martyrdom,  because  they  are  out  of  the  church, 
and  separated  from  its  charity  and  unity.!  Everything,  in 
short,  was  making  way  for  the  organization  under  whiqh  Greg- 
ory Nazianzen,  a.  d.  360,  says,  "  Now  I  wish  there  had  been  no 
precedents,  no  priority  of  place,  no  authoritative  dictatorship, 
that  we  might  be  distinguished  by  virtue  alone ;  but  now  this 
right  hand  and  left  hand,  and  middle  and  higher  and  lower,  — 


*  Cypriani  Epistola?,  xxvi. 

t  The  Romanists  claim  to  translate  the  Latin  word  Petram  in  this  passage 
by  St.  Peter,  but  everything  shows  that  Cyprian  could  not  have  meant 
this. 

t  Epist.  1. 


A.   D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROll.  341 

this  going  before  and  going  in  company,  —  have  produced  to 
us  much  unprofitable  affliction,  brought  many  into  a  snare,  and 
thrust  them  out  among  the  herd  of  the  goats ;  and  they,  not 
only  of  the  inferior  order,  but  even  of  the  shepherds,  who, 
though  masters  in  Israel,  have  not  known  these  things." 
29=^ 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

CAPPADOCIA   AND    GREGORY   THAUMATURGUS. 

The  persecution  of  Yalerian,  as  we  have  already  stated,  was 
not  confined  to  Carthage,  but  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  Roman 
empire.  Nowhere  was  it  more  severely  felt  than  at  Rome  itself. 
About  the  time  that  Cyprian  was  put  to  death,  Sextus  the 
Second,  like  his  predecessor  Stephen,  having  taken  refuge  in  the 
catacombs,  was  hunted  out  by  order  of  Valerian  and  put  to 
death,  as  were  also  four  deacons  of  his  church.  One  of  these 
deacons  was  Lawrence,  who  witnessed  the  violence  done  to  his 
bishop  with  much  concern  at  his  loss,  and  not  a  little  envy  at 
the  honors  he  received  by  suffering  for  his  Lord.  But  his  own 
death  followed  in  three  days. 

The  church  of  Rome  is  reported  at  this  time  to  have  been 
extremely  wealthy.  Its  riches,  however,  were  not  amassed  for 
its  own  benefit,  but  distributed,  as  we  have  already  seen,  with 
superlative  generosity.  It  appears  also  to  have  possessed  rich 
ornaments  and  vessels,  which  were  emploj^ed  in  the  celebration 
of  its  religious  services.  The  report  of  these  riches  had  stimu- 
lated the  cupidity  of  the  pagans,  and  the  Prefect  of  Rome, 
having  sent  for  Lawrence,  required  of  him  to  produce  such 
hidden  treasures.  Lawrence  asked  for  a  little  time,  and  prom- 
ised that  he  would  then  show  him  the  church's  wealth.  The 
prefect  granted  him  three  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time  Law- 
rence said  to  him,  "  Come,  behold  the  riches  of  our  God  ;  you 
shall  see  a  large  court  full  of  golden  vessels."  Accordingly 
Lawrence  led  him  to  an  enclosure  in  which  he  had  collected 
together  a  large  number  of  the  eleemosynary  dependents  of  the 


A.    D.    258,    VALERIAN    EMPEROR.  348 

church  to  which  he  belonged,  at  the  same  time  saying  to  the 
prefect,  with  a  pious  pun,  not  unfamiliar  to  readers  of  eccle- 
siastical history,  "  These  poor  people  whom  you  behold  are  the 
church's  real  treasures."  The  prefect  was  little  able  to  under- 
stand the  moral  of  this  transaction,  but  was  stung  by  the  mock- 
ery which  he  supposed  it  to  convey.  Accordingly,  full  of  rage, 
he  commanded  a  large  gridiron  to  be  prepared,  and  Lawrence, 
bound  in  chains,  to  be  extended  on  it  over  a  slow  fire.  If  the 
martyrology  which  relates  these  circumstances  can  be  at  all 
trusted  (and  it  evidently  must  be  received  with  extreme  sus- 
picion), Lawrence,  whilst  burning  over  the  fire  which  consumed 
him,  pointed  a  witticism  with  the  self-possession  of  one  entirely 
superior  to  pain.  With  a  cheerful  countenance,  according  to 
this  recital,  he  said,  "  My  body  is  broiled  enough  on  one  side  ; 
it  is  now  time  for  it  to  be  turned."  He  was  turned  accordingly, 
and  the  other  side  was  similarly  tormented.  "  Now,"  said  the 
martyr  again,  "  it  is  dressed  enough.  Serve  me  and  eat."  It 
is  impossible  to  conjecture  the  precise  amount  of  truth  embodied 
in  this  somewhat  apocryphal  story. 

The  fortitude  of  Lawrence  was  not  a  solitary  instance.  Cyril, 
a  mere  lad,  was,  because  of  his  Christianity,  driven  from  his 
paternal  home,  and  left  to  the  possibilities  of  starvation,  and 
was  at  length  apprehended  and  brought  before  a  heathen  magis- 
trate. He  resisted  all  attempts  which  were  made  to  induce  him 
to  change  his  faith,  being  equally  unmoved  by  threats  and 
blandishments.  In  vain  was  he  led  to  a  fire,  at  which  it  was 
simulated  he  was  to  suffer  the  last  punishment.  He  remained 
unmoved.  At  length,  however,  the  judge,  irritated  at  the  forti- 
tude which  he  exhibited,  really  consigned  him  to  death.  He 
suiFered  this  penalty  with  the  utmost  serenity  and  fortitude. 

In  Antioch,  two  citizens,  who  had  lived  in  the  strictest  friend- 
ship with  each  other,  had  unhappily  become  at  variance.  Their 
names  were  Nicephorus  and  Sapricius,  —  the  one  a  priest,  the 
other  a  layman.  Nicephorus,  the  layman,  under  the  instigation 
of  Christian   tenderness,  sought  his  friend  and  endeavored  to 


344  CAPPADOCIA   AND   GREGORY   THAUMATURGUS. 

pacify  liim.  But  the  eflfort  was  vain.  When  the  season  of  per- 
secution came,  as  common  sorrows  have  a  tendency  to  unite 
hearts  together,  another  attempt  was  made  with  no  better  suc- 
cess. Sapricius  was  seized  as  a  Christian,  and  condemned  to 
die.  As  he  was  led  along  to  the  place  of  execution.  Nicephorus 
made  a  last  effort  at. reconciliation,  but  was  treated,  even  then, 
with  the  same  contempt  as  before.  The  courage  of  the  priest, 
however,  failed  him  at  the  last  hour,  and,  when  the  executioner 
was  about  to  fulfil  the  sentence,  he  cried  out  to  him  to  stop, 
declaring  that  he  would  sacrifice  to  the  gods.  Nicephorus  was 
deeply  moved  at  witnessing  this  cowardice  in  his  former  friend. 
Addressing  him,  he  said,  "  Lose  not  the  crown  which  thou 
hast  won  by  so  many  sufferings  !  "  The  appeal  was  vain  ;  the 
unchristian  priest  valued  his  life  above  his  conscience !  Nice- 
phorus then  turning  to  the  ofiicers,  thus  addressed  them :  "  I 
am  a  Christian ;  I  believe  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whom  this 
man  has  renounced.  Let  me  die  instead  of  him  !  "  The  vica- 
rious substitution  was  permitted,  and  Sapricius  was  saved  at  the 
expense  of  him  whom  he  had  once  called  his  friend. 

Under  the  Valerian  persecution  in  Egypt,  Dionysius,  the 
Bishop  of  Alexandria,  suffered  much,  though  he  was  not  actu- 
ally a  martyr.  The  account  of  this  persecution  is  given  on 
his  own  authority.  Dionysius  and  his  presbyter  Maximus,  with 
others,  when  brought  before  the  prefect,  was  asked,  "  Why  can- 
not you  worship  your  God,  if  you  must  worship  him,  without 
denying  our  gods  ?  "  As,  however,  Dionysius  stated  in  reply  that 
it  was  necessary  for  Christian  worship  to  be  directed  to  God,  as 
supremely  and  exclusively  divine,  he  and  his  party  were  banished 
into  the  desert,  where  they  were  followed  by  a  considerable  number 
who  came  to  receive  the  gospel  from  them.  The  persecution  in 
Egypt  appears  to  have  been  especially  severe.  In  Caesarea  of 
Palestine  three  martyrs  were  eminently  distinguished,  —  Pris- 
ons, Malchus,  and  Alexander. 

On  the  accession  of  Gallienus  (a.  d.  260),  the  persecution 
was  restrained  by  special  imperial  edicts.     The  emperor,  though 


A.  D.  260,  GALLIENUS   EMPEROR.  345 

himself  distinguished  by  no  attachment  for  religion,  promoted  a 
toleration  which  marked  his  indifference  to  all  truth,  and  Chris- 
tianity was  now  legalized.  Yet  there  were  cases  in  which  the 
evenomed  bitterness  of  the  pagans  broke  through  the  regulations 
which  Gallienus  had  made  for  the  protection  of  the  Christians, 
and  caused  severe  individual  hardships.  Amongst  other  cases 
may  be  cited  that  of  Marinus,  a  soldier,  residing  at  Caesarea  in 
Palestine.  He  was  entitled  by  seniority  to  be  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  centurion,  but  just  as  he  was  on  the  point  of  obtaining 
this  distinction,  it  was  objected  to  him,  by  a  rival  soldier,  that, 
being  a  Christian,  he  could  not  perform  the  usual  sacrifice  to  the 
emperors.  The  judge  before  whom  this  objection  was  raised  in- 
terrogated him  respecting  the  charge,  and  gave  him  three  hours 
during  which  he  might  consider  whether  he  would  renounce  his 
Christianity  or  be  promoted  in  the  ranks.  During  this  interval 
he  was  met  by  his  bishop,  who,  taking  him  to  the  church,  and 
pointing  to  his  sword  on  the  one  hand  and  the  book  of  the  gos- 
pels on  the  other,  told  him  to  choose  which  he  would  prefer. 
The  soldier  immediately  took  the  book,  and  the  bishop  exhorted 
him  to  hold  fast  his  Christianity,  whatever  might  befall.  The 
result  was,  that  when  the  Christian  soldier  appeared  before  the 
magistrate,  he  nobly  confessed  the  truth,  and  was  beheaded  for 
its  sake.  At  this  time,  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  who  had  now 
returned  to  his  place,  was  the  most  distinguished  upholder  of 
gospel  truth,  contending  manfully  for  it  against  the  Sabellians 
and  Novatians.  But  Alexandria  was  now  suffering  the  miseries 
of  a  civil  war,  which  raged  so  fiercely  that  the  bishop  in  one  of 
his  letters  says  that  "  to  travel  from  the  East  to  the  West  was 
more  easy  than  to  go  from  one  part  of  Alexandria  to  another." 
Pestilence  added  its  horrors  at  this  time  to  the  outrages  of  war ; 
and  Dionysius  says,  "  Many  of  our  brethren,  through  their 
great  love  and  brotherly  affection,  spared  not  themselves,  but 
clave  one  to  another,  and  attended  on  the  sick  most  diligently. 
.  They  took  up  the  bodies  of  the  saints  with  their  open 
hands  and  on  their  bosoms,  cleaned  their  eyes  and  closed  their 


346  CAPPADOCIA   AND    GREGORY   THAUMATURGUS. 

mouths,  carried  them  on  their  shoulders  and  composed  their  limbs, 
embraced,  clung  to  them,  and  prepared  them  directly,  washing 
and  wrapping  them  up,  and  ere  long  they  themselves  shared  in 
receiving  the  same  offices."  On  this  occasion,  as  on  many  others 
of  a  similar  kind,  the  exertions  of  the  Christians  contrasted  most 
favorably  with  the  neglect  and  outrage  which  the  dying  and 
dead  received  from  the  heathen.^ 

Dionysius  signalized  himself  by  contending  against  an  Egyp- 
tian bishop  called  Nepos,  who  had  avowed  Millenarian  views. 
He  also  wrote  in  favor  of  the  observance  of  the  Passover,  which 
he  maintained  should  not  be  observed  till  after  the  vernal 
equinox.  His  numerous  writings  have  not  survived  the  desola- 
tions of  time. 

Much  attention  was  about  this  juncture  excited  in  the  church 
by  a  bishop  of  Antioch,  Paul  of  Samosata.  His  doctrine  was, 
that  Christ  was  not  divine  ;  that  the  Son  had  no  separate  per- 
sonal existence  ;  and  that  the  logos  (answering  to  reason  in  man) 
dwelt  in  Jesus,  who  was  no  otherwise  different  from  other  men 
than  because  he  possessed  a  larger  measure  of  intelligence  than 
had  belonged  to  any  besides  himself.  It  does  no  honor  to  the 
church  at  Antioch  that  they  had  elected  this  man  to  be  their  pre- 
late, though  it  appears  that  this  had  been  done  of  their  own  free 
choice.  Patronized  by  Zenobia,  Queen  of  Palmyra,  Paul  exem- 
plified characteristics  by  no  means  consistent  with  a  Christian 
bishop.  He  was  ambitious,  secular,  and  arrogant.  He  loved 
state,  and,  as  he  allied  to  his  episcopal  dignity  a  civil  office,  to 
which  large  emoluments  were  attached,  he  became  the  possessor 
of  extensive  wealth.  In  his  episcopal  character  he  affected  the 
utmost  pomp  and  magnificence.  When  he  appeared  in  public 
he  was  seated  on  a  lofty  tribunal,  was  attended  by  a  multitude 
of  servants,  and  delighted  in  the  open  plaudits  by  which,  even 
in  the  church,  his  servile  followers  greeted  the  rounded  periods 
of  his  rhetorical  eloquence.     Charges  of   licentiousness  were 

*Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii. 


A.    D.    272,   AURELIAN    EMPEROR.  347 

brought  against  him,  and  he  was  accused  of  being  not  only  him- 
self immoral,  but  of  encouraging  his  presbyters  and  deacons  in 
the  same  practices.  The  influence  of  his  unbounded  popularity 
for  some  time  prevented  his  deposition.  But  the  detestation 
which  his  doctrine  and  life  alike  excited  triumphed  at  length 
over  the  favoritism  which  upheld  him,  and  he  was  deposed  from 
his  episcopal  rank,  to  make  room  for  a  more  worthy  bishop. 
Yet  till  Zenobia,  his  patroness,  was  herself  compelled  to  submit  to 
the  power  of  Aurelian,  he  was  always  sustained  by  that  unfor- 
tunate queen.  After  that  period  he  was  neglected  and  forgot- 
ten. A  party,  known  by  the  name  of  Paulinisti,  continued  for 
a  little  time  to  maintain  his  opinions ;  but  they  never  became 
important.  The  degradation  of  this  proud  and  boastful  lover  of 
himself  excited  no  sympathy  for  his  misfortunes,  and  his  dan- 
gerous but  superficial  doctrines  exerted  little  sway  after  the 
first  moment  of  his  popularity  was  passed. 

Up  to  this  time  (a.  d.  272),  Aurelian,  who  had  now  ascended 
the  imperial  throne,  had  befriended  Christianity.  But  he  was 
about  to  become  an  enemy,  like  his  predecessors,  when  death 
stopped  his  progress.  At  this  time  the  declension  of  the  church 
was  manifest.  The  outward  observances  of  religion  were  indeed 
maintained.  Churches  possessing  some  sj^lendor  of  external 
decoration  existed  in  the  larger  towns  and  cities ;  the  Christians 
acquired  wealth  and  achieved  political  distinction  ;  but  these 
things,  so  far  from  preventing,  probably  tended  to  hasten,  the 
decay  of  interior  and  vital  godliness.  Things  were  fast  tending 
to  the  state  which  justified  the  saying  of  a  pious  Christian  of 
the  age  of  Constantino,  "  Once  we  had  wooden  chalices  and 
golden  preachers  ;  now  we  have  golden  chalices  and  wooden 
preachers."  Ambition,  jealousy,  covetousness,  ease,  did  their 
work;  and  piety,  purity  and  zeal,  diminished  in  proportion. 
Though  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  emperor  was  at 
any  time  prepossessed  in  favor  of  Christianity,  he  yet  reposed 
for  some  time  considerable  trust  in  those  who  were  its  professors. 
But  the  influence  of  Galerius  (Diocletian's  son-in-law)  was  ex- 


348  CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 

erted  powerfully  against  the  Christian  cau^e ;  and  the  pagan 
priests,  who  beheld  their  craft  continually  and  increasingly 
endangered  by  the  progress  of  the  Christian  doctrine,  threw 
their  whole  weight  into  the  scale,  which  now  preponderated 
against  any  longer  toleration  of  the  followers  of  the  Nazarene. 
In  A.  D.  303  Aurelian  published  his  first  edict  against  Chris- 
tianity. It  was  speedily  followed  by  others  of  greater  strin- 
gency. 

But,  before  these  edicts  were  actually  issued,  some  occur- 
rences had  sufficiently  marked  the  tendencies  of  the  ruling 
powers.  In  Numidia  a  youth  named  Maximilianus  had  de- 
clined to  serve  as  a  soldier,  on  the  plea  that  he  was  a  Christian, 
and  had  refused  to  receive  the  badge  of  military  enlistment. 
The  proconsul  threatened  that  he  would  send  him  "  to  his 
Christ."  The  young  man  replied  that  such  an  honor  was  what 
he  most  coveted.  When  the  ensign  was  urged  upon  him  for  his 
acceptance,  the  youth  declared  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  take 
it.  He  was  therefore  sentenced  to  death  upon  the  plea  that  he 
had  traitorously  refused  military  service. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  instance  of  the  kind.  On  a  great  pub- 
lic occasion,  an  order  was  issued  that  all  the  soldiers  should 
observe  certain  sacrificial  ceremonials.  Some,  for  refusing,  were 
sentenced  to  death.  Among  the  rest,  one,  named  Marcellus, 
arose  from  the  jjublic  banquet,  and,  throwing  down  his  military 
insignia,  declared  that  from  that  moment  he  renounced  the  ser- 
vice.    He  also  sufiered  the  extreme  penalty. 

At  this  time  the  most  distinguished  minister  of  the  church 
was  Theodoras,  afterwards  called  Grregory,  Bishop  of  Neocoesa- 
rea,  in  Cappadocia.  The  traditions  of  the  church  assign  to 
him  the  performance  of  miracles  to  such  an  extent  as  to  have 
imparted  to  him  the  name  of  wonder-worker,  or  Thaumaturgus. 
This  servant  of  God  was  born  of  a  noble  family,  and  was  edu- 
cated in  the  Pagan  religion  ;  but  about  the  age  of  fourteen,  hav- 
ing then  lost  his  father  by  death,  he  began  to  open  his  eyes  to 
the  absurdity,   impurity  and  iniquity,  of  heatheuism.     In  the 


A.    D.    303,   AURELIAN    EMPEROR.  349 

studies  in  which  he  was  engaged  (he  was  receiving  an  education 
as  a  Cappadocian  barrister),  he  gave  promise  of  being  a  first- 
class  orator.  As  the  sister  of  Gregory  was  about  to  accompany 
her  husband  to  Palestine,  of  which  place  he  was  assessor,  Greg- 
ory and  his  brother  were  invited  to  accompany  them.  This 
movement  was  connected  with  important  results  to  their  future 
life. 

At  Csesarea  the  young  men  met  Origeu,  whom  the  persecu- 
tions of  Demetrius  had  driven  from  Alexandria,  and  who"  had  ^ 
now  a  temporary  school  in  Palestine.  Charmed  with  his  ad- 
dresses, and  won  by  the  reputation  of  so  great  a  man,  they 
resolved  to  hear  him.  Nor  was  this  the  impulse  of  the  moment 
only;  for  Origen  addressed  them  so  gently  and  wisely,  describ- 
ing always  under  the  name  of  true  philosophy  the  excellences 
and  virtues  of  the  Christian  religion,  that  they  were  caught  be- 
fore they  were  aware,  and  at  length  led  to  embrace  and  avow 
the  principles  of  gospel  truth.  They  remained  with  Origen 
till  the  persecutions  of  Maximian  drove  them  from  the  East. 

From  Palestine,  Gregory  went  to  Alexandria,  where  the  puri- 
ty of  his  life  shamed  the  other  students  with  whom  he  was 
associated,  and  provoked  them  to  excite  calumnies  against  him, 
as  short-lived,  however,  as  they  were  untrue.  He  remained  at 
Alexandria  till  Origen  was  able  to  resume  his  school  at  Ctesarea, 
where  he  again  joined  him.  and  was  perhaps  one  of  those  whom 
Origen  baptized.  At  length  the  brothers  took  leave  of  their 
beloved  and  venerable  instructor.  Origen's  interest  in  them 
did  not  cease  with  their  removal  from  his  presence  ;  he  wrote 
to  them,  especially  to  Gregory,  earnestly  advising  him  to  yield 
to  God  the  learning  and  talents  with  which  he  was  endowed,  as 
the  Jews  consecrated  the  spoils  of  the  Egyptians  to  the  erection 
of  the  tabernacle  in  the  wilderness.  Instead,  therefore,  of  taking 
the  place  of  honor  and  renown  which  his  friends  expected,  Greg- 
ory renounced  all ;  and,  the  better  to  fit  himself  for  his  studies, 
and  in  accordance  with  the  ascetic  spirit  which  now  exerted  its 
influence  on  the  church,  he   retired  fropi  the  world  into  solitude, 


350  CAPPADOCIA   AND    GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 

that  he  might  deepen  and  strengthen  his  piety,  zeal,  and  forti- 
tude. At  the  same  time  he  resisted  every  endeavor  to  draw  him 
from  his  retirement  into  the  scenes  and  duties  of  a  more  active 
life.  But  at  length,  being  greatly  pressed,  he  consented  to  be- 
come Bishop  of  Neocaesarea,  on  condition  of  his  being  allowed 
a  suitable  time  for  preparatory  exercises.  The  manner  of  his 
appointment  was  somewhat  singular.  The  Bishop  of  Amasia 
had  for  some  time  desired  to  ordain  him  to  the  presidency  of  the 
church  of  Neocsesarea ;  but,  aware  of  his  intentions,  Gregory 
eluded  his  search.  At  length  the  bishop  took  the  bold  step  of 
instituting  and  ordaining  Gregory,  though  absent  and  uncon- 
scious of  the  transaction.  When  this  was  done  Gregory  under- 
took the  office,  which  he  filled  with  singular  energy  and  efficien- 
cy. On  his  first  appointment  there  were  only  seventeen  Chris- 
tians in  Neocaesarea,  though  the  city  was  large,  and  the  number 
of  its  inhabitants  very  great.  But  at  the  end  of  his  ministry 
his  belief  was,  that,  notwithstanding  all  the  oppressions  and  out- 
rages to  which,  under  the  Decian  persecution,  his  flock  had  been 
exposed,  there  were  only  seventeen  persons  in  the  city  who  were 
not  Christians.  But  it  must  be  observed  with  regard  to  these 
statements,  as  well  as  to  some  that  follow,  that  almost  every  re- 
lation seems  to  have  been  sharpened  or  pointed  to  accord  with 
the  wonder-working  character  of  this  saint.  Some  specimens 
of  his  miracles  may  now  be  given.  We  must  only  request  the 
reader  to  observe  that  they  stand  recorded  on  the  authority  of 
Gregory  of  Nyssen,  who  lived  nearly  a  hundred  years  after  his 
namesake.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  how,  in  the  course  of  that 
time,  and  with  all  the  predispositions  of  the  church  to  believe 
in  the  extraordinary  without,  rather  than  in  the  spiritual  within, 
similar  miracles  should  have  been  little  sifted  as  to  their  evi- 
dence, and  grossly  exaggerated  in  their  detail.  If  the  appetite 
of  the  public  for  such  marvels  were  in  the  nineteenth  centui-y 
as  eager  as  the  inclination  of  the  Romish  Church  to  manufacture 
them  is  strong,  we  might  still  have  a  series  t:)f  wonders  which, 
fifty  years  hence,   might  pass  for  miracles  of  the  first  order. 


A.  D.  303,  AURELIAN   EMPEROR.  351 

We  relate  the  following,  and  leave  the  reader  to  estimate  them 
at  their  true  value  : 

Once,  as  Grregory  was  going  out  of  the  city  to  regain  his 
beloved  wilderness,  a  violent  storm  compelled  him  to  take 
refuge  in  a  heathen  temple,  then  held  in  high  repute  for  its 
divinations  and  oracles.  On  entering  within  its  enclosure,  the 
saint  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  several  times  in  the  air,  which 
was  the  usual  formula  for  the  driving  away  of  evil  spirits. 
Afterwards  he  spent  the  night  within  the  shrine.  When  he 
had  departed,  and  the  priest  came  as  usual  to  consult  his  gods, 
he  received  for  answer  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  any 
longer  to  stay  in  the  temple,  after  the  exorcism  performed  by 
the  stranger  on  the  previous  night.  The  priest  incanted  with 
all  his  power,  but  in  vain ;  and  at  length  he  went  to  seek 
Gregory,  and  to  threaten  him  with  all  the  severities  of  the  civil 
power  if  he  did  not  bring  the  gods  back  again  to  their  fane. 
The  saint  told  him,  with  the  utmost  nonchalance,  that  he  could 
drive  away  or  could  summon  all  demons  at  his  pleasure.  When 
the  pagan  asked  for  a  proof  of  this,  Gregory  sent  him  back  to 
his  temple  with  a  small  piece  of  paper,  on  which  he  had  written 
"  Satan,  reenter  !  "  When  this  was  laid  upon  the  altar,  the 
responses  of  the  oracle  were  as  distinct  as  before.  Amazed  and 
confounded,  the  priest  went  back  to  Gregory,  and  begged  for 
instruction  in  the  principles  of  so  divine  a  religion.  This 
Gregory  cheerfully  granted,  and  the  heathen  priest  listened  with 
admiration  to  the  instructions  of  the  saint.  But  when  Thauma- 
turgus  expounded  the  doctrine  of  the  incarnation,  all  the  incre- 
dulity of  his  heathen  disciple  was  aroused,  and  he  declared  that 
such  a  statement  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  believe.  The 
manner  in  which  Gregory  convinced  his  understanding  was 
short  and  summary.  He  challenged  the  priest  to  point  to  one 
of  the  numerous  stones  about  them,  and  to  declare  the  place  to 
which  he  would  have  it  removed.  The  heathen  did  so,  and  the 
stone  was  instantly  transported  to  the  spot.  Whereupon  the 
priest  renounced  his  profession,  and  gave  himself  up  to  the 


352  CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 

teachings  of  so  powerful  a  master.  —  The  church  in  which  G-regory 
preached  was  so  sacred  that,  whilst  neighboring  structures  were 
demolished  in  the  persecutions  of  Diocletian,  and  scarcely  any 
edifice  in  its  vicinity  escaped  the  ravages  of  a  destructive  earth- 
quake, not  a  stone  of  it  was  touched.  A  river  which  passed 
under  the  walls  of  Neocaesarea  often  overflowed  its  banks,  and 
caused  extensive  desolations.  Gregory,  fixing  his  stafi"  near  the 
bank,  prayed  that  the  waters  might  never  be  permitted  to  pass 
it  more.  The  staff  became  a  large  tree  ;  by  the  time  of  Gregory 
of  Nyssen  the  waters  had  never  reached  it.  —  Two  clever  but 
unprincipled  Jews  endeavored  to  extort  money  from  Thauma- 
turgus  by  false  pretences.  One  of  them  feigned  to  be  dead, 
and  the  other  begged  money  for  his  burial.  The  bishop  took 
his  coat  and  cast  it  over  the  prostrate  man  ;  when  the  other, 
rejoicing  over  the  success  of  his  fraud,  lifted  the  covering  from 
his  companion,  he  found  him  dead  !  —  The  possession  of  a  lake 
"was  a  point  in  dispute  between  two  brothers,  who  were  about 
to  have  recourse  to  arms,  if,  perchance,  they  might  settle  their 
dispute.  To  prevent  bloodshed,  Gregory  spent  a  night  in  prayer, 
and,  at  his  intercession,  the  lake  became  dry  land.  —  A  neigh- 
boring city  wanted  a  bishop,  and  Gregory  was  invited  to  assist 
at  his  election.  The  inclination  of  the  church  was  to  choose, 
that  he  might  fill  this  ojfice,  some  person  possessed  of  riches  and 
worldly  influence ;  but  Gregory  told  them  that  so  important  a 
trust  demanded  much  higher  qualifications  than  these,  and 
advised  them  to  elect  as  their  bishop  Alexander,  a  collier  in 
their  neighborhood.  This  man  was  brought  before  the  church, 
and  Gregory,  putting  many  questions  to  him,  received  such 
answers  as  eminently  displayed  his  wisdom  and  sanctity.  He 
then  inquired  of  the  collier  who  he  was,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
confess  that,  instigated  by  the  fear  of  God,  he  had  left  his 
station  and  his  books,  and  had  adopted  the  self-mortification  of 
working  for  his  bread.  It  may  be  observed,  with  respect  to  the 
latter   story,   that  though  it  is  related  as   an   illustration  of 


A.  D.    303,   AURELIAN    EMPEROR.  353 

Gregory's  miraculous  discernment,  it  might  easily  have  hap- 
pened without  any  supernatural  intervention. 

Among  the  remnants  of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  is  a  creed  said  to 
have  been  delivered  to  him  at  the  beginning  of  his  ministry  by 
St.  John  the  Evangelist  and  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who  appeared 
to  him  in  a  vision.  Upon  their  departure,  he  committed  to 
writing  the  words  they  had  revealed.  It  is  thus  rendered  by 
Dr.  Waterland,  who  cites  it  as  illustrative  of  the  Ante-Nicene 
belief  in  the  Trinity,  avowing,  however,  his  suspicion  that  the 
words  in  brackets  are  a  marginal  gloss  which  has  become  incor- 
rectly incorporated  with  the  text. 

"  There  is  one  God,  Father  of  the  Living  Word,  the  sub- 
stantial Wisdom  and  Power  and  Eternal  Express  Image  ;  Per- 
fect Parent  of  one  Perfect,  Father  of  the  Only  Begotten  Son. 
There  is  one  Lord,  One  of  One,  God  of  God,  the  express  Char- 
acter and  Image  of  the  Godhead,  the  Effective  Word,  the 
Wisdom  that  grasps  the  system  of  the  Universe,  and  the  Power 
that  made  every  creature,  True  Son  of  the  True  Father,  In- 
visible of  Invisible,  Incorruptible  of  Incorruptible,  Immortal  of 
Immortal,  and  Eternal  of  Eternal.  And  there  is  one  Holy 
Ghost,  having  his  subsistence  from  God,  and  shining  forth  by 
the  Son  [to  mankind].  Perfect  Image  of  the  Perfect  Son,  Life 
causal  of  all  living,  the  Holy  Fountain,  Essential  Sanctity, 
Author  of  all  sanctification,  in  whom  God  the  Father  is  mani- 
fested, who  is  above  all  and  in  all ;  and  God  the  Son,  who  is 
through  all.  A  perfect  Trinity,  undivided,  unseparated  in 
glory,  eternity,  and  dominion.  There  is,  therefore,  nothing 
created  or  servile  in  this  Trinity,  nothing  adventitious  that  once 
was  not  and  came  in  after  ;  for  the  Father  was  never  without 
the  Son,  nor  the  Son  without  the  Spirit ;  but  this  Trinity  abides 
the  same,  unchangeable  and  invariable  forever." 

Besides  other  productions,  Gregory  wrote  a  canonical  epistle, 
having  reference  to  the  time  which  followed  the  Gothic  invasion 
of  Asia  under  Gallienus,  and  intended  to  afford  directions  amidst 
30* 


354  CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY   THAUMATURGUS. 

the  disorders  and  perplexities  consequent  upon  such  a  desolation. 
It  is  mainly  devoted  to  directions  for  administering  penance. 
It  declares,  for  instance,  that  captives,  whether  men  or  women, 
were  not  to  be  regarded  as  responsible  for  deeds  which  they 
had  been  forcibly  compelled  to  perform  ;  that  those  who  had 
laid  hands  on  the  property  of  captives  during  their  absence 
should  be  compelled  to  make  restitution  ;  that  those  who  had 
detained  as  captives  men  already  liberated  from  the  barbarians 
were  worthy  of  execration ;  that  if  any  had  united  with  the 
barbarians  in  outraging  or  murdering  the  Christians,  they  should 
not  even  be  permitted  to  hear  the  gospel ;  that  if  any  had 
broken  open  a  house,  he  should  undergo  the  same  punishment 
unless  he  made  a  voluntary  confession,  &c.  &c.  At  the  same 
time,  four  degrees  of  penance  are  distinguished.  The  first  was 
performed  by  standing  at  the  doors  of  the  church,  and  entreat- 
ing, with  tears  and  lamentations,  the  prayers  of  those  who 
entered  in  to  worship.  The  second  admitted  into  the  church, 
but  compelled  the  penitent  to  be  placed  among  the  catechumens. 
The  third  admitted  him  to  the  body  of  the  church,  but  com- 
manded him  to  retire  when  the  catechumens  did.  The  last, 
which  is  probably  an  addition  subsequent  to  the  times  of 
Gregory,  admitted  to  the  church,  to  the  body  of  believers,  and 
to  the  sacraments,  but  enjoined  a  standing  posture.^ 

Gregory  Thaumaturgus  was  one  of  the  bishops  constituting 
the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.  d.  265,  by  which  Paul  of  Samosata 
was  deposed.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  last  public  act  of 
his  life.  Neocaesarea,  the  place  of  his  residence,  became  after- 
wards the  seat  of  an  archbishopric. 

The  description  given  by  Basil  of  Grregory  Thaumaturgus  is 
very  enthusiastic.  He  speaks  of  him  as  a  man  of  a  most  apos- 
tolical temper,  distinguished  for  his  piety  and  devoutness.  He 
tells  us  that  he  always  prayed  with  his  head  bare;  that  he 
never  called  hU  brother  fool ;  that  he  never  exceeded  yea  and 

*  Dupin's  Eccl.  Hist, 


A.  D.    303,    AURELIAN    EMPEROR.  355 

naj  ;  and  that  he  hated  all  that  was  untrue,  jDroud,  wrathful 
and  slandering. 

Gregory  Thaumaturgus  is,  however,  one  of  those  bishops  who 
have  been  not  unjustly  charged  with  adding  not  a  little  to  the 
ceremonials  of  religion,  under  the  impression  that  by  such 
means  the  heathen  would  more  readily  allow  themselves  to  be 
guided  by  Christianity.  In  illustration  of  this,  Mosheim  quotes 
a  passage  from  his  life,  as  follows  : 

"  When  Gregory  perceived  that  the  ignorant  multitude  per- 
sisted in  their  idolatry  on  account  of  the  pleasures  and  sensual 
gratifications  which  they  enjoyed  at  the  pagan  festivals,  he 
granted  them  a  permission  to  indulge  themselves  in  the  like 
pleasures  in  celebrating  the  memory  of  the  iioly  martyrs,  hoping 
that,  in  process  of  time,  they  would  return,  of  their  own  accord, 
to  a  more  virtuous  and  regular  course  of  life." 

On  which  Mosheim  remarks  : 

"  There  is  no  sort  of  doubt  that,  by  this  permission,  Gregory 
allowed  the  Christians  to  dance,  sport,  and  feast  at  the  tombs 
of  the  martyrs  upon  their  respective  festivals,  and  to  do  every- 
thing which  the  Pagans  were  accustomed  to  do  in  their  temples 
during  the  feasts  celebrated  in  honor  of  their  gods.''^ 

Such  appliances  as  these,  too  faithfully  copied  in  subsequent 
ages  of  the  church,  have  been  fraught  with  disaster  and  ruin  to 
the  cause  of  personal  and  spiritual  religion.  By  such  conform- 
ities the  world  has  sacrificed  nothing,  whilst  the  cl^urch  has  lost 
everything.  Instead  of  being  won  by  such  concessions,  they 
have  often  provoked  the  heathen  remark,  repeated  in  diff'erent 
forms  even  in  our  own  times,  when  the  practices  of  the  Church 
of  Rome  have  been  in  question,  —  that  it  was  difiicult  to  discern 
the  distinction  between  the  Christianity  so  exhibited  and  hea- 
thenism itself,  except  that  the  names  were  difi"erent  and  the  ritual 
costume  a  little  varied.  The  next  age  will  supply  to  the  observer 
abundant  illustrations  of  the  fearful  extent  to  which  such  ac- 
commodations were  carried. 

♦  Mosheim,  Eccl.  Hist.,  ch.  iv. 


356 


CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 


Among  other  cities  in  which  about  this  time  the  profession 
of  the  Christian  religion  appears  to  have  been  largely  made,  we 
must  not  omit  to  mention  the  celebrated  Tyre.  This  renowned 
"  empress  of  the  seas,"  as  it  was  termed,  after  its  destruction 
by  Alexander  the  Great,  was  partially  restored,  though  its 
rival,  Alexandria,  prevented  it  from  regaining  any  considerable 
importance. 


Beyond  the  fact  of  its  having  become  a  station  of  Christians, 
we  know  little  of  its  history  during  this  century,  though  its 
name  is  frequently  mentioned  at  a  subsequent  period  by  eccle- 
siastical historians. 

In  the  year  284,  Diocletian,  then  somewhat  advanced  in  life, 
sat  upon  the  throne  of  the  Caesars.  He  was  a  man  whose 
wickedness  was  the  oflFspring  and  result  of  his  weakness,  and 
was  by  birth  the  son  of  a  scrivener  or  of  a  slave.  At  this 
time,  as,  indeed,  its  credulity  proves,  the  church  was  in  a  state 


A.  D.  285,    DIOCLETIAN    EMPEROR.  357 

of  great  spiritual  declension.     A  repose  of  nearly  fifty  years 
had  added  little  to  the  vigor  and  zeal  of  the  Christians. 

Diocletian's  persecution  commenced  with  the  most  decisive 
vigor.  The  Terminalia,  a  great  pagan  festival,  was  chosen  as 
the  time  of  its  initiation.  Churches  were  entered ;  copies  of 
the  gospel  seized ;  the  meetings  of  Christians  forbidden ;  the 
holding  of  high  offices  prohibited  to  those  who  were  followers 
of  Jesus ;  and  even  slaves  declared  unfit  for  freedom;  so  long 
as  they  bore  the  name  of  Him  who  had  died  upon  the  cross  for 
the  sins  of  men.  Everything,  in  short  was  done  which  could 
be  done  to  realize  the  legend  of  a  coin  which  was  already 
struck,  bearing  the  inscription,  "The  name  of  Christianity 
being  abolished."  The  effort  was  to  annihilate  Christianity  by 
one  simultaneous  blow.  One  circumstance  peculiarly  marked 
this  persecution  —  the  attempt  to  destroy  the  Christian  religion 
by  exterminating  all  the  sacred  writings.  But  many  of  the 
magistrates  did  not  concur  cheerfully  in  the  efi"orts  of  the  ruling 
powers.  A  singular  expedient  was  adopted  at  this  time  by 
Mensurius,  Bishop  of  Carthage.  He  removed  all  the  precious 
manuscripts  from  his  church,  and  left  in  their  stead  a  collection 
of  the  writings  of  heretics,  which  were  seized.  Annulinus,  the 
proconsul,  was  informed  of  this  device,  but  declined  to  make 
search  in  the  house  of  the  bisliop  for  the  true  writings.  It 
appears  that  this  was  not  the  only  occasion  on  which  the  officers 
of  justice  were  deceived  by  the  substitution  of  false  writings 
for  the  true.  Those  who  gave  up  their  sacred  manuscripts,  in 
order  to  make  peace  with  the  heathen  magistrates,  were  branded 
with  the  name  of  Traditores,  and  excommunicated  from  the 
church.  But  many,  especially  in  Africa,  solicited  martyrdom 
in  a  manner  which  did  not  always  reflect  the  highest  credit  on 
the  purity  of  their  motives.  Implicated  in  criminal  transactions, 
or  ambitious  of  being  objects  of  veneration,  some  are  recorded 
to  have  sought  a  death  which,  in  the  days  of  the  church's  best 
prosperity,  had  been  received  with  far  diflPerent  motives.  Men- 
surius, therefore,  refused  to  many  of  these  the  honor  of  being 


858  CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY   THAUMATURGUS. 

placed  amongst  the  ranks  of  Christian  martyrs.  One  or  two 
narratives  of  a  better  order  are  worthy  of  being  presented  to 
the  reader. 

A  band  of  Christians  were  seized  in  Numidia,  whilst  assem- 
bled for  purposes  of  worship,  and  were  brought  down  to  Car- 
thage, singing  hymns  on  their  way.  The  torture  was  applied  to 
extort  confessions  from  them.  One  in  his  pangs  cried  out, 
"  Ye  do  wrong,  unhappy  men!  ye  lacerate  the  innocent  =^  ^  ^ 
I  thank  thee,  0  Lord.  Give  me  strength  to  suffer  in  Thy 
name.  =^  =^  =^  It  appears,  —  the  eternal,  the  incorruptible 
kingdom !  0,  Lord  Christ !  we  are  Christians ;  we  are  Thy 
servants.  Thou  art  our  hope."  When  reminded  that  he  ought 
to  have  obeyed  the  law  of  the  emperor,  he  cried  out,  in  the 
severity  of  his  tortures,  "  I  reverence  no  other  law  but  that 
which  I  have  learned  of  Grod  —  for  this  law  I  am  ready  to  die. 
There  is  no  other  law."  A  second,  when  asked  under  the  ques- 
tion, "  Have  you  any  sacred  writings  in  your  house  ?  "  replied, 
"  I  have  sacred  writings,  but  they  are  in  my  heart."  A  brother 
of  a  third  of  the  victims,  whose  name  was  Victoria,  and  who 
was  a  Christian  maiden,  endeavored  to  save  his  sister  by 
declaring  that  she  was  not  in  her  right  mind.  She  persisted, 
however,  in  maintaining  that  she  knew  her  own  mind  well,  and 
that  she  was  resolved  to  suffer  with  the  Christians,  Amongst 
the  rest  was  a  little  boy,  named  Hilarinus,  who  cried  out  to  his 
persecutors,  with  a  heroic  courage  worthy  of  riper  years,  "  Do 
what  you  please;  I  am  a  Christian." 

Among  the  martyrs  who  signalized  on  this  occasion  their 
Christian  faith  and  fortitude,  Eusebius  makes  mention  of  one 
whom  he  selects  as  a  specimen  of  the  rest.  We  shall  give  the 
account  in  his  own  words.  It  relates  to  a  Christian  named 
Peter. 

*'  Being  therefore  commanded  to  sacrifice,  as  he  refused,  it 
was  ordered  that  naked  he  should  be  lifted  on  high  and  scourged 
with  rods  over  his  whole  body,  until  he  should  be  reduced  to 
subjection,  and  willing  to  do  what  was  commanded.     As  he  was 


A.  D.  285,    DIOCLETIAN   EMPEROR.  359 

unchanged  by  these  suffermgs,  though  his  bones  were  already 
laid  bare,  vinegar  was  mixed  with  salt,  and  poured  upon  the 
mangled  parts  of  his  body.  When  these  torments  were  boinc, 
they  put  a  gridiron  and  fire  into  the  midst  of  the  people,  and 
the  flesh  of  his  body  was  placed  in  the  fire,  like  meat  for  cook- 
ing and  eating  —  not  all  at  once,  lest  he  should  expire  soon,  but 
little  by  little,  and  his  tormentors  were  forbidden  to  cease,  lest, 
after  such  sufierings,  he  should  expire  before  they  had  finished 
their  task.  But  he,  with  closed  teeth,  maintaining  his  purpose, 
yielded  his  life,  victorious  over  all  their  tortures."  =^ 

A  fire  which  had  broken  out  in  the  emperor's  palace  at  Nico- 
media,  attributed  by  some  to  Galerius,  but  most  probably  the 
effect  of  lightning,  afforded  a  new  pretext  for  increasing  the 
severity  of  this  persecution.  Burning,  the  axe,  the  water,  were 
vigorously  employed  against  the  Christians.  In  Palestine, 
where  some  intestine  commotions  had  broken  forth,  Christians 
were  subjected  to  great  outrages. 

This  severe  persecution  reached  Britain,  then  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  Constantius  Chlorus ;  and  though  it  derived  from 
him  no  new  severity,  was  bitterly  felt  in  these  remote  islands, 
especially  in  some  of  the  south-midland  districts.  Among  those 
who  suffered  at  this  time  was  Alban,  the  proto-martyr  of  Britain, 
who  has  given  his  name  to  a  celebrated  town  in  Hertfordshire, 
then  called  Verulam,  of  which  he  was  a  distinguished  citizen  ; 
Amphibalus,  who  lived  in  the  vicinity  ;  and  Aaron  and  Julius, 
in  Monmouthshire.  A  short  notice  of  Alban  may  be  inter- 
esting to  the  reader. 

Alban  was  born  of  pagan  parents.  In  his  youth  he  went  to 
Rome  (to  visit  which  was,  in  pagan  times,  as  now,  a  part  of  a 
polite  education),  accompanied  by  Amphibalus,  a  devotee  of 
C^erleon,  who,  by  his  conversation,  had  been  the  means  of  con- 
verting Alban  from  the  errors  of  paganism.  When  the  perse- 
cution commenced.  Amphibalus  sought  refuge  in  the  house  of 

*  Euseb.  1.  viii.  6. 


360  CAPPADOCIA    AND   GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 

Alban,  who  was  not  yet  known  to  be  a  Christian.  A  party  of 
soldiers  was  sent  to  apprehend  the  guest,  and  to  bring  him  before 
the  preetor.  Alban,  having  learned  their  intentions,  clothed 
himself  in  the  garments  of  Amphibalus,  and  presented  himself 
in  the  place  of  his  friend.  When  he  arrived  before  the  tri- 
bunal, the  magistrate,  who  was  at  the  moment  engaged  in  sacri- 
ficing to  the  gods,  recognized  Alban,  and  said,  "  Because 'thou 
hast  chosen  to  conceal  a  sacrilegious  person  and  a  blasphemer 
rather  than  deliver  him  up  to  the  just  reward  of  his  blasphemy, 
the  punishment  due  to  him  shall  be  inflicted  on  thee,  if  thou 
refusest  to  comply  with  the  ceremonies  of  our  religion."  Alban 
boldly  declared  that  he  would  not  obey  the  commands  of  the 
judge.  The  praetor  inquired  what  was  his  family.  "  To  what 
purpose,"  said  Alban,  "  do  you  ask  respecting  my  family  ?  If 
you  would  know  my  religion,  I  am  a  Christian!  "  The  magis- 
trate then  asked  his  name.  "  My  name,"  said  he,  "  is  Alban, 
and  I  worship  the  only  living  and  true  God,  who  created  all 
things."  "  If,"  said  the  prjetor,  "  you  would  enjoy  the  happi- 
ness of  eternal  life,  delay  not  to  sacrifice  to  the  great  gods." 
"  The  sacrifices  you  ofi^er,"  said  Alban,  "  are  made  to  devils  ; 
they  cannot  help  the  needy,  or  grant  the  petitions  of  their  sup- 
pliants." The  judge,  now  beyond  measure  enraged,  commanded 
the  holy  confessor  to  be  beaten,  hoping  by  this  severity  to  shake 
his  constancy ;  but,  finding  all  his  endeavors  ineffectual,  he 
ordered  him  to  be  led  to  immediate  execution. 

The  narrations  of  the  death  of  Alban  are  given  by  Gildas  and 
Bede  with  every  garnish  of  miraculous  accompaniment.  The 
tale,  as  told  by  them,  is  the  following.  The  reader  will  have 
no  difl&culty  in  dismissing,  as  altogether  fabulous,  such  hearsay 
narrations. 

When  Alban  was  sentenced,  so  large  a  multitude  (says  the 
legend)  attended  him  to  his  place  of  execution,  that  the  judge 
was  left  almost  alone.  Before  the  place  of  beheading  could  be 
reached,  it  was  necessary  to  cross  the  riv«r,  which  was  very 
rapid,  by  a  bridge  so  narrow  as  that  the  large  multitude  would 


A.    D.    285,    DIOCLETIAN    EMPEKOU.  3G1 

have  required  almost  a  day  to  traverse  it ;  and,  us  to  wait  for 
them  would  delay  for  so  long  a  season  the  crown  he  lon^red  for, 
Alban  offered  a  short  prayer,  at  which  the  stream  was  divided, 
permitting  the  confessor  and  his  spectators  to  pass  over  without 
danger.  This  miracle  converted  the  executioner  himself,  and 
caused  him  to  refuse  to  do  his  bloody  work.  A  delay  accord- 
ingly occurred ;  for  it  v/as  necessary  to  seek  for  a  new  execu- 
tioner. Alban  ascended  a  hill  near  the  tower,  but,  as  he  was 
overcome  with  thirst,  a  fountain  rose  up  at  his  prayer,  for  his 
solace,  xifter  some  delay,  a  new  executioner  was  found,  who 
struck  off  St.  Alban's  head.  But  the  severed  head  and  the  exe- 
cutioner's eyes  fell  to  the  ground  at  the  same  time.  Most  of  the 
spectators  were  converted  by  this  judgment ;  and  the  greater 
part  of  them  were  slain  for  their  faith.  The  judge  was  so  much 
impressed  by  the  courage  and  constancy  of  the  martyr  of  Yeru- 
1am,  that  he  gave  orders  for  the  cessation  of  the  persecution. 

The  history  of  St.  Alban,  rejecting  its  miraculous  accompan- 
iments, is  perhaps  the  most  ancient  record,  on  which  any  reliance 
can  be  placed,  of  the  progress  of  Christianity  in  these  islands. 

This  persecution  of  Diocletian  appears  to  have  found  much 
material  in  Britain.  The  following  are  the  remarks  of  Gildas, 
who,  with  Bede,  and  other  writers  of  the  dark  ages  was  sufl5- 
ciently  credulous  as  to  miraculous  interpositions  : 

"  Though  Christ's  precepts  were  received  at  firs,  lukewarmly 
by  the  inhabitants,  yet  they  remained  entirely  with  some,  and 
less  sincerely  with  others,  until  the  nine  years'  persecution  of 
the  tyrant  Diocletian,  in  which  the  churches  were  overturned 
throughout  the  whole  world,  and  all  the  sacred  Scriptures  that 
could  be  found  were  burned  in  the  streets,  and  the  chosen  shep- 
herds of  God's  flock  butchered  with  their  innocent  sheep,  so  that 
(as  far  as  could  possibly  be)  in  some  provinces  no  vestige  ap- 
peared of  the  Christian  religion.  Then  how  many  spectacles 
there  were;  how  many  human  massacres;  how  many  various  pun- 
ishments of  death  ;  how  many  ruins  of  apostolical  faith ;  how 
many  crowns  of  glorious  martyrdom  !  The  mercy  of  God  was 
81 


362  CAPPADOCIA    AND    GREGORY    THAUMATURGUS. 

then  magnified  toward  us,  willing  that  all  men  should  be  saved, 
and  calling,  not  only  sinners,  but  those  who  thought  themselves 
just,  to  repentance.  Those  who  remained  hid  themselves  in 
deserts  and  caves  of  the  woods,  expecting  that  safety  from  God 
which  they  could  not  obtain  from  their  severe  butchers."  We 
learn  also  from  Bede  that  at  this  time  "  many  of  both  sexes  in 
different  places  underwent  the  most  cruel  and  unheard-of  tor- 
tures, being  lacerated  in  all  their  members,  and  dismissed,  with 
joyful  spirits,  to  the  regions  above." 

The  narratives  of  this  persecution  abound  with  incidents  of 
the  most  agonizing  cruelties,  mixed,  however,  with  marvels 
which,  originating  at  a  time  when  pious  frauds  were  avowedly 
resorted  to,  must  be  received  with  great  caution.  Such  are 
the  stories  related  by  Eusebius,  of  wild  animals  who  instantly 
destroyed  other  victims,  but  who  were  held  back  by  a  divine 
interposition  from  advancing  upon  those  Christians  who  held 
themselves  in  the  form  of  the  cross,  though  the  beasts  were 
goaded  with  red-hot  irons,  and  showed  their  impatience  by  tear- 
ing the  earth  with  their  feet.  Many  barbarities  were  practised 
in  Tyre.  The  flesh  was  torn  from  their  bones  ;  they  were  tor- 
tured by  the  rack  ;  underwent  the  most  cruel  scourgings  ;  were 
burned ;  were  drowned  in  the  sea  ;  were  exhausted  by  famine, 
or  crucified,  in  some  cases  with  their  heads  downward. 

The  Thebaid  of  Egypt  was  remarkable  for  the  violent  out- 
rages there  committed.  Naked  bodies  were  tied  to  trees  till 
death  released  them  from  their  sufferings ;  or  wer«  torn  in 
pieces  by  ropes,  each  affixed  to  trees  forcibly  bent  towards  each 
other,  then  being  suddenly  permitted  to  relapse  into  their  orig- 
inal position.  These  and  similar  tortures  continued  during 
several  years. 

"At  one  time,"  says  Eusebius,  "ten  or  more,  at  another 
more  than  twenty,  at  another  time  not  less  than  thirty,  and  even 
sixty ;  and  again,  at  another  time,  a  hundred  men,  with  their 
wives  and  little  children,  were  slain  in  on6  day,  whilst  they 
were  condemned  to  many  and  various  punishments.     We  our- 


A.  D.    285,    DIOCLETIAN   EMPEROR. 


363 


selves  have  observed,  when  on  the  spot,  many  crowded  together 
in  one  day,  some  suffering  decapitation,  some  the  torments  of 
flames ;  so  that  the  inarderous  weapon  was  completely  blunted, 
and,  having  lost  its  edge,  broke  in  pieces ;  and  the  executioners 
themselves,  wearied  with  slaughter,  were  obliged  to  relieve  each 
other."  ^  The  historian  relates,  with  the  authority  of  a  per- 
sonal witness,  the  constancy  and  unflinching  courage  with  which 
many  of  these  martyrs  bore  their  sufferings. 


CONSTANTINE   THE   GREAT. 

Alexandria,  Phrygia,  Arabia,  Cappadocia  and  Antioch,  fur- 
nished also  their  contingents  to  this  fearful  history.  Eusebius 
mentions  the  case  of  a  matron  and  her  daughters  at  the  last 
place,  who,  to  avoid  the  injury  to  which  they  were  exposed, 

*  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  ix. 


364  CONCLUSION. 

threw  themselves  into  the  river.  Nor  does  he  add  to  this  recital 
any  note  of  reprobation.  Pontus  witnessed  some  refinements 
of  torture.  Sharp  reeds  thrust  under  the  nails,  boiling  lead 
poured  down  the  back,  eyes  torn  out  of  the  head,  and  their 
vacancies  cauterized  with  burning  irons,  are  among  the  devices 
related  by  Eusebius  as  having  occurred  in  this  place. 

The  last  burst  of  this  tremendous  storm  occurred  in  the  year 
304.  The  inhabitants  were  summoned  into  the  temples  by  pub- 
lic proclamation ;  their  names  being  read  from  prepared  lists, 
and  those  who  were  ascertained  to  be  Christians  were  imme- 
diately apprehended.  Amidst  the  violence  of  this  outbreak 
Diocletian  died,  and  Constantius  Chlorus  and  Galerius  divided 
between  them  the  Roman  empire.  A  new  train  of  events  was, 
by  the  providence  of  God,  in  progress,  and  the  severity  of  the 
recent  persecution  exercised  no  unimportant  influence  on  the 
events  which  followed.  By  what  means  these  desolating  rava- 
ges, which  had  so  peculiarly  affected  the  East,  were  stayed  ; 
how  the  church,  so  long  trodden  down  beneath  the  feet  of  power, 
became  suddenly  elevated  and  distinguished ;  and  how  its  exter- 
nal grandeur  added  nothing  to  the  purity,  the  vitality,  or  the 
zeal,  of  that  body  which  had  once  been  properly  called  the 
church  of  God,  will  be  already  known  to  every  reader  who  is 
familiar  with  the  annals  of  Constantine  the  Great. 


The  course  of  history  through  which  the  reader  has  been  now 
conducted  may  justify  a  few  concluding  observations. 

No  considerate  mind  can  look  without  wonder  and  adoration 
at  the  progress  of  a  system  such  as  Christianity,  which,  rising 
as  it  did  in  the  midst  of  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world,  when 
opinions  were  mature,  when  criticism  was  acute,  w^hen  learning 
was  profound,  and  when  there  existed  no  possibility  that  its  first 
advance  could  be  hidden  in  obscurity,  achieved,  in  the  face  of 
opposition  the  most  deadly,  and  of  dangers  the  most  imminent, 
such  extraordinary  and  extensive  success.     Borrowing  nothing 


CONCLUSION.  365 

from  heathenism,  which  it  micompromisingly  opposed  ;  and  ex- 
citing in  the  strongest  form  the  enmity  of  Judaism,  by  declar- 
ing the  continuance  of  its  system  unnecessary  and  injurious; 
boasting  of  no  name  except  one  which  the  Greek  and  the  Jew 
alike  pronounced  to  be  either  ridiculous  or  disgraceful ;  and  pur- 
sued from  its  commencement  by  a  storm  so  furious  as  to  be  un- 
paralleled in  the  history  of  human  progress :  it  yet  rose  till  it 
awakened  attention,  till  it  made  itself  known  and  felt,  and  by 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century  had  spread  itself  over  considera- 
ble portions  of  Asia,  Europe  and  Africa,  —  over  a  large  area, 
in  fact,  of  the  then  known  world.  Before  it  philosophy  and 
science  shrank  away ;  prejudices  and  prepossessions,  though  of 
the  most  ancient  date,  disappeared ;  the  imperial  power  of  the 
most  astonishing  of  the  ancient  empires  became  confounded; 
threats  could  not  terrify  it;  ridicule  could  not  render  it  con- 
temptible ;  prisons  could  not  confine  it ;  chains  could  not  bind 
it ;  fire  could  not  burn  it ;  death  could  not  destroy  it.  It  pos- 
sessed a  subtle  influence  which  defied  all  the  powers  which  till 
then  the  world  had  known.  It  rendered  obsolete  by  degrees 
the  things  of  which,  till  it  appeared,  mankind  had  been  most 
proud ;  and,  like  a  royal  conqueror,  dethroned  the  ancient  super- 
stitions, and  seated  itself  in  their  place.  All  that  belonged  to 
its  own  system  was  invincible  and  indestructible.  Like  God's 
air,  it  could  not  be  exhausted ;  like  God's  light,  it  could  not  be 
put  out.  Was  not  such  a  religion  nobly  divine  ?  What  else 
could  adequately  account  for  its  influence  ?  We  may  well 
adopt,  without  his  sneer,  the  conclusion  to  which  the  historian 
of  "  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  "  attributes  so 
surprising  a  result.  It  was  "  owing  to  the  convincing  evidence 
of  the  doctrine  itself,  and  to  the  ruling  providence  of  its  great 
Author." 

It  will  be  at  the  same  time  apparent  to  all  who  dwell,  even 

cursorily,  upon  the  pages  of  ecclesiastical  history  and  biography, 

how  large  a  mass  of  distinguished  virtues  are  here  exhibited  for 

the  admiration  of  the  world.     Granted,  as  it  may  well  be,  that 

31# 


866  CONCLUSION. 

these  were  seldom  without  alloy,  the  amount  of  pure  metal  is 
nevertheless  most  extraordinary.  Nothing  affords  a  resemblance 
but  Judaism  ;  even  it  is  not  worthy  to  be  regarded  as  a  parallel. 
Heathenism  looks  dark  and  contemptible  by  the  side  of  the  re- 
cital. Such  purity,  such  humility,  such  temperance,  such  patience, 
such  a  return  of  good  for  evil,  such  abandonment  of  selfish  and 
inferior  purposes,  such  contempt  of  suffering,  such  care  for 
afflicted  brethren,  such  large  beneficence,  such  zeal  to  promote 
what  was  regarded  as  true,  such  victory  over  death,  such  ener- 
getic confidence  in  a  world  to  come,  as  the  primitive  ages  of 
Christianity  set  forth,  have  no  earthly  resemblance.  In  the 
days  of  their  best  manifestation,  they  dared  heathenism  to  the 
comparison,  and  it  shrank  before  the  challenge. 

Nor  is  it  less  manifest  to  what  doctrines  and  influences  such 
magnificent  results  were  attributable.  The  earliest  histories  of 
the  church  are  full  of  heretical  tendencies  ;  it  was  not  among 
these  that  such  high  virtues  were  mainly  conspicuous.  They 
furnished  few  heroes,  few  martyrs.  The  illustrious  and  the  holy 
were  those  who  held  the  natural  corruption  of  the  human  heart ; 
its  dependence,  for  renovation,  on  the  sanctifying  power  of  God's 
Holy  Spirit ;  the  atonement  of  the  Lord  Jesus  as  the  source  of 
all  true  justification,  and  the  Divinity  which  gave  value  to  the 
sufferer  and  to  his  work;  those,  in  short,  who  held  that  God's 
grace  made,  and  God's  grace  maintained,  the  inward  power  of 
the  Christian  life. 

Equally  apparent  is  it  that,  as  these  truths  diminished  and 
declined,  the  power  of  Christianity  departed  in  corresponding 
pi'oportion.  When  human  philosophy  interposed  its  mere  intel- 
lectual wisdom  ;  when  the  exploded  Judaism  returned  with  its 
mystic  subtleties ;  when,  instead  of  a  devout  and  humble  de- 
pendence on  the  Divine  Spirit  as  the  source  of  all,  men  turned 
to  an  external  organization  and  mechanical  appliances  ;  and 
when,  as  if  th oy  had  just  found  the  secret  of  holding  the  earthly 
without  rnnnancing  the  heavenly,  religion  began  to  grow  into 
a  human  and  sacerdotal  system,  —  Christianity  declined.     In  so 


CONCLUSION.  3()7 

corrupted  an  atmosphere  it  could  no  longer  breathe.     We  see  it 
already  sickening.     Its  death-knell  was  near  ! 

It  will  not,  we  hope,  be  without  its  uses,  to  remind  the  reader 
that  the  commencement  of  this  fatal  change  had  taken  place 
before  the  period  of  history  with  which  our  volume  conclude,-;. 
He  who  would  have  religion  pure  must  drink  from  the  fountain 
alone.  The  Christianity  of  the  fourth,  eve^i  of  the  third  cen- 
tury, was  already  a  corrupted  stream.  If  the  argument  from 
antiquity  have  any  value,  it  is  when  it  aids  us  to  appeal  from 
the  ancient  church  of  Tertullian's  or  Cyprian's  days  to  a  still 
earlier  period  —  to  that  of  the  disciples  and  apostles  of  the 
Lord  themselves.  We  need  not  go  to  the  post-Nicene  church 
for  rubrics  and  relics ;  for  reverence  to  martyrs,  and  the  opus 
operatum  of  sacerdotal  assumptions.  Before  that  time  the 
"  fine  gold  had  become  dim.  "  The  corruption  of  the  church  is 
not  alone  due  to  the  Papacy.  "  Perilous  times  "  had  dawned 
upon  it  before  the  Eishop  of  Rome  claimed  a  universal  spiritual 
authority  over  its  aifairs. 

This  last  fact  is  of  great  importance,  and  it  has  not  always 
received  the  attention  it  deserves.  "  Decipimur  specie  recti ;" 
the  appearance  of  truth  often  stands  instead  of  its  reality.  It 
is  no  favorable  leaning  towards  the  Church  of  Rome  which 
prompts  the  remark  that  it  has  had  much  attributed  to  it  which 
it  deserves  only  because  it  has  adopted  and  sanctioned  it.  We 
yawn,  and  laugh,  and  grieve  by  turns,  at  the  marvels  to  which 
Romanism  gives  currency ;  yet  most  of  the  miraculous  stories 
which  stimulate  the  wonder  without  deepening  the  devotion  of 
Roman  Catholics,  have  a  much  earlier  origin  than  the  Papacy. 
We  scorn  the  hooded  and  ignorant  "  trumpery "  of  modern 
"  monks,  eremites  and  friars  ;"  yet,  before  the  close  of  the  third 
century,  asceticism  had  become  in  vogue  to  the  destruction  of 
virtue ;  and  it  was  not  long  after  this  volume  closes  that  monkery 
set  up  in  the  person  of  Symeon  Stylites  the  triumphal  statue 
of  its  living  man  openly  commemorating  a  dead  Christianity. 
We  abjure,  as  the  parent  of  more  evils  than  ran  be  named,  or 
even  thought  of,  the  doctrine  of  the  celibate ;  yet  long  before 


368  CONCLUSION. 

the  Papacy  priests  began  to  abjure  their  wives,  and  the  celibacy 
of  the  clergy  was  regarded  as  most  important,  though  not  yet 
enforced  by  positive  law.  In  the  ante-Nicene  period  sin  was 
reo-arded  much  more  in  its  overt  demonstrations  than  in  its 
spiritual  destructiveness;  repentance  had  degenerated  into  pen- 
ance ;  regeneration  into  baptism  ;  justification  by  faith  into  — 
just  what  the  ninetieth  number  of  "  The  Tracts  for  the  Times" 
declares  it  to  be ;  and  sanctification  was  lost  in  the  names  of 
sacred  persons,  sacred  things,  and  sacred  places.  All  this  was 
before  the  Papacy  had  begun  to  blazon  its  triple  crown,  or  to 
set  its  feet  upon  the  necks  of  kings. 

The  consequences  of  these  doctrines  and  these  practices  be- 
came, before  the  fourth  century  of  Christianity  had  begun,  only 
too  apparent.  But,  at  the  commencement  of  the  fifth,  a  pres- 
byter of  Marseilles,  named  Salvian,  himself  separated  from  his 
wife,  a  contemporary  of  Jerome,  Cyril,  Vincent  of  Lerins, 
Augustine,  Theodoret,  Socrates  and  Sozomen,  gives  a  picture  of 
the  state  of  the  church  not  to  be  contemplated  without  horror. 
By  that  time  the  seeds  which  we  have  seen  already  sown 
had  ripened  into  plants  full  of  all  poisonous  and  deadly  influ- 
ences. 

"  Who  is  there,"  he  asks,  with  honest  indignation,  "  who  is  not 
rolling  in  the  mire  of  fornication  ?  And  what  more  ?  What  I 
am  about  to  state  is  grave  and  mournful.  The  very  church  of 
God,  which  ought  in  all  things  to  please  God,  —  what  does  it  but 
provoke  Him  to  anger?  With  the  exception  of  a  very  few,  who 
fly  from  vice,  what  is  almost  every  Christian  congregation,  but  a 
sink  of  vices?  For  you  will  find  in  the  church  scarcely  one 
who  is  not  either  a  drunkard,  or  a  glutton,  or  an  adulterer,  or  a 
fornicator,  or  a  ravisher,  or  a  robber,  or  a  manslayer,  and,  what 
is  worse  than  all,  almost  all  these  without  limit.  I  put  it  now 
to  the  consciences  of  all  Christian  people,  whether  it  be  not  so 
that  you  will  barely  find  one  who  is  not  addicted  to  some  of  the 
vices  and  crimes  I  have  mentioned  ;  or  rather  who  is  it  that  is 
not  guilty  of  all  ?  Truly  you  will  more  easily  find  the  man  who 
is  guilty  of  all  than  one  who  is  guilty  of  none.     As  to  this 


CONCLUSION.  369 

none  —  mj  imputations,  perhaps,  may  seem  too  serious;  I  will 
go  further;  — sooner  will  you  find  those  chargeable  with  every 
crime  than  not  chargeable  with  all ;  sooner  those  addicted  to 
the  greatest  crimes  than  those  guilty  of  the  less.  I  mean  to  say 
that  more  are  living  in  the  perpetration  of  the  greater  as  well 
as  of  the  lighter  vices  than  of  the  lighter  alone.  Into  this 
shameless  dissoluteness  of  manners  is  nearly  the  entire  ecclesi- 
astical mass  so  sunk  that,  throughout  the  Christian  communitj-, 
it  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  species  of  sanctity  if  one  is  a 
little  less  vicious  than  others."  ^ 

And  is  this  the  Christianity  to  which,  with  all  the  power  of 
influence  and  fascinating  ritual,  we  are  invited  to  return  ?  There 
are  passages  in  the  history  of  the  modern  evangelical  church 
which  are  gloomy  and  distressing.  But  there  is  surely  a  deeper 
death  beyond.  Not  for  this  will  the  true  church  be  contented 
to  let  its  religion  go  ! 

It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  those  who  would  preserve 
the  church  should  guard  with  the  most  vigilant  care  its  doctrinal 
purity  and  its  inward  life. 

Above  all,  let  us  remember  that  the  true  ecclesiastical  doc- 
trine is  the  reverse  of  that  we  have  seen  avowed  by  some  of 
those  who  lived  late  in  the  period  of  which  we  have  written. 
Instead  of  the  dogma,  —  questionable  because  a  nominal  reli- 
gion is  often  grossly  deceptive,  —  "  Ubi  Ecclesia,  ibi  Spiritus  "  — 
"  Where  the  church  is,  there  is  the  Spirit,"  let  us  read  the  motto 
reversed,  "Ubi  Spiritus,  ibi  Ecclesia"— "  Where  the  Spirit  is, 
there  is  the  church."  And  be  it  the  concern  of  Christ's  true 
disciples  to  contend  for  what  Dr.  Merle  (D'Aubigne)  calls  the 
three  onlys  : 

"  The  Word  of  God  only  ; 
The  Grace  of  Christ  only  ; 
The  Work  of  the  Spirit  only  !  " 

*  Quoted  in  Taylor's  Ancient  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  p.  41. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


Tiberius. 

A.D.  37. 

Caligula. 
A.  D.  41. 


Claudius. 


A.  D.  54. 


Nero. 


A.  D.  68. 

Galba. 
A.  D.  69. 

Otho. 

Titellius. 


secular  events. 


Philo'ri  deputation  from  Alex-  > 
andria ' 


f  Herod  Agrippa  restored. 
Herod's     death.       Claudius  } 

visits  Britain 5 

Cuspius  Fadus  Governor  of  ) 
Judiea 3 

Caractacus  prisoner  at  Rome  . 


Britannicus  poisoned    .... 

Agrippina  put  to  death  •  •   •  f 
Suetonius    Paulinus    defeats  > 

Britons ) 

Boadicea  defeats  Romans  .  .    . 


Conflagration  at  Rome  .... 

Vespasian  commences  Jewish  ? 
war 5 


ECCLESIASTICAL    EVENTS. 


Pentecost. 

Peter  and  John  visit  Samaria. 

Conversion  of  Paul. 


Paul  and  Barnabas  at  Antioch. 


Famine  at  Jerusalem,  a.d.  44. 

Paul's  first  missionary  journey. 

C  Paul   and  Barnabas   at  Jeru- 
l      salem,  a.  d.  52. 
Paul's    second  missionary  jour- 
ney. 
First    and  Second    Epistle   to 
Thessalonians. 


<  Paul's  third  missionary  jour- 

l    uey- 

C  Epistle  to  Galatians.    First 

<  Epistle    to   Corinthians  — 
(     to  Romans. 

Paul  brought  to  Rome,  a.  d.  61. 

Epistle  to  Ephesians  —  Philip- 
pians  —  Colossians  —  Phile- 
mon. Close  of  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  A.  D.  63. 

Paul  liberated,  a.  d.  K 
Christian  persecution. 

C  First   Epistle    to    Timothy. 

<  Epistle  to  Titus.    Second 
i     Epistle  to  Timothy. 

C  Peter  and  Paul  executed,  a.  d. 
)      66,  67. 


First 


James  beheaded,  a.  d.  69. 


372 


CHRONOLOGICAL     TABLE. 


EMPBKORS. 


SECULAK  EVENTS. 


A.D.  70. 

Vespasian. 
A.D.  79. 

Titus. 
A.D.  81. 

DOMITIAN. 

A.D.  96. 

Nerva. 
A.D.  98. 

Trajan  . 

A.D.  117. 

Hadrian. 

A.D.  138. 

Antoninus 
Pius. 

A.D.  161. 

M.  AURELIUS. 

A.D.  180. 

COMMODUS. 

A.D.  193. 

S.  Severus. 

A.D.  211. 

Geta.  ' 

Caracalla. 5 

A.  D.  217. 

MACRINUa. 

A.  D.  218. 

Elacaealus. 


f  Jerusalem  destroyed,  A.D.  70. 
I  Great  pestilence  at  Rome. 

C  Herculanemn  and  Pompeii  de- 
l     stroyed. 


ECCLESIASTICAL    EVENTS. 


!  Trajan  subdues  the  Dacians 
PUny's  letter  to  Trajan,  a.  d. 
110 •    • 
Insurrection  of  Jews  in  Cy- 
(_     rene 

(  Hadrian's  wall  buUt. 

\  Trajan  visits  Greece,  A.  D.  124 

/Jerusalem  rebuilt,  A.  D.  132. 


Epistles  of  John. 


C  Chi-istian  persecution,  a.  d.  91 
)  Banishment  of  John,  a.  d.  95. 


f  John  writes  Apocalypse   and 
)      Gospel. 


John  dies. 

lartyrdom  of  Ignatius,   A.  d 
116. 


■  "Wall  of  Antoninus  in  Britain. 


War  with  Marcomanni .  . 


(  Saracens  defeat  Romans. 
i  Marcia 


Quadratus'  Apology. 


Justin's  first  Apology,  A.  D.  148. 
Polycarp  visits  Rome.     Tertul- 
Uan  born. 


Polycarp's  martyrdom,  A.  D.  167. 
Justin's    second    Apology,    and 

martyrdom. 
Hernias  ?  Hegesippus, 
C  Martyrdom  of  Pothinus  —  Ta- 
l     tian. 

Persecution      at      Lyons      and 
Yienne. 


Callistus.    Clemens  of  Alexan- 
dria died. 


C  Byzantium     besieged      and  > 
I      taken    5 

L  Severus  visits  Britain. 
Geta  murdered,  A.  d.  212. 


Mm 


Fifth  persecution  of  Christians. 
Minucius  Felix. 


Tei'tullian  —  Zephyrinus. 
Origen  flourished. 


CHRONOLOGICAL     TABLE. 


^73 


A.  D.  222. 


Alexander  ? 
Severus.  S 


A.  D.  235. 


gordian  i. 
gordian  ii. 

pcpienus. 
Balbinits. 

GORDIAN  in, 


SECULAR   EVENTS. 


A.  D.  244. 

Philip  the 
Arabian.  . 

A.  D.  249. 

Decius. 

A.D.  251. 

Gallus. 
A.  D.  254. 

iEMILIAN. 

Valerun. 
A.  D.  260. 


Gallienus. 
A.  D.  268. 

Claudius  n. 
A.  D.  270. 

AUBELLAN. 

A.  D.  275. 

Tacitus. 
A.  D.  276. 

Probus.         ' 

, ^ 


Tribute  paid  by  Rome  to  Goths. 


Dacians  and  Sarmatians  de-  i 
feated.  ' 


Gordian  II.  defeats  Persians. 


■  Secular  games  celebrated  at ' 
.    Rome.  ; 


ECCLESIASTICAL   EVENTS. 


HippolytUB  Bishop  of  Portus. 

Sixth  persecution. 
Origen  dies,  A.  D.  254. 


Goths  invade  Mcesia. 


Goths  defeated  by  Claudius. 
Zenobia  defeated.    ■ 


C  Christians  in  favor  at  court. 
I  Cyprian  elected  bishop. 


C  Seventh  persecution. 
^  Cornelius.  —  Novatus. 
f  Novatian. 


Stephen  Bishop  of  Rome. 


Eighth     persecution.  —  Cyprian 

and  Lawrence  slain. 
Christianity  tolerated. 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria. 
Paul  of  Samosata. 


C  Ninth  persecution. 

I  Gregory  Thaumaturgus. 


32 


374 


CHRONOLOGICAL     TABLE 


EMPEKOES. 

SECULAR   EVENTS. 

ECCLESIASTICAL   EVENTS. 

A.  D.  282. 
Carus. 

Caius,  Bishop  of  Rome. 

A.  D.  284. 

Diocletian  ^ 

AND         > 

Maximin.     } 

Irruption  of  northern  nations. 

Partition  of  empire,  a.  D.  292,1 
between  Galerius  and  Con- 

Tenth  persecution. 

Alexandria   taken   by  Diocle- 
tian   

A.  D.  304. 

Galerius  1 

AND          1 

CONSTAN-     1 
TIUS. 

- 

Porphyry 

A. D.  306. 

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By  Louis  Agabsiz  and  Augustus  A.  Gould.      Revised  edition.    12mo,. .  .cloth, 1,10 

"  This  work  places  us  in  possession  of  information  half  a  century  in  advance  of  all  our  ele.n*-- 
tary  works  on  this  suhject.  *  *  No  work  of  the  same  dimensions  has  ever  appeared  in  the 
English  language,  containing  so  much  new  and  valuable  information  on  the  subject  of  which  ^ 
Ijjats." — Prof.  James  IJall,  in  the  Albany  Journal. 

"A  work  emanating  from  so  high  a  source  hardly  requires  commendation  to  give  it  currency. 
rhe  volume  is  prepared  for  the  student  in  zoological  science :  it  is  simple  and  elementary  in  its 
(rtyle,  full  in  its  illustrations,  comprehensive  in  its  range,  yet  well  condensed,  and  brought  into  th« 
tMrrovf  compass  requisite  for  the  purpose  intended."— 5i7?Mnan'.«  Journal. 

-  The  work  m?y  safely  be  recommended  as  t^  •  best  book  of  the  kind  in  our  langaage."— CTkrw 
tian  Examiner. 

"  It  is  n.ot  a  mere  book,  but  a  work— a  real  work  in  the  form  of  a  book.  Zoology  is  an  int«6«tfa.« 
«5?nce.  and  here  is  treated  with  a  masterly  hand.  The  history,  anatomical  structure,  the  natiiit 
»nd  habits  of  numb-.Hess  animals,  are  described  in  clear  and  plain  language  and  illustnu«d  witfc 
Lanumerable  engravings.  It  is  a  work  adapted  to  coUeges  and  schools,  and  no  young  man  .nouM 
be  without  W— Scientific  American. 


PRINJIPLES   OF    ZOOLOGY,    PART    II.     Systematic  Zoology,  in  which  the  Prin 

c'ples    of  Classification  are  applied,  and  the  principal  groups  of  anunals  are  bneflj 

•     eharacterizod.     With  numerous  iUustrations.    12mo, l>n  preparaaon 


1  t\E  EARTH  AND  MAN  :  Lectures  on  Eompakative  Physical  Geography,  in  1*>* 
relation  to  the  History  of  Mankind.  By  Arnold  Guyot,  Professor  of  Physical  Geographr 
and  History,  Neuchatel  Translated  from  the  French,  by  Prof.  C.  C.  Felton,  with  illas- 
tratioQs.     Second  thousand.      12nio, cloth,.  .AM 

"  Thise  who  have  been  accustomed  to  regard  Geography  as  a  merely  descriptive  branch  of  learn- 
Log,  diier  than  the  remainder  biscuit  after  a  voyage,  will  be  delighted  to  find  this  hitherto  un- 
attractive pursuit  converted  into  a  science,  the  principles  of  which  are  definite  and  the  results 
eonelusive." — North  American  Review. 

"  The  grand  idea  of  the  work  is  happUy  expressed  by  the  author,  where  he  calls  u  the  geograph' 
isai  march  of  history.  Faith,  science,  learning,  poetry,  taste,  in  a  word,  genius  have  liber&Uy 
Bontributed  to  the  production  of  the  work  under  review.  Sometimes  we  feel  as  if  we  weps 
jjudyiflg  fc  treatise  on  the  exact  sciences ;  at  others,  it  strikes  the  ear  like  an  epic  poem.  Now  it 
feodi  like  history,  and  now  it  sounds  Uke  prophecy.  It  vdll  find  xeaders  in  whatever  IsngUAga 
U  may  be  pubUshed." — Christian  Examiner. 

"  The  work  is  one  of  high  merit,  exhibiting  a  wide  range  of  knowledge,  great  research,  and  a 
l^losophical  spirit  ol  investigation.  Its  perusal  will  well  repay  the  most  learned  in  such  subjest», 
end  give  n?w  views  to  all,  of  man's  relation  to  the  globe  he  inhabits." — SiUiman's  Jirumal. 

COMPARATIVE    PHYSICAL     AND     HISTORICAL    GEOGRAPHY;    or,  the 

Study  of  the  Earth  and  its  Inhabitants.     A  series  of  graduated  courses  for  the  use  of 
Schools.    By  Arnold  Guyot,  author  of  "  Earth  and  Man,"  etc. 

The  series  hereby  announced  wiU  consist  of  three  courses,  adapted  to  the  capacity  of  three  dif 
ferent  ages  and  periods  of  study.  The  first  is  intended  for  primary  schools,  and  for  children  of 
from  seven  to  ten  years.  The  second  is  adapted  for  higher  schools,  and  for  young  persous  of  from 
ten  to  fifteen  years.    The  third  is  to  be  used  as  a  scientific  manual  in  Academies  and  Colleges. 

Each  course  will  be  divided  into  two  parts,  one  of  purely  Physical  Geography,  the  other  for  Eth- 
nography, Statistics,  Pohtical  and  Historical  Geographj'.  Each  part  will  be  illustrated  by  a  colored 
Physical  and  Pohtical  Atlas,  prepared  expressly  for  this  purpose,  delineating,  with  the  greatest 
oare,  the  configuration  of  the  surface,  and  the  other  physical  phenomena  alluded  to  in  the  corres- 
ponding work,  the  distribution  of  the  races  of  men,  and  the  political  divisions  into  States,  4"C.,  ^x. 

The  two  parts  of  the  first  or  preparatory  course  are  now  in  a  forward  state  of  preparatir  n,  and 
will  be  issued  at  an  early  day. 

MURAL  MAPS:  a  series  of  elegant  colored  Maps,  exhibiting  the  Physical  Phenomena 
of  the  Globe.  Projected  on  a  large  scale,  and  intended  to  be  suspended  in  the  Recitation 
Room.    By  Arnold  Guyot. . . ., .[in  preparation] 

KITTO'S  POPULAR  CYCLOP/EDIA  OF  BIBLICAL  LITERATURE  Con- 
densed from  the  larger  work.  By  John  Kitto,  D.  D.,  F.  S.  A.,  author  of  "  The  Pictorai 
Bible,"  "History  and  Physical  Geography  of  Palestine,"  Editor  of  "The  Jo'irnal  of 
Sacred  Literature,"  etc.  Assisted  by  numerous  distinguished  Scholars  and  Diviaos 
British,  Continental  and  American.  With  numerous  illustrations.  One  volume, 
octavo,  812pp cloth. 3,09 

The  Popular  Biblical  Cyclopedia  of  Literature  is  designed  to  furnish  a  DiciioifAEr 
©r  THE  Bible,  embodying  the  products  of  the  best  and  most  recent  researches  in  Biblical  Liter' 
ature,  in  which  the  Scholars  of  Europe  and  America  have  been  engaged.  The  work,  the  resiU 
of  immer.se  labor  and  research,  and  eniiched  bv  the  contributions  of  writers  of  distinguished 
tminence  in  the  various  departments  of  Sacred  Literature,  —  has  been,  by  universal  coriscnt, 
pronounced  the  best  work  of  its  class  extant;  and  the  one  best  suited  to  the  advanced  knowlid^ 
tt  the  present  day  in  al.  the  studies  connected  with  Theological  Science. 

The  Cyclopaedia  of  Bibhcal  Literature  from  which  this  work  is  condensed  by  the  author,  u 
pnblished  in  two  volumes  rendering  it  about  twee  the  size  of  the  present  work,  and  is  intended, 
Mys  the  author,  more  particularly  for  Ministers  and  Theological  Students ;  while  the  Fm>ular 
dfclopcedia  is  intended  for  Parents,  Sabbath  School  Teachers,  and  the  great  body  of  the  religiouj 
public.  It  has  beer  the  author's  aim  to  avoid  imparting  to  the  work  any  color  ot  sectarian  ot 
ienoviinational  bias.  On  such  points  of  difi'erence  among  Christian",  the  Hitftorical  mode  ol 
treatment  has  been  adopted,  and  care  has  been  taken  to  provide  a  fair  account  of.  the  argument* 
which  have  seemtd  most  conclusive  to  the  ablest  advocates  of  the  various  opijiious.  The  Pictonu 
rhustratiojis  —  amounting  to  more  thai  three  hundred  —  are  of  the  very  "highest  order  of  i\«  k-*-    , 


ARVINES  CYCLOP/EDIA  OF  ANECDOTES  OF  LIT  ERATURE  AND  THI 
FINE  ARTS.  Containing  a  copiouf:  ai«^l  choice  selection  of  Anecdotes  of  tli« 
various  forms  of  Litera^are,  of  the  Arts,  of  Architecture.  Engravings,  Music, 
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and  Artists  of  different  countries  and  ages,  etc.  Elegantly  Illustrated. 
ITiis  is  a  most  amusing,  instructive  and  entertaining  work.    The  anecdotee  art 

Of  a  high  order,  and  of  such  wonderful  variety  as  to  furnish  something  of  iiit«rett 

fcr  every  class  of  readers,  upon  almost  every  possible  topic. 

Thi  Christian  Times  says,  "  The  work  will  be  one  of  rare  interest  to  the  scholar  and  to 
yae  general  reader.  It  is  illustrated  with  engravings,  and  finely  printed,  the  pages  resem  • 
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THE    POPULAR 
CTCIOP.EDIA  OF  BIBLICAL  LITERATURE. 

CONDENSED  FROM  THE  LARGER  WORK. 
By  JOHN   KITTO,   D.  D., 

lUTHOR  OF  "HISTORY  OF  PALESTINE,"  "DAILY  BIBLE   ILLUSTRATIONS,"  ETC. 
ASSISTED   BY    NUMEROUS   DISTINGUISHED    SCHOLARS    IN   EUROPE    AND    AMERICA. 

Octavo.    81^pp.     With  more  than  Three  Hundred  Illustrations.    Price,  cloth,  $3,00. 


Ihi  Popular  Biblical  Cyclopedia  of  Literature  is  designed  to  furnish  a  Dictiow- 
A»T  of  the  Bible,  embodying  the  products  of  the  best  and  most  recent  researciies  in  bib- 
lical literature,  in  which  the  scholars  of  Europe  and  America  have  been  engaged.  The 
work,  the  result  of  immense  labor  and  research,  and  enriched  by  tlie  contributions  of  wntera 
of  distinguished  eminence  in  the  various  departments  of  sacred  literature,  has  been,  by 
universal  consent,  pronounced  the  best  work  of  its  dass  extant,  and  the  one  best  suited  to 
the  advanced  knowledge  of  the  present  day  in  all  the  studies  connected  with  theological 
science. 

This  work,  condensed  by  the  author  from  his  larger  work  in  two  volumes,  is  not  only  in- 
tended for  ministers  and  theological  students,  but  is  also  particularly  adapted  to  parents, 
Sabbath-school  teachers,  and  the  great  body  of  the  religious  public.  It  has  been  the  autlior'a 
aim  to  avoid  imparting  to  the  work  any  color  of  sectarian  or  denominational  bias.  On  such 
points  of  difference  among  Christians,  the  historical  mode  of  treatment  has  been  adopted, 
and  care  has  been  taken  to  provide  a  fair  account  of  the  arguments  which  have  seemed 
most  conclusive  to  the  ablest  advocates  of  the  various  opinions.  The  pictorial  illustra^ 
tiona  —  amounl  ng  to  more  than  tliree  hundred  —  ai'e  of  the  very  highest  order  of  the  art 

EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS. 

^0771  Rev.  J.  J.  Carmthers,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  Second  Parish  Cong.  Church,  Portland,  Me. 

By  far  the  most  valuable  boon  presented  to  the  Christian  public  for  many  years.  The 
condensation  of  the  work,  at  little  more  than  a  third  of  the  price,  is,  what  it  professes  to 
be,  a  condensation,  a  reduction,  not  of  ideas,  but  of  words,  without  in  the  slightest  degree 
obst  oring  the  meaning  of  the  gifted  authors. 

From  Rev.  Daniel  Sharp,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  Thira  Baptist  Church,  Boston. 
A  most  valuable,  as  it  was  a  much  needed,  publication.  Every  minister  ouglit  to  have  a 
copy  of  it  on  his  study  table.  As  a  book  of  reference,  shedding  its  collected  liglit  on  almost 
all  scriptural  subjects,  and  furnishing  a  brief,  but  clear  and  compendious  history  of  the  most 
remarkable  events  and  personages  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  it  cannot  fail  of  being  a  great 
help.  Every  lover  of  God's  word,  not  to  say  every  Sabbath-school  teacher,  and  every  theo- 
logical student,  will  find  treasures  of  information  in  the  above-named  work. 

From  Rev.  Joel  Hawes,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  First  Congregational  Church,  Hartford,  CL 
A  capital  work,  containing  a  vast  amount  of  information  on  a  great  variety  of  subjects. 
in  a  very  condensed,  yet  clear  and  interesting  form.     Ever>'  family  and  every  Sabbath-school 
teacher,  wishing  to  understand  the  Bible,  should  possess  this  work. 

From  Rev  W.  B.  Sprague,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  Second  Presbyterian  Church,  Mbany  JV.  T 
I  regard  it  as  the  most  Lmportant  auxiliary  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  among  the  greal 
mass  of  people,  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge.  Every  Sabbath-school  teacher,  a.id  indeed 
every  Christian,  who  is  able  to  do  so,  ought  to  possess  himself  of  the  work  ;  and  the  fact 
that  such  a  work  is  in  existence,  may  well  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  favorable  signs  of  the 
times  in  regard  to  the  progress  of  evangelical  knowledge. 

Frmn  Rev.  J.  B.  Watcrhury,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  Bowdoin  St.  (Congregational)  Church,  Boston 
It  is  a  most  valuable  book,  suited  to  the  wants  of  clergymen,  and  well  adapted  to  aitf 
Sabbath-school  teachers  in  their  responsible  work.  Every  family  that  can  alFord  it,  would 
do  well  to  possess  themselves  of  so  important  and  interesting  a  volume  ;  to  which  tMey 
might  refer  r:  elucidating  the  Scriptures,  and  rendering  their  study  i>  nly  profittble  bul 
ielinhtfuL 


KITTO'a  (JYChOPMBIA   OF  BIBLICAI     .ITERATURE. 

Frovi  Rev,  E.  JV.  K~irk,  Pastor  of  Mouiit  Vernon  Congregational  Church,  Boston 

'I'he  work  is  invaluable  to  the  student  of  the  Bible.     We  have  no  other  in  this  depant 

m?nt  to  be  compared  with  it,  for  condensing  the  results  of  modern  researches  or  OrieniaJ 

antiquities  and  topography,  which  are  so  valuable  in  explaining  the  language  of  the  Bible. 

From  Hon.  Thomas  S.  Williams,  Hartford,  Ct. 
A  mass  of  information,  in  a  condensed  form,  highly  important  to  those  who  regard  tha 
■acred  volume ;  and  to  Sabbath-school  teachers  it  will  prove  a  most  valuable  assistant 

From  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D.,  Boston. 
1  bave  kept  it  on  my  table,  and  have  frequently  referred  to  it ;  and  it  has  been  a  good  deal 
read  by  different  members  of  my  family.  I  unite  with  them  in  the  opinion  that  it  is  a  val- 
uable work,  well  adapted  for  the  above-named  purpose.  It  appears  to  embody,  in  a  popu- 
lar form,  ihe  results  of  much  research,  and  will  promote,  I  doubt  not,  the  intelligent  raad- 
ing  of  tfca  Scriptures. 

From  Hon.  Oeorge  JV.  Briggs,  LL.  D.,  Pittsfield,  Mass. 
To  all  who  read  and  study  the  Bible  it  will  be  found  to  be  a  work  of  surpassing  interest 
and  utility.  In  families  and  in  the  hands  of  Sabbath-school  teachers,  its  value  and  impor- 
tance can  hardly  be  over-estimated.  Its  explanations  of  the  habits,  customs,  and  religious 
rites  of  the  Hebrews  and  the  surrounding  nations,  are  clear  and  important ;  and  the  light 
which  it  throws  upon  the  biography,  geography,  and  history  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment develops  in  those  inspired  volumes  new  beauties,  and  inspires  a  higher  admiration 
for  that  Book  of  books,  and  a  profounder  reverence  for  its  Divine  Author.  I  wish  there 
was  a  copy  of  it  in  every  family  in  the  land. 

From  Jared  Sparks,  LL.  D.,  President  of  Harvard  College. 
I  am  glad  to  possess  the  work ;  and  I  enclose  three  dollars,  which  I  understand  to  be  the 
price  of  it. 

From  Hon.  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  LL.  D.,  JVew  Brunswick,  J\r.  J. 
I  regard  it  as  a  very  valuable  help  to  the  student  of  the  Bible.  It  brings  to  the  aid  of  the 
reading  community,  in  an  instructive  and  condensed  form,  a  rich  treasure  of  historical  and 
biblical  literature,  prepared  and  arranged  by  some  of  the  best  minds,  and  which  could 
otherwise  be  gained  only  by  a  laborious  and  patient  research,  that  very  few  have  the  lei- 
sure to  give  to  the  subject.  No  family  would,  I  think,  ever  regret  the  purchase  of  a  book  so 
deserving  of  a  household  place. 

From  Hon.  John  McLean,  LL.  D.,  of  Ohio. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  look  through  this  volume  to  appreciate  its  value.  There  is  no  work 
I  have  seen  which  contains  so  much  biblical  knowledge,  alphabetically  arranged  under  ap- 
propriate  heads,  in  so  condensed  a  form,  and  which  is  sold  so  cheap.  Under  a  leadmg 
word  is  to  be  found  in  this  book,  whether  it  relate  to  natural  science  or  scriptural  illus- 
tration, enough  to  satisfy  every  inquirer.  Next  to  the  Bible,  this  dictionary  of  it  contains 
more  interesting  knowledge  than  any  work  of  the  same  size,  and  it  should  be  found  in  every 
tamily,  in  our  public  schools  as  well  as  in  all  our  academies  and  colleges. 

FVom  Hon.  Simon  Oreenleaf,  LL.  D. 

A  tiook  that  will  prove  highly  useful  to  all  persons  engaged  in  the  study  of  the  Btblff. 
f^  in  teaching  its  sacred  truths  to  the  young.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  it  will  be  widely 
drculated. 

From  Hon.  Robert  C.  TFinthrop,  LL.  D,,  Boston. 

1  have  examined  with  great  pleasure  your  edition  of  Kitto's  Popular  Cyclopaedia  of  Bibli- 
cal Literature.  It  seems  to  me  a  most  convenient  and  valuable  aid  to  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  I  am  glad  that  you  have  been  able  to  publish  it  at  so  reasonable  a  prie«- 
It  can  hardly  fail  to  commend  itself  to  those  who  would  teach,  and  to  those  who  would 
learn,  something  more  tlian  the  mere  letter  of  the  inspired  volume. 

From  Henry  J.  Ripley,  D.  D.,  Author  of"  J\n)tes  on  the  Scriptures,"  and  Professor  in  J^rtmUtn 
Theological  Institution. 
It  would  be  invaluable  to  Sabbath-school  teachers,  and  of  great  utility  to  preachers.  It 
every  where  shwws  evidence  of  research,  and  is  particular  and  accurate  in  its  details.  It 
employs  appropriate  authorities,  both  less  and  more  modern,  as  to  questions  of  sacred 
criticism,  of  history  and  geography,  and  gives  the  reader  tlie  resuUs  of  recent  learned  in- 
ircstigations     If  the  purpose  of  this  book  is  gained,  scriptural  knoicledge  vaill  he  incretutd 


Date  Due                         , 

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BW935.M61 

Memorials  of  early  Christianity. 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00073  3636 


